This dissertation identifies and explains the rhetorical strategies presidents engage in at the e... more This dissertation identifies and explains the rhetorical strategies presidents engage in at the end of war to remedy the problem created by the production and circulation of savage depictions of the enemy. By analyzing presidential rhetoric at the conclusion of World War II, Korea, Vietnam, and Afghanistan, this research demonstrates how presidents recivilize, transfer, erase, and distribute savage imagery, how those processes facilitate the closure of war, and how that rhetoric reconstitutes war as a permanent condition of American foreign policy
Hacked and leaked content has become a major source of information for the mainstream news, parti... more Hacked and leaked content has become a major source of information for the mainstream news, particularly in the years since Donald Trump snatched the official Republican presidential nomination in ...
President James Knox Polk is often lauded for his achievements as president, including the territ... more President James Knox Polk is often lauded for his achievements as president, including the territorial acquisition of the western portion of the nation. Critical attention to this legacy mostly focuses on his rhetorical strategy for putting the nation into war with Mexico. To date, no studies focus on Polk’s rhetorical strategy for ending the war. In this article, I examine Polk’s end-of-war rhetoric, attending to his rationalizations for exiting the war, his justification for resuming diplomatic relations with Mexico, and his identification of a new enemy requiring presidential and national attention. I argue that Polk’s pivot from Mexicans to Indians rhetorically transferred tropes of savagery to Indians, reenergized violence against Indians, and facilitated the institutionalization of management of Indian affairs via the creation of the Department of the Interior. I conclude that rhetorical critics should closely attend to the ways end-of-war rhetoric enables presidents to transi...
Scholars who study presidential rhetoric are increasingly interested in questions surrounding how... more Scholars who study presidential rhetoric are increasingly interested in questions surrounding how rhetoric circulates within particular discourse communities, its constitutive functions, and what logics of circulation imply for presidential attempts to engage in public persuasion. The signifıcance of this problem is amplifıed by the increasing speed at which messages are instantaneously disseminated across digital networks, the ever-partial, fragmented nature of presidential texts and the meaning divined from those texts, and the quotidian pressures of cultural exchange in an increasingly postmodern world. In the simplest terms, the scene for presidential speech has become overwhelmed by a glut of messages, the result of which manifests in a public sphere increasingly noted for its attention defıcit and inability to process even the simplest political debates. This altered scene poses a challenge for presidents and critics because presidential messages are more fragmented than ever, audience reception more partial, and the persuasive task of presidential speech near impossible. If the president’s job is to keep the public informed as to the affairs of the state and execute constitutional functions to build support for legislation and conduct foreign policy, as well as generate unity, remembrance, forgiveness, and legacies, then one wonders how such functions are accomplished in a world of utter fragmentation. In this essay, I argue that presidential scholars lag behind disciplinary trends and need to better conceive of the problem of fragmentation of
When Ronald Reagan announced his desire for a Federal program dedicated to promoting democracy ab... more When Ronald Reagan announced his desire for a Federal program dedicated to promoting democracy abroad, no one expected that program would grow into a $100 billion industry. This essay argues that the use of light=dark, sea, and disease metaphors animated the production of the democracy promotion industry, metaphors that built upon preexisting cultural enthymemes related to insecurity, American exceptionalism, and the U.S. role in navigating the dangers of the international. This case study suggests that presidents turn to metaphor because they recognize the power of metaphor, the ability of metaphor to connect public policy to common conceptions of America, and the difficulty opponents have in countering metaphorical depictions. Just before leaving office, President George W. Bush noted that democracy promotion had become a ''growth industry,'' suggesting the United States would continue to spend billions to promote, assist, and consolidate democracies across the globe. 1 Democracy promotion and its continued success represents an anomaly as public support for the foreign aid budget has always been tenuous and short lived. 2 Moreover, the appearance and protection of democracy promotion budgets is a relatively new phenomenon. While presidents have emphasized the promotion of democracy since at least World War I, prior to Ronald Reagan's administration, the United States had essentially no program designed to promote the institutions of democracy, encouraging democracy abroad was not considered a core strategic mission of the United States, and promotion efforts existed in piecemeal form in
President James Knox Polk is often lauded for his achievements as president, including the territ... more President James Knox Polk is often lauded for his achievements as president, including the territorial acquisition of the western portion of the nation. Critical attention to this legacy mostly focuses on his rhetorical strategy for putting the nation into war with Mexico. To date, no studies focus on Polk's rhetorical strategy for ending the war. In this article, I examine Polk's end-ofwar rhetoric, attending to his rationalizations for exiting the war, his justifıcation for resuming diplomatic relations with Mexico, and his identifıcation of a new enemy requiring presidential and national attention. I argue that Polk's pivot from Mexicans to Indians rhetorically transferred tropes of savagery to Indians, reenergized violence against Indians, and facilitated the institutionalization of management of Indian affairs via the creation of the Department of the Interior. I conclude that rhetorical critics should closely attend to the ways end-of-war rhetoric enables presidents to transition from one enemy to another while reaping institutional benefıts.
S cholars who study presidential rhetoric are increasingly interested in questions surrounding ho... more S cholars who study presidential rhetoric are increasingly interested in questions surrounding how rhetoric circulates within particular discourse communities, its constitutive functions, and what logics of circulation imply for presidential attempts to engage in public persuasion. 1 The signifıcance of this problem is amplifıed by the increasing speed at which messages are instantaneously disseminated across digital networks, the ever-partial, fragmented nature of presidential texts and the meaning divined from those texts, and the quotidian pressures of cultural exchange in an increasingly postmodern world. 2 In the simplest terms, the scene for presidential speech has become overwhelmed by a glut of messages, the result of which manifests in a public sphere increasingly noted for its attention defıcit and inability to process even the simplest political debates. 3 This altered scene poses a challenge for presidents and critics because presidential messages are more fragmented than ever, audience reception more partial, and the persuasive task of presidential speech near impossible. If the president's job is to keep the public informed as to the affairs of the state and execute constitutional functions to build support for legislation and conduct foreign policy, as well as generate unity, remembrance, forgiveness, and legacies, then one wonders how such functions are accomplished in a world of utter fragmentation.
Co-edited volume that expands and amplifies methods for studying presidential communication in th... more Co-edited volume that expands and amplifies methods for studying presidential communication in the modern era.
This dissertation identifies and explains the rhetorical strategies presidents engage in at the e... more This dissertation identifies and explains the rhetorical strategies presidents engage in at the end of war to remedy the problem created by the production and circulation of savage depictions of the enemy. By analyzing presidential rhetoric at the conclusion of World War II, Korea, Vietnam, and Afghanistan, this research demonstrates how presidents recivilize, transfer, erase, and distribute savage imagery, how those processes facilitate the closure of war, and how that rhetoric reconstitutes war as a permanent condition of American foreign policy
Hacked and leaked content has become a major source of information for the mainstream news, parti... more Hacked and leaked content has become a major source of information for the mainstream news, particularly in the years since Donald Trump snatched the official Republican presidential nomination in ...
President James Knox Polk is often lauded for his achievements as president, including the territ... more President James Knox Polk is often lauded for his achievements as president, including the territorial acquisition of the western portion of the nation. Critical attention to this legacy mostly focuses on his rhetorical strategy for putting the nation into war with Mexico. To date, no studies focus on Polk’s rhetorical strategy for ending the war. In this article, I examine Polk’s end-of-war rhetoric, attending to his rationalizations for exiting the war, his justification for resuming diplomatic relations with Mexico, and his identification of a new enemy requiring presidential and national attention. I argue that Polk’s pivot from Mexicans to Indians rhetorically transferred tropes of savagery to Indians, reenergized violence against Indians, and facilitated the institutionalization of management of Indian affairs via the creation of the Department of the Interior. I conclude that rhetorical critics should closely attend to the ways end-of-war rhetoric enables presidents to transi...
Scholars who study presidential rhetoric are increasingly interested in questions surrounding how... more Scholars who study presidential rhetoric are increasingly interested in questions surrounding how rhetoric circulates within particular discourse communities, its constitutive functions, and what logics of circulation imply for presidential attempts to engage in public persuasion. The signifıcance of this problem is amplifıed by the increasing speed at which messages are instantaneously disseminated across digital networks, the ever-partial, fragmented nature of presidential texts and the meaning divined from those texts, and the quotidian pressures of cultural exchange in an increasingly postmodern world. In the simplest terms, the scene for presidential speech has become overwhelmed by a glut of messages, the result of which manifests in a public sphere increasingly noted for its attention defıcit and inability to process even the simplest political debates. This altered scene poses a challenge for presidents and critics because presidential messages are more fragmented than ever, audience reception more partial, and the persuasive task of presidential speech near impossible. If the president’s job is to keep the public informed as to the affairs of the state and execute constitutional functions to build support for legislation and conduct foreign policy, as well as generate unity, remembrance, forgiveness, and legacies, then one wonders how such functions are accomplished in a world of utter fragmentation. In this essay, I argue that presidential scholars lag behind disciplinary trends and need to better conceive of the problem of fragmentation of
When Ronald Reagan announced his desire for a Federal program dedicated to promoting democracy ab... more When Ronald Reagan announced his desire for a Federal program dedicated to promoting democracy abroad, no one expected that program would grow into a $100 billion industry. This essay argues that the use of light=dark, sea, and disease metaphors animated the production of the democracy promotion industry, metaphors that built upon preexisting cultural enthymemes related to insecurity, American exceptionalism, and the U.S. role in navigating the dangers of the international. This case study suggests that presidents turn to metaphor because they recognize the power of metaphor, the ability of metaphor to connect public policy to common conceptions of America, and the difficulty opponents have in countering metaphorical depictions. Just before leaving office, President George W. Bush noted that democracy promotion had become a ''growth industry,'' suggesting the United States would continue to spend billions to promote, assist, and consolidate democracies across the globe. 1 Democracy promotion and its continued success represents an anomaly as public support for the foreign aid budget has always been tenuous and short lived. 2 Moreover, the appearance and protection of democracy promotion budgets is a relatively new phenomenon. While presidents have emphasized the promotion of democracy since at least World War I, prior to Ronald Reagan's administration, the United States had essentially no program designed to promote the institutions of democracy, encouraging democracy abroad was not considered a core strategic mission of the United States, and promotion efforts existed in piecemeal form in
President James Knox Polk is often lauded for his achievements as president, including the territ... more President James Knox Polk is often lauded for his achievements as president, including the territorial acquisition of the western portion of the nation. Critical attention to this legacy mostly focuses on his rhetorical strategy for putting the nation into war with Mexico. To date, no studies focus on Polk's rhetorical strategy for ending the war. In this article, I examine Polk's end-ofwar rhetoric, attending to his rationalizations for exiting the war, his justifıcation for resuming diplomatic relations with Mexico, and his identifıcation of a new enemy requiring presidential and national attention. I argue that Polk's pivot from Mexicans to Indians rhetorically transferred tropes of savagery to Indians, reenergized violence against Indians, and facilitated the institutionalization of management of Indian affairs via the creation of the Department of the Interior. I conclude that rhetorical critics should closely attend to the ways end-of-war rhetoric enables presidents to transition from one enemy to another while reaping institutional benefıts.
S cholars who study presidential rhetoric are increasingly interested in questions surrounding ho... more S cholars who study presidential rhetoric are increasingly interested in questions surrounding how rhetoric circulates within particular discourse communities, its constitutive functions, and what logics of circulation imply for presidential attempts to engage in public persuasion. 1 The signifıcance of this problem is amplifıed by the increasing speed at which messages are instantaneously disseminated across digital networks, the ever-partial, fragmented nature of presidential texts and the meaning divined from those texts, and the quotidian pressures of cultural exchange in an increasingly postmodern world. 2 In the simplest terms, the scene for presidential speech has become overwhelmed by a glut of messages, the result of which manifests in a public sphere increasingly noted for its attention defıcit and inability to process even the simplest political debates. 3 This altered scene poses a challenge for presidents and critics because presidential messages are more fragmented than ever, audience reception more partial, and the persuasive task of presidential speech near impossible. If the president's job is to keep the public informed as to the affairs of the state and execute constitutional functions to build support for legislation and conduct foreign policy, as well as generate unity, remembrance, forgiveness, and legacies, then one wonders how such functions are accomplished in a world of utter fragmentation.
Co-edited volume that expands and amplifies methods for studying presidential communication in th... more Co-edited volume that expands and amplifies methods for studying presidential communication in the modern era.
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