Papers by Robert Hitchcock
World Journal of Agriculture and Soil Science, 2019
Virtually all hunters and gatherers in Africa today not only depend on foraging for their livelih... more Virtually all hunters and gatherers in Africa today not only depend on foraging for their livelihoods but they also engage in food production and trade of domestic crops, livestock, and other resources. Many of them also take part in various kinds of work for other people in exchange for cash, food, and other goods. Drawing on case studies from western, central, eastern, and southern Africa, this paper assesses the causes and consequences of the shifts from hunting and gathering to agriculture, pastoralism, and small-scale business activities. Today, there are few ‘isolated hunter-gatherers’ who depend completely on foraging and are not enmeshed in the global, national, and local socioeconomic systems. Climate change, globalization, and the expansion of markets are leading to significant changes in local subsistence and livelihood strategies. These and other factors are also contributing to an expansion of innovative efforts to cope with the many serious challenges facing Africa’s indigenous peoples.
Human Nature, 2019
There has been a long-standing debate about the roles of San in the militaries of southern Africa... more There has been a long-standing debate about the roles of San in the militaries of southern Africa and the prevalence of violence among the Ju/'hoansi and other San people. The evolutionary anthropology and social anthropological debates over the contexts in which violence and warfare occurs among hunters and gatherers are considered, as is the "tribal zone theory" of warfare between states and indigenous people. This paper assesses the issues that arise from these discussions, drawing on data from San in Angola, Namibia, Botswana, and Zimbabwe. Utilizing cases of how San have been affected by military forces and wildlife conservation agencies in what became protected areas in southern Africa, this article shows that indigenous peoples have been treated differentially by state and nongovernmental organizations involved in anti-poaching, shoot-to-kill, and forced resettlement policies. Particular emphasis is placed on the !Xun and Khwe San of southern Angola and northern Namibia and the Tshwa San of western Zimbabwe and northern Botswana, who have been impacted by militarization and coercive conservation efforts since the late nineteenth century. Principal conclusions are that conservation and militarization efforts have led to a reduction in land and resources available to indigenous people, higher levels of poverty, increased socioeconomic stratification, and lower levels of physical well-being. San have responded to these trends by engaging in social activism, forming community-based institutions, and pursuing legal actions aimed at obtaining human rights and equitable treatment.
One of the enduring historical mysteries of the Kalahari Desert of Southern Africa is that of the... more One of the enduring historical mysteries of the Kalahari Desert of Southern Africa is that of the disappearance of two Royal Air Force cadets during the Second World War. Eight Tshwa San (Bushmen) were arrested and tried for the murder of the flyers. The trial took place in the High Court of the Bechuanaland Protectorate (BP) in September to October, 1944, and resulted in a verdict of not guilty. Despite their exoneration, repercussions followed for the San. These included the resettlement of those who had been acquitted and their families, followed by the intentional displacement of hundreds of other Tshwa San from their traditional homelands in the Northern Crown Lands region of Bechuanaland. This paper explores the circumstances under which
the RAF flyers disappeared and assesses the complex interactions among the San, the Bamangwato, and the British in 1943 and the years following. It also
addresses the colonial perceptions, prejudices, and cultural misunderstandings that led to the large-scale displacement and the impacts of these events on
Southern African peoples and states.
Robert K Hitchcock Curriculum Vitae
Ostrich eggshell bead production has received considerable attention in the anthropological, arch... more Ostrich eggshell bead production has received considerable attention in the anthropological, archaeological, and, to a lesser extent, the development literature. This is in part because beads are seen as significant: 1) symbolically (indicating ornamentation and signalling of identity and self-awareness), 2) socially (bead exchange is a way of tying individuals together and facilitating access to resources in other areas), 3) medically (ostrich eggshell and other ostrich products are used in healing), and 4) economically (ostrich eggshell products, when sold, generate income, especially for poor San and Bakgalagadi women in the Kalahari many of whom have relatively few other reliable ways of making money). After a brief assessment of the ways in which ostriches and ostrich eggs are obtained and utilised, the production of ostrich eggshell beads is examined. Next, the exchange and sale of ostrich eggshell bead products is evaluated, with particular attention paid to gift-giving, and the customary practice of hxaro exchange among Ju/'hoan San. Reciprocal exchange systems serve to even out distributions of valued goods, and they facilitate the dispersal of access rights to critical land and water resources over extensive areas. Finally, contemporary constraints on the obtaining, manufacture, and use of ostrich eggshell products by San and Bakgalagadi women are cited, including the limitations imposed by a 1994 Botswana government policy on ostriches and ostrich products.
The history of the Hai//om and the Ju/'hoansi San of Namibia over the past century has been a con... more The history of the Hai//om and the Ju/'hoansi San of Namibia over the past century has been a constant series of challenges-from the state, the environments in which they live, and from their San and non-San neighbors. Both Hai//om and Ju/'hoansi experienced removals from their ancestral lands in the 20 th and 21 st centuries at the hands of the colonial and post-colonial states. More recently, they have had to cope with incursions of other groups moving into what remained of their traditional areas.
Practicing Anthropology, 2003
... By Mary S. Willis and Robert K. Hitchcock For nearly two decades, Lincoln, Nebraska has serve... more ... By Mary S. Willis and Robert K. Hitchcock For nearly two decades, Lincoln, Nebraska has served as a refugee resettlement site for programs ad-ministered by the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR), a division of the Administration for Children and Families, within the US ...
Before Farming, 2007
On December 13 th , 2006, the San and Bakgalagadi of the Central Kalahari Game Reserve won an imp... more On December 13 th , 2006, the San and Bakgalagadi of the Central Kalahari Game Reserve won an important legal victory in the High Court of Botswana after a long and expensive legal case. The decisions of the three High Court judges guaranteed that people who had been removed from their ancestral territories in the Central Kalahari would be allowed the right of return, and they would be able to gather and hunt as long as they had subsistence hunting licences. The attorney general of the Government of Botswana ruled that people returning to the reserve would not be allowed access to services, including schools, health posts, and water facilities.
While there is evidence of discontinuities in the sequences of some archaeological sites that exh... more While there is evidence of discontinuities in the sequences of some archaeological sites that exhibit long-term occupation and use over time in southern Africa, there is less evidence of such discontinuity in the ethnographic record. Drawing on long-term interdisciplinary studies of southern African peoples in the Kalahari Desert, this paper examines the evidence of discontinuities in the historical and ethnographic records. Attention is focused primarily on two southern African San populations for which detailed dia-chronic data exist: (1) the Ju/'hoansi of northwestern Kalahari, and (2) the !Xóõ San of the southwestern Kalahari region of Botswana and Namibia. From an ethnographer's perspective it might at first appear as though there was a fair amount of continuity in the Kalahari. It is shown, however, that there have been complex changes over time in the period from 1850 to the present, which occurred as a result of a combination of factors, including short-term and long-term ecological changes, in-migration and out-migration of various groups, cycles of population growth and decline, colonization, technological shifts, and implementation of development and conservation programs. The two cases illustrate the complex ways that activities, mobility, technology, land use, and demographic patterns can change over time as a result of both internal and external forces, resulting in discontinuities in the ethnographic record.
Garcia-Alix, Lola and Robert K. Hitchcock (2009) Report from the Field: The Declaration on the R... more Garcia-Alix, Lola and Robert K. Hitchcock (2009) Report from the Field: The Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: Implementation and Implications. Genocide Studies and Prevention 4(1):99-109. This paper considers the implications of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples passed in the UN General Assembly on 13 September 2007 (Resolution 61/295) and what its implications potentially were going to be
Vinding, Diana and Robert K. Hitchcock (2009) A Chronology of Important Events in the Genocides a... more Vinding, Diana and Robert K. Hitchcock (2009) A Chronology of Important Events in the Genocides and Ethnocides of Indigenous Peoples. Genocide Studies and Prevention 9(1):111-125. This article provides a summary of the events occurring worldwide involving the human rights and treatment of indigenous peoples from the beginning of the 19th century to the passage of the United Nations Declaration on the Human Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007
Violent and non-violent conflicts and interactions between hunter-gatherers and settlers took pla... more Violent and non-violent conflicts and interactions between hunter-gatherers and settlers took place in a number of areas in eastern and southern Africa during the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Foragers had to cope with the incursions of settlers in their territories, which resulted in significant competition over land and natural resources. This paper examines two such cases: (1) Kenya, looking specifically at conflicts between settlers and local foraging peoples (e.g. Ogiek, 'Dorobo', Mukogodo, Boni, Waata, Dahalo, and Aweer, among others) and (2) western Zimbabwe and north eastern Botswana (Tshwa San) and the Zambezi Valley (Doma) of Zimbabwe. In these cases, lands populated by indigenous hunter-gatherers were taken over by settlers, ranchers, state institutions, and private companies. Conflicts between the groups occurred, although there was variation in the degree to which relationships were characterized by violence. Settler colonialism had diverse impacts. Not all of the situations involved deadly conflict; some also involved coercion, collaboration, and co-option. In some instances, settlers and immigrant pastoralists and agriculturalists negotiated with hunter-gatherers to enable them to gain entry to their areas. Some of the questions addressed in this paper include: (1) whether the interactions between hunter-gatherers and settlers can be characterized as cases of either physical or cultural genocide, neither, or both; (2) the role of the state in favoring certain groups (e.g. settlers) at the expense of others; (3) the effectiveness of strategies employed by huntergatherers to resist or go along with the agendas of settlers, ranchers, and companies; and (4) the importance of reconciling competing agendas of these different groups.
Violent and non-violent conflicts and interactions between hunter-gatherers and settlers took pla... more Violent and non-violent conflicts and interactions between hunter-gatherers and settlers took place in a number of areas in eastern and southern Africa during the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Foragers had to cope with the incursions of settlers in their territories, which resulted in significant competition over land and natural resources. This paper examines two such cases: (1) Kenya, looking specifically at conflicts between settlers and local foraging peoples (e.g. Ogiek, 'Dorobo', Mukogodo, Boni, Waata, Dahalo, and Aweer, among others) and (2) western Zimbabwe and north eastern Botswana (Tshwa San) and the Zambezi Valley (Doma) of Zimbabwe. In these cases, lands populated by indigenous hunter-gatherers were taken over by settlers, ranchers, state institutions, and private companies. Conflicts between the groups occurred, although there was variation in the degree to which relationships were characterized by violence. Settler colonialism had diverse impacts. Not all of the situations involved deadly conflict; some also involved coercion, collaboration, and co-option. In some instances, settlers and immigrant pastoralists and agriculturalists negotiated with hunter-gatherers to enable them to gain entry to their areas. Some of the questions addressed in this paper include: (1) whether the interactions between hunter-gatherers and settlers can be characterized as cases of either physical or cultural genocide, neither, or both; (2) the role of the state in favoring certain groups (e.g. settlers) at the expense of others; (3) the effectiveness of strategies employed by hunter-gatherers to resist or go along with the agendas of settlers, ranchers, and companies; and (4) the importance of reconciling competing agendas of these different groups.
ZooKeys, 2016
The use of archery to hunt appears relatively late in human history. It is poorly understood but ... more The use of archery to hunt appears relatively late in human history. It is poorly understood but the application of poisons to arrows to increase lethality must have occurred shortly after developing bow hunting methods; these early multi-stage transitions represent cognitive shifts in human evolution. This paper is a synthesis of widely-scattered literature in anthropology, entomology, and chemistry, dealing with San ("Bushmen") arrow poisons. The term San (or Khoisan) covers many indigenous groups using so-called 'click languages' in southern Africa. Beetles are used for arrow poison by at least eight San groups and one non-San group. Fieldwork and interviews with Ju|'hoan and Hai||om hunters in Namibia revealed major differences in the nature and preparation of arrow poisons, bow and arrow construction, and poison antidote. Ju|'hoan hunters use leaf-beetle larvae of Diamphidia Gerstaecker and Polyclada Chevrolat (Chrysomelidae: Galerucinae: Alticini) col...
African Study Monographs, 2010
Page 1. Title WHO DRIVES RESETTLEMENT? THE CASE OF LESOTHO'S MOHALE DAM Author(s) DEVITT... more Page 1. Title WHO DRIVES RESETTLEMENT? THE CASE OF LESOTHO'S MOHALE DAM Author(s) DEVITT, Paul; HITCHCOCK, Robert K. Citation African Study Monographs (2010), 31(2): 57-106 Issue Date 2010-07 URL http://hdl.handle.net/2433/123397 Right ...
Cultural Survival Quarterly, 1993
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Papers by Robert Hitchcock
the RAF flyers disappeared and assesses the complex interactions among the San, the Bamangwato, and the British in 1943 and the years following. It also
addresses the colonial perceptions, prejudices, and cultural misunderstandings that led to the large-scale displacement and the impacts of these events on
Southern African peoples and states.
the RAF flyers disappeared and assesses the complex interactions among the San, the Bamangwato, and the British in 1943 and the years following. It also
addresses the colonial perceptions, prejudices, and cultural misunderstandings that led to the large-scale displacement and the impacts of these events on
Southern African peoples and states.
This report on the San of western Zimbabwe is based on preliminary work carried out from March to May 2013, and field data collected in November and December 2013 in Tsholotsho District, Matabeleland North Province. This research was conducted in partnership with the Ministry of Local Government, Public Works and National Housing and the University of Zimbabwe. It seeks to address a number of objectives: highlight social, cultural and economic constraints and challenges affecting Zimbabwean San; provide data for government and civil society to effectively plan development interventions; encourage relevant state and non-state investment and resource availability; provide recommendations and encourage regional and international cooperation concerning indigenous peoples’ development; promote further participatory and development-based research on Zimbabwe’s San and other minority groups within the country.
The report does not seek to separate the San from other ethnic groups within Zimbabwe, but highlights unique challenges and disparities that affect the San alongside issues that affect all communities in Tsholotsho District, particularly in relation to the broader discussions of San development in Southern Africa. Additionally, a number of these challenges may be relevant to other minority groups within the country.
The San of Zimbabwe make up only a small portion of the total San population of Southern Africa, which stands at over 113,000 people in six countries. The San in Tsholotsho District generally identify themselves as Tshwa. The Tshwa in Zimbabwe, who number some 2,500, reside mainly in two provinces: Matabeleland North Province (in Tsholotsho District) and Matabeleland South Province (in Bulilima-Mangwe District). The Tshwa are divided into a number of different groups, some of whom have long occupied the same land, while others have either moved to new places on their own or been resettled.
Virtually all of the people to whom we spoke maintain that the Tshwa are among the poorest and most marginalised people in Zimbabwe, and the household survey indicates that 73% of San households have less than US $5.00/month income. A sizable proportion of Tshwa receive food distributed through the central government, the Tsholotsho District Council, and non-government organisations. A substantial number of them still rely on traditional gathering of bush foods.
A limited number of Tshwa households have been able to obtain land for agriculture and residential purposes either after having sought permission from traditional authorities or having been assigned to places by the provincial administration. Some Tshwa adults and older children work in the fields of other groups in a kind of share-cropping arrangement, but most Tshwa rely upon irregular informal employment opportunities, and therefore do not have predictable income. About 10 per cent of the Tshwa have experience working for other people, usually as herders, agricultural labourers, or domestic workers.
One of the critical findings was that only a relatively small number of Tshwa households speak Tshwao, the Tshwa language (32 of 149 households interviewed). Many of the fluent Tshwao speakers were elderly. The Tshwa expressed a desire for their children to learn this language and to gain a better understanding of Tshwa culture. The Tshwao language, despite recent recognition of San language in the Zimbabwean Constitution, is at risk of extinction in the coming decades, and urgently in need of further research and documentation, including the development of an orthography.
Educational attainment and literacy levels are generally low. Some children never attend school and a major cause for concern is the high dropout rate of Tshwa children especially during junior secondary school due to costs and distance, and in the case of girls to early pregnancies.
While health outreach and facilities appeared well established in comparison to many rural areas in Southern Africa, a number of health issues are prevalent in Tshwa communities, including malaria, HIV/AIDS, poor nutrition levels and alcohol abuse. The finding that 75% of households surveyed do not have access to clean water and sanitation, often because of limited financial resources, is a particular cause for concern. Another cause for concern is that 20% of households reported caring for a child whose biological parents were deceased, some of them as a result of HIV/AIDS, other diseases, or accidents.
Community-based organisations in western Zimbabwe, along with local NGOs such as the Tsoro-o-tso San Development Trust, are seeking to promote San cultural heritage and identity. Efforts are being made to provide agricultural and development assistance to Tshwa and their neighbours in the Tsholotsho area by Community Technology Development Trust (CTDC), the Tsholotsho District Council as well as by several INGOs.
Political representation of the Tshwa is limited, with only one local Tshwa chief and one Tshwa district councillor in the Tsholotsho District Council. A goal of the Tshwa is to increase their participation and representation in government and civil society activities at the local, district, and national levels. They would also like to participate more fully in decision-making relevant to development in their areas, as well as they would like to play a greater role in regional and Africa-wide activities involving San and other minority peoples.
Recommendations arising from this report include:
• Initiate further reviews of the status of indigenous and minority peoples in Zimbabwe, including other San in Bulilima-Mangwe and the Doma people of Mashonaland
• Carry out a review of government policy papers and programmes relating to San and other indigenous peoples in Zimbabwe
• Hold meetings and workshops aimed at coordinating development efforts targeting San in Zimbabwe
• Facilitate involvement of San in attending national and international-level conferences on indigenous peoples
• Conduct participatory development planning with the San themselves based on principles of Free, Prior, and informed Consent (FPIC) to ensure that development initiatives truly reflect the wishes and aspirations of the Tshwa people
• Ensure better access for the Tshwa to land and natural resources, with an eye toward security of tenure over both land and resources
• Improve the Tshwa’s access to farming implements, seeds, livestock, as well as to training, mentoring and monitoring, alongside drought relief to obtain a sustainable food security
• Where possible diversify livelihood opportunities for Tshwa and their neighbours
• Ensure that if resettlement is required, it is implemented in line with international standards, and that compensation and replacement land are provided to those targeted for resettlement
• Expand maintenance of water points, and provide short-term purification options for households with infants and those with chronic health issues
• Investigate options to reduce costs of schooling and reduce dropout rates, with a focus on girls particular at risk due to premature pregnancy
• Improve teacher sensitisation and training regarding issues specific to the Tshwa and the San in general
• Invest and encourage collaboration of academic centres to develop an orthography for Tshwao, with a view to designing ECD materials
• Develop representation and leadership within the Tshwa community with a view to ensure their participation in planning, decision making, and advocacy whilst reducing discrimination
• Promote human rights for San and other minorities, with the support and involvement of international organisations including the UN and EU, through the newly established Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission, and through Zimbabwe’s continuing participation in the Universal Periodic Review process.