Ethiopian e-Journal for Research and Innovation Foresight (Ee-JRIF), 2006
The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the ... more The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Nordiska Afrikainstitutet.
The central theme of this book is the role of education in the formation of a political class dur... more The central theme of this book is the role of education in the formation of a political class during and after the European colonial period in Africa. The volume focuses on the various actors that informed and were part of this process, such as African intellectuals and political leaders, colonial troops and European missionaries and administrators. At the same time, the collection analyses the historical processes connected to the emergence and development of a new environmental policies and the processes of nation-building after independence. The volume is made up of twelve chapters: four on Ethiopia, two on Eritrea, two on the Sudan, one on Somaliland, two on Tanzania and one on Ghana
Originally a PhD thesis, Italian Colonialism in Eritrea is not a general history of Italy in Erit... more Originally a PhD thesis, Italian Colonialism in Eritrea is not a general history of Italy in Eritrea, but an exploration of aspects of colonial policies and practices; these are related to the broader history and placed in the context of theories of colonialism.
Every other child born in Sweden in the year 2000 is expected to live up to the age of 100 years.... more Every other child born in Sweden in the year 2000 is expected to live up to the age of 100 years. Whereas a child born in the developing world can expect to live 58 years (or eight years longer than the average life expectancy of his/her parents). In sub-Saharan Africa life expectancy is even much lower. HIV/AIDS epidemic is indeed a major factor but it cannot explain the huge gap of the human condition between the north and the south. Of the 4.6 billion people in developing countries, 2.8 billion lack basic sanitation and live on less than 2 USD a day. And those who attempt to survive on less than $1 a day make up a staggering 1.2 billion people.
The main cause of the battle of Adwa has hitherto been explained as a result of a controversy ove... more The main cause of the battle of Adwa has hitherto been explained as a result of a controversy over article XVII of the treaty of Wichale whereby Italy claimed that Ethiopia had consented to be an Italian protectorate. Italian rejection of Ethiopian protests that the Amharic version of article XVII of the Treaty did not contain such a binding commitment led to war. The outcome of the war and the Addis Ababa Peace treaty signed in October of 1896 do indeed lend strong support to such argument. There is, however, another dimension of the conflict which has not been given due attention. According to this interpretation, the objective of the war was to expel Italian rule from Ethiopian territory (Negash, 1996a). 2 After noting that the irredentist movement had thus far made little progress in the countryside, Longrigg proceeded, in an exemplary manner, to describe the features of the movement in Asmara-the movement's stronghold. In Asmara, a number of urban notables were favourable to it on the grounds of patriotic sentiment, of disappointment with the observed features of British rule, and of anticipated advancement under the Emperor. According to Long-2 The salient points of this detailed memorandum dealt firstly with the method to be adopted to ascertain the wishes of the population, and, secondly, with the presentation of the alternatives, namely, incorporation into Ethiopia STATE OF RESEARCH AND ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY State of research Research on the 1941-62 period, by and large, is dominated by Kennedy Trevaskis and by those who by persuasion worked along the broad interpretative lines developed by the Eritrean nationalist forces. The war for the independence of Eritrea, first waged by the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) and later continued to victory by the Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front (EPLF), had to a great extent determined the priorities of research. In broad terms the Eritrean nationalist organizations argued that the majority of the Eritrean people wished for independence and that the federal arrangement was imposed upon them by the This study shows that Bereket Habte Sellassie had hardly any knowledge of the composition and functioning of the Eritrean government which came into existence in 1952. It was far from being modern, democratic or bourgeoise. Emperor Haile Sellassie did not have an inordinate ambition to incorporate Eritrea. Already in the mid 1960s Dr. Amare Tekle's study on the creation of the Ethio-Eritrean Federation showed clearly that Ethiopia's claims had few supporters and that it stood no chance against the Vatican-Mecca-Latin American Axis at the United Nations (Tekle, 1964). Not all authors are such victims of the Trevaskian legacy as those cited above. Lloyd Ellingson's thesis on Eritrea substantially refutes the Trevaskian legacy by its recognition of the role of Eritrean actors during the 1941-52 period (Ellingson, 1986). In particular, Ellingson discussed the role played by the Italian community and the extent to which this provoked Eritrean organizations into action. Although Ellingson, as Trevaskis before him, exaggerated the role of the Ethiopian government, he, nonetheless, drew the conclusion that the Unionist Party had considerable autonomy and functioned with a clear objective (Ellingson, 1986:41-54). Ellingson completed his thesis in 1986 and was thus able to look into the archival material until the end of 1954 deposited at the Public Record Office (PRO). An author who in my opinion has a clear grasp of the role of the Unionist Party is Thoma Killion. In his study, Killion had no problem in arguing that the federal state of Eritrea was run by the Unionist Party, working closely with the Ethiopian government. For Killion, the government in Eritrea was Unionist/ Ethiopian. By this he meant that whereas the actual running of the business of the government was carried out by the former members of the Unionist Party, Ethiopian presence and power was felt in the areas which fell under its domain, namely, foreign and interstate trade, railways and communications, defence and foreign policy (Killion, 1985). Organization of the study This study is introduced by a long chapter on the Unionist Party and its relations with the other parties on the eve of the UN resolution of 1950. The Unionist Party (UP) campaigned for unconditional union between Eritrea and Ethiopia. Unfairly treated by Trevaskis, the Unionist Party was even more relegated to the sidelines by the Eritrean nationalist fronts as well as writers. In my opinion * A. Recommends that: 1. Eritrea shall constitute an autonomous unit federated with Ethiopia under the sovereignty of the Ethiopian Crown.
The main focus of the study is the deepening crisis of the Ethiopian education system. This study... more The main focus of the study is the deepening crisis of the Ethiopian education system. This study reconstructs the growth of the crisis of the sector during the last four decades. It then discusses ...
Ethiopian e-Journal for Research and Innovation Foresight (Ee-JRIF), 2006
The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the ... more The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Nordiska Afrikainstitutet.
The central theme of this book is the role of education in the formation of a political class dur... more The central theme of this book is the role of education in the formation of a political class during and after the European colonial period in Africa. The volume focuses on the various actors that informed and were part of this process, such as African intellectuals and political leaders, colonial troops and European missionaries and administrators. At the same time, the collection analyses the historical processes connected to the emergence and development of a new environmental policies and the processes of nation-building after independence. The volume is made up of twelve chapters: four on Ethiopia, two on Eritrea, two on the Sudan, one on Somaliland, two on Tanzania and one on Ghana
Originally a PhD thesis, Italian Colonialism in Eritrea is not a general history of Italy in Erit... more Originally a PhD thesis, Italian Colonialism in Eritrea is not a general history of Italy in Eritrea, but an exploration of aspects of colonial policies and practices; these are related to the broader history and placed in the context of theories of colonialism.
Every other child born in Sweden in the year 2000 is expected to live up to the age of 100 years.... more Every other child born in Sweden in the year 2000 is expected to live up to the age of 100 years. Whereas a child born in the developing world can expect to live 58 years (or eight years longer than the average life expectancy of his/her parents). In sub-Saharan Africa life expectancy is even much lower. HIV/AIDS epidemic is indeed a major factor but it cannot explain the huge gap of the human condition between the north and the south. Of the 4.6 billion people in developing countries, 2.8 billion lack basic sanitation and live on less than 2 USD a day. And those who attempt to survive on less than $1 a day make up a staggering 1.2 billion people.
The main cause of the battle of Adwa has hitherto been explained as a result of a controversy ove... more The main cause of the battle of Adwa has hitherto been explained as a result of a controversy over article XVII of the treaty of Wichale whereby Italy claimed that Ethiopia had consented to be an Italian protectorate. Italian rejection of Ethiopian protests that the Amharic version of article XVII of the Treaty did not contain such a binding commitment led to war. The outcome of the war and the Addis Ababa Peace treaty signed in October of 1896 do indeed lend strong support to such argument. There is, however, another dimension of the conflict which has not been given due attention. According to this interpretation, the objective of the war was to expel Italian rule from Ethiopian territory (Negash, 1996a). 2 After noting that the irredentist movement had thus far made little progress in the countryside, Longrigg proceeded, in an exemplary manner, to describe the features of the movement in Asmara-the movement's stronghold. In Asmara, a number of urban notables were favourable to it on the grounds of patriotic sentiment, of disappointment with the observed features of British rule, and of anticipated advancement under the Emperor. According to Long-2 The salient points of this detailed memorandum dealt firstly with the method to be adopted to ascertain the wishes of the population, and, secondly, with the presentation of the alternatives, namely, incorporation into Ethiopia STATE OF RESEARCH AND ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY State of research Research on the 1941-62 period, by and large, is dominated by Kennedy Trevaskis and by those who by persuasion worked along the broad interpretative lines developed by the Eritrean nationalist forces. The war for the independence of Eritrea, first waged by the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) and later continued to victory by the Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front (EPLF), had to a great extent determined the priorities of research. In broad terms the Eritrean nationalist organizations argued that the majority of the Eritrean people wished for independence and that the federal arrangement was imposed upon them by the This study shows that Bereket Habte Sellassie had hardly any knowledge of the composition and functioning of the Eritrean government which came into existence in 1952. It was far from being modern, democratic or bourgeoise. Emperor Haile Sellassie did not have an inordinate ambition to incorporate Eritrea. Already in the mid 1960s Dr. Amare Tekle's study on the creation of the Ethio-Eritrean Federation showed clearly that Ethiopia's claims had few supporters and that it stood no chance against the Vatican-Mecca-Latin American Axis at the United Nations (Tekle, 1964). Not all authors are such victims of the Trevaskian legacy as those cited above. Lloyd Ellingson's thesis on Eritrea substantially refutes the Trevaskian legacy by its recognition of the role of Eritrean actors during the 1941-52 period (Ellingson, 1986). In particular, Ellingson discussed the role played by the Italian community and the extent to which this provoked Eritrean organizations into action. Although Ellingson, as Trevaskis before him, exaggerated the role of the Ethiopian government, he, nonetheless, drew the conclusion that the Unionist Party had considerable autonomy and functioned with a clear objective (Ellingson, 1986:41-54). Ellingson completed his thesis in 1986 and was thus able to look into the archival material until the end of 1954 deposited at the Public Record Office (PRO). An author who in my opinion has a clear grasp of the role of the Unionist Party is Thoma Killion. In his study, Killion had no problem in arguing that the federal state of Eritrea was run by the Unionist Party, working closely with the Ethiopian government. For Killion, the government in Eritrea was Unionist/ Ethiopian. By this he meant that whereas the actual running of the business of the government was carried out by the former members of the Unionist Party, Ethiopian presence and power was felt in the areas which fell under its domain, namely, foreign and interstate trade, railways and communications, defence and foreign policy (Killion, 1985). Organization of the study This study is introduced by a long chapter on the Unionist Party and its relations with the other parties on the eve of the UN resolution of 1950. The Unionist Party (UP) campaigned for unconditional union between Eritrea and Ethiopia. Unfairly treated by Trevaskis, the Unionist Party was even more relegated to the sidelines by the Eritrean nationalist fronts as well as writers. In my opinion * A. Recommends that: 1. Eritrea shall constitute an autonomous unit federated with Ethiopia under the sovereignty of the Ethiopian Crown.
The main focus of the study is the deepening crisis of the Ethiopian education system. This study... more The main focus of the study is the deepening crisis of the Ethiopian education system. This study reconstructs the growth of the crisis of the sector during the last four decades. It then discusses ...
The main focus of the study is the deepening crisis of the Ethiopian education system. This study... more The main focus of the study is the deepening crisis of the Ethiopian education system. This study reconstructs the growth of the crisis of the sector during the last four decades. It then discusses the implications of the crisis in terms of communication breakdown; absence of analytical capacity at system level; the fragmentation of society; loss of political legitimacy and perpetuation of authoritarian power. Although the education sector has greatly expanded its mpact on poverty alleviation has so far been insignificant. The poverty landscape has changed to the worse during the last fifty years. This is largely due to the fact that the Ethiopian education system is based on false premises.
At the centre of the crisis is the use of English as medium of instruction. The proficiency in English is so low that its continued use as a medium of instruction can only lead to the collapse of the education system. The study argues that it is only through language (readily understood and practised) that collective life and the world can be interpreted in an integrated manner. The replacement of English by Ethiopian languages all the way from the primary to tertiary levels is one of the factors that could strengthen the survival potential of the Ethiopian political community.
The study is relevant for policy makers and students of development studies on the role of education in social change in Africa south of the Sahara.
Only 20 percent of the school-age population in Ethiopia have access to primary education. This s... more Only 20 percent of the school-age population in Ethiopia have access to primary education. This study attempts to explore an alternative strategy as regards expansion of literacy and the fulfilment of educational and developmental needs. It argues that the strategy of non-formal education is in both cases a far better alternative.
This book examines the rise and fall of the Ethio-Eritrean federation which existed from 1952 to ... more This book examines the rise and fall of the Ethio-Eritrean federation which existed from 1952 to 1962. The author argues that the federation was abolished by Eritrean social and political forces rather than by Ethiopia. The UN imposed federation and its constitution was doomed to fail, as these were foreign to Eritrean and Ethiopian conceptions of power.
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Papers by Tekeste Negash
At the centre of the crisis is the use of English as medium of instruction. The proficiency in English is so low that its continued use as a medium of instruction can only lead to the collapse of the education system. The study argues that it is only through language (readily understood and practised) that collective life and the world can be interpreted in an integrated manner. The replacement of English by Ethiopian languages all the way from the primary to tertiary levels is one of the factors that could strengthen the survival potential of the Ethiopian political community.
The study is relevant for policy makers and students of development studies on the role of education in social change in Africa south of the Sahara.
ISSN: 1104-8417
ISBN: 91-7106-576-8 (print)
ISBN: 91-7106-577-6 (electronic)
ISBN: 91-7106-383-8
ISBN: 91-7106-406-0