Papers by Gediminas Vaskela
Brill | Schöningh eBooks, Sep 25, 2019
Statistical Data on the Social and Economic Status of the Lithuanians and the Jews When discussin... more Statistical Data on the Social and Economic Status of the Lithuanians and the Jews When discussing the place of Jews in Lithuania's interwar economy, references are usually made to the general census of 1923. The census material contains two pages on the distribution of the population according to branch of economy, social group and nationality.1 The data allows us to state that in 1923, Jews were responsible for 77 per cent of trade, and 22 per cent of industrial enterprises in Lithuania. During the interwar period, non-Lithuanians accounted for over 82 per cent of the country's business. The breakdown according nationality was: Russians 0.85 per cent, Poles 1 per cent, Germans 1.46 per cent, Lithuanians 17.89 per cent, and Jews 78.89 per cent.2 With regard to the census data, J.
According to salary statistics of industry workers per 8-hour workday, Lithuanian and Latvian wor... more According to salary statistics of industry workers per 8-hour workday, Lithuanian and Latvian workers got more or less the same wage in the end of the 4th decade of the 20th century. The difference was only that Latvian men workers got less and women workers got bigger payment than Lithuanians. Meanwhile Estonian workers' salary was about 24% less than that of Lithuanian workers. Lithuanian skilled workers' day payment surpassed by 6% that of Latvians and 36% of Estonians. The difference between men's and women's salaries in Latvia and Estonia was less compared with Lithuanians. Skilled Lithuanian women workers got by about 13% higher salaries than Latvian and 36% than Estonian women. Lithuanian skilled men workers were paid 18% more than Latvian and 39% more than Estonian skilled workers. The difference between skilled and unskilled workers' day payment was less in Latvia and Estonia in comparison with Lithuania, so unskilled workers got the biggest payment not in Lithuania but in Latvia (15% more than Lithuanians), and the day payment of Estonian unskilled workers was less only by 11% than of the same category Lithuanian workers. Unskilled men workers in Lithuania were paid 11% less than Latvians and 17% more than Estonians. Unskilled women workers were paid 16% less than Latvian and 8% more than Estonian women. Monthly payment statistics in 1939 shows that a Lithuanian industry worker was paid about 19% more (in April 1940 - 13%) than an Estonian worker and about 8% more (at the beginning of 1940s the same) than a Latvian worker.Estonian and Latvian families were smaller than Lithuanian, but more Estonian and Latvian women worked in manufacture. So the Lithuanian family's real wage in 1939 was 16 to 21% lower than of the Latvian and only 10% higher than of the Estonian family. Consequently, the Lithuanian industry worker's family lived slightly better than the Estonian and notably worse than the Latvian family. Considering the unemployment index, the average Lithuanian industry worker's family wage was by 8 to 24% lower than Estonian and 39 to 63% lower than Latvian. Forasmuch as industry workers comprised the biggest part of urban employed workers, obviously urban workers' living standard in Lithuania was lower than in Estonia and in Latvia. Although Lithuanian industry worker's salary was highest, the essence was different, because: 1. In Lithuania, there were more unemployed and part-time workers. 2. Fewer women had a job. 3. Lithuanian worker families were bigger. 4. Lithuanian workers paid higher taxes. 5. Lithuanians got less gaining from state or municipal consumption funds
The book analyses the economic situation in Lithuania over the period from 1939 to 1940 and the a... more The book analyses the economic situation in Lithuania over the period from 1939 to 1940 and the actions of the authorities in order to eliminate the adverse impact caused by the loss of Klaipėda region (March 1939) and World War II (September 1939) on the country’s economy. Apart from a specific analysis of living at that moment, the monograph focuses a lot on general principles and objectives of the economic policy. After facing the new reality of international, internal and economic life, the authorities chose the path of centralized economy and state-regulated economic relations. The end of 1939 and the start of 1940 were the period of large constructions and even larger plans despite Lithuania’s tragic international state and difficult economic situation. Modernisation of the country’s economy, which was primarily understood as industrialisation and electrification, became the priority of the state’s economic policy in autumn 1939
Pratarmė -- Kiekybiniai rodikliai (1923 m. rugsėjo 17 d. visuotinis gyventojų surasymas) -- Bendr... more Pratarmė -- Kiekybiniai rodikliai (1923 m. rugsėjo 17 d. visuotinis gyventojų surasymas) -- Bendrieji ūkinės raidos rodikliai -- Statistiniai indeksai (makroekonominiai rodikliai) -- Nominalieji ir realieji makroekonominiai indeksai -- Ūkio statistikos raida -- Makroekonominių rodiklių skaiciavimas Rytų Pabaltijyje 1924–1940 metais -- Nacionalinės pajamos Rytų Pabaltijyje tarpukariu ir Madisono projektas -- Lietuvos ūkio tautinė struktūra ir socialinių skirtumų ūkio struktūroje problema tautiniu aspektu -- Žydai -- Lenkai -- Vokieciai -- Pabaiga -- Mokslinė literatūra -- Ethnic aspects in the national economic policy from 1919 to 1940
Lithuanian Historical Studies, 1996
Incorporation of the Baltic States' economy into the united system of the USSR in the post-wa... more Incorporation of the Baltic States' economy into the united system of the USSR in the post-war period for ideological purposes was referred to as the restoration of Lithuanian (Latvian/Estonian) people's economy and Socialist reforms, though this process can with equal success be called economic annexation. Undoubtedly, the economic model that settled in Russia in the 1930s was mechanically transferred to the eastern Baltic States which prior to that, despite significant state and cooperative sector, lived in the conditions of market economy. Full-scale nationalization separated manufacturers from implements of production (first of all in agriculture, though in other sectors of economy small manufacturers were prevailing) and the economy of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia - from world economy. Local natural resources, productive capacity and financial resources were subdued to the interests of the central authorities in Moscow. As compared to other eastern Baltic States, in th...
In the 1940s and 1950s Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia (often also adding the part of Eastern Pruss... more In the 1940s and 1950s Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia (often also adding the part of Eastern Prussia called the Kaliningrad region that was incorporated into Russia after the Second World War) were considered as a unit from the political and geographical aspects (in a certain meaning – territorial administrative), although it was far from being an economic district (the more so a region) in the full meaning of this concept, at least at the beginning of the period. Despite speculations about the “scientific” and “exceptionally rational” management of the economy it was very hard to harmonise the principles of the territorial and the so-called branch-economy management in the Soviet Empire. On the other hand, the three eastern Baltic countries besides advantages without doubt had many differences. Finally, the orientation to the needs of Leningrad (the Northwestern economic region), at least in the sphere of agriculture, imposed by Moscow on Latvia and Estonia (in Estonia also on the s...
Lithuanians entered the twenty-first century as an essentially traditional society composed of mo... more Lithuanians entered the twenty-first century as an essentially traditional society composed of mostly peasants in a land, where the backwardness was obvious to both its neighbours and the inhabitants themselves. Those who began the rebirth of the Lithuanian nation well understood that the future perspectives of the Lithuanian nation were closely connected with the modernisation of the society and the creation of a complete social structure. Former peasants had to study in the school of capitalistic life, develop, start businesses, and move to the cities. The traditional attitudes were also obvious in the Lithuanian view of other nations. All foreigners were already suspect because they differed from the people, i.e. the Lithuanian peasants. And the more the way of life of another nation differed from that of Lithuania, the more suspiciously its members were viewed and the more hypercritically they were judged. Jews were no exception but essentially to only a certain degree. An analy...
Mykolas Krupavičius is held in Lithuania to be one of the principle ideologues of land reform, an... more Mykolas Krupavičius is held in Lithuania to be one of the principle ideologues of land reform, and one of its main protagonists. From his theoretical studies and his personal experience as a private individual as well as a priest and a politician he knew that an excess of social pressure threatens to cause a society major upheavals. Therefore, Mykolas Krupavičius did all he could to see to it that there would be fewer sources of friction in the young Lithuanian nation. Having been convinced by the agricultural issues specialists Albinas Rimka and Jonas Aleksa that the key to hastened agricultural development in Lithuania lay in the creation of small but viable farms, Mykolas Krupavičius energetically adopted the cause of land reform. Mykolas Krupavičius understood that radical land reform would not be unanimously praised in Lithuania (nor outside the country), therefore he saw to it that the provisions of the Land Reform Act were as gentle as possible, in order to minimise the numbe...
Lietuvos istorijos instituto leidykla eBooks, 1998
Istoriografijos apžvalga 9 damasis vyskupo Jurgio Matulaičio (Matulevičiaus; 1871-1927) autoritet... more Istoriografijos apžvalga 9 damasis vyskupo Jurgio Matulaičio (Matulevičiaus; 1871-1927) autoritetu, iš esm଼s apgyn଼ savo pozicijé. A. Rimka ʂrodin଼jo smulkiojo žem଼s ʦkio pranašumus. Stambusis žemvaldys samdés darbininkus tam tikram sezonui, tad iškylanti dilema: arba samdytus darbininkus laikyti nuolat, bet jiems mažai mok଼ti, ar samdyti retai, tačiau mok଼ti brangiai. Antra vertus, visuomen଼ susidurianti su socialine ʂtampa. Min଼tƥ klausimƥ racionaliam sprendimui žem଼s reforma bʦtina 1. M. Krupavičiaus nuomone, valstybei reikalingas privatus žem଼s ʦkis ir apskritai kuo daugiau nuosavybê turinčiƥ žmoniƥ. Tai pad଼tƥ sulaikyti emigracijé. Be to, smulkusis žem଼s ʦkis esés pranašesnis už stambƥjʂ. 100 dešimtiniƥ žem଼s maksimumo norma yra sélyga, siekiant išvengti konflikto tarp valstiečiƥ ir keliƥ dešimčiƥ tʦkstančiƥ stambiƥjƥ žemvaldžiƥ. Bažnyčia reformai neprieštaraujanti, o Romos popiežius visuomet pasisakês prieš stambiéjé žem଼valdé. Tik krikščionys demokratai Lietuvoje išsprendê žem଼s klausimé ir apsaugojê valstybê nuo revoliucijos bei socializmo 2 .
Lietuvos istorijos instituto leidykla eBooks, 2014
Pratarmė -- I. Lietuvos Respublikos žemės ūkių ekonominio pasiskirstymo ir kaimo gyventojų social... more Pratarmė -- I. Lietuvos Respublikos žemės ūkių ekonominio pasiskirstymo ir kaimo gyventojų socialinės sudėties problema istoriografijoje: Žemės ūkių klasifikacijos ir jų ekonominio pajėgumo įvertinimo kriterijų problema; Ūkių ir gyventojų socialinės sudėties kiekybiniai modeliai; Trumpa Latvijos ir Estijos istoriografijos apžvalga -- II. Žemės ūkių ekonominis pasiskirstymas: Matematinės statistikos metodų taikymo prasmė ir galimybės; Lietuvos žemės ūkių ekonominis pasiskirstymas 1930 m.; Ūkių skaicius ir jų pasiskirstymas 1940 m. -- III. Kaimo gyventojų socialinė sudėtis: Žemės ūkyje nuolat dirbusių gyventojų socialinė sudėtis 1930 m.; Visų žemės ūkyje dirbusių gyventojų socialinė sudėtis 1930 m.: 1. Ūkininkai; 2. Samdomi darbininkai; 3. Ekonomiskai aktyvūs gyventojai ; 4. Visi Žemės ūkiu vertesi gyventojai. Ekonomiskai aktyvių gyventojų socialinė sudėtis 1940 m. -- Baigiamosios pastabos -- Nuorodos -- Reziumė (vok. k.) -- Priedai
Lithuanian Historical Studies, 1997
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Papers by Gediminas Vaskela