Drafts by Bernhard Weimer
› Has intra-governmental consultation been sufficient in the legislation process, particularly re... more › Has intra-governmental consultation been sufficient in the legislation process, particularly regarding sectors (health, education, public works etc.)? › Is the legislation too complex? Do government officials and citizen understand the complexities of the present legislation? › Can Mozambique afford a costly model with double administrative structures? › How to reconcile running cost of model with need to invest in services? › To want extent does the new model address state fragility in service delivery? › To what extent does the reform preempt or promote sectoral decentralization initiatives, e.g. in health? › Does the new model correspond to what has been agreed on in peace negotiations? › How can government address the doubts of international partners? › Can the reform be regarded a cornerstone of peace consolidation?
IESE is an institution committed to pluralist, interdisciplinary and heterodox social and economi... more IESE is an institution committed to pluralist, interdisciplinary and heterodox social and economic research with a stress on rigour and academic quality and on the relevance and social commitment of its work. It is open to collaboration and cooperation, and dedicated to contributing to the development of network of researchers and associated organisations researching into Mozambique and its position in Southern Africa and the word.
Since October 2017 the resource rich Cabo Delgado Province in Northern Mozambique has been suffer... more Since October 2017 the resource rich Cabo Delgado Province in Northern Mozambique has been suffering from armed attacks . Perpretrators, their causes and objectives are not understood as yet. using a muti dispciplinary approach this essay attempts to bring forward some structural elements considered useful for the analysis of possible causes and remedies.
Papers by Bernhard Weimer
VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften eBooks, 1982
Die deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliograf... more Die deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de.
Africa Spectrum, 2000
Inspired by elements of the wider theoretical debate, the present article looks at the challenges... more Inspired by elements of the wider theoretical debate, the present article looks at the challenges posed to democratisation in Mozambique. In the first part attention is drawn to the dysfunctional consequences for democratic consolidation resulting from the second generation elections of December 1999, whose outcome is not recognized by the opposition. However, by far the greater challenge to democratisation is seen in the structure and the political economy of the Mozambican state and its highly centralized and bureaucratised administration. In conjunction with the high donor dependence, they are identified as a major obstacle for a mutually beneficial, more democratic and service-oriented relationship between the state and its citizens, and for political representation and a willingness to pay taxes. The reforms of public administration initiated in the be-ginning of the 90's, together with the elements of democratic decentralization and introduction of local government, reflect - also in their inherent contradictions - the conventional wisdom that a better legitimized and more efficient state, administration and public service are preconditions for successful democratisation and sustainable development.
African Development Perspectives Yearbook, 1989
Lynne Rienner Publishers eBooks, Jul 1, 2014
Palgrave Macmillan UK eBooks, 1988
At the beginning of their lucid analysis of the potential and dynamics of the conflict in South A... more At the beginning of their lucid analysis of the potential and dynamics of the conflict in South Africa, John Saul and Stephen Gelb qualify the present crisis as structural or ‘organic’ rather than merely ‘conjunctural’.1 This implies, so the authors contend, that the state, in an attempt to manage and finally resolve the crisis cannot — as in the case of the conjunctural — resort to reactive, defensive measures of adjustment, but is forced to design and implement formative efforts: A new balance of forces, the emergence of new elements, the attempt to put together a ‘new historical’ bloc, new political configurations and philosophies, a profound restructuring of the state and ideological discourse … new programmes and policies … a new sort of ‘settlement’ within certain limits2 have to be constructed, which supersede and replace previous ‘forces’, ‘configurations’ and ‘programmes’. From this perspective Botha’s reforms as well as his ‘Total National Strategy’ are far from cosmetic and can be seen as formative efforts, which, on the one hand have considerably eroded the rationale and practise of apartheid, without, on the other, yielding to the political demands of the Black majority.
VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften eBooks, 1982
VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften eBooks, 1990
In der vieldiskutierten Sanktionsstudie der Wirtschaftswissenschaftlerin Merle Lipton heist es ub... more In der vieldiskutierten Sanktionsstudie der Wirtschaftswissenschaftlerin Merle Lipton heist es uber die moglichen Auswirkungen von Sanktionen gegen die Republik Sudafrika (RSA) auf ihre Nachbarn: „Sudafrikas Nachbarn haben moglicherweise durch Sanktionen am meisten zu verlieren. Die Sanktionskosten sind wahrscheinlich fur die an Sudafrika angrenzenden ‚Frontstaaten‘ am hochsten. Dies ist zum einen so wegen ihrer engen Verflechtung mit der sudafrikanischen Volkswirtschaft, so das deren Niedergang die Frontstaaten beeintrachtigen wurde; zum anderen bietet ihre Abhangigkeit Sudafrika eine Waffe, die es zur Abwehr von Sanktionen oder zu Vergeltungsmasnahmen einsetzen kann. Die Verletzbarkeit der Frontstaaten ist ein offensichtliches Hindernis gegen die Verhangung umfassender Sanktionen...“1
Verfassung und Recht in Übersee, 1985
Africa Spectrum, 1997
... FRELIMO-Politikern, ua der Vorsitzende des Rechtsausschusses (und ehemalige Justizminister) A... more ... FRELIMO-Politikern, ua der Vorsitzende des Rechtsausschusses (und ehemalige Justizminister) Ali Dauto und der Abgeordnete Teodoato Hunguana (ehemaliger Arbeitsminister ... 2.4). 6Gespräch (BW) mit dem Generalsekretär der FRELIMO, Manuel Tomé, Maputo, 30.4.1997. ...
N’weti Comunicação para Saúde. Policy Brief 14. June, 2023, 2023
N’weti Comunicação para Saúde .Policy Brief 12, April 2023, 2023
N’weti Comunicação para Saúde .Policy Note 02, May 2023, 2023
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Drafts by Bernhard Weimer
Papers by Bernhard Weimer
(Renamo), então recém-eleito, e Filipe Nyusi, Presidente de Moçambique (2015-presente) e
presidente da Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (Frelimo), assinaram o Acordo de Paz
e Reconciliação de Maputo. Este acordo, o terceiro de uma série de acordos de paz desde
o Acordo Geral de Paz (AGP) assinado em Roma em 1992, centra-se em três objectivos
fundamentais: Desarmamento, Desmobilização e Reintegração (DDR). Juntamente com a
descentralização do poder político, questão anteriormente incluída na reforma constitucional
parcial de Abril de 2018, negociada entre Nyusi e o falecido presidente da Renamo, Afonso
Dhlakama, estas questões controversas ocuparam um lugar central durante o ressurgimento do
conflito armado no País, em 2012, e nas negociações de paz que se lhe seguiram.2
À parte idiossincrasias como contextos políticos específicos, mediadores e objectivos, entre
outras, os três acordos de paz assinados entre a Frelimo e a Renamo (1992, 2014 e 2019) têm
uma característica comum: foram todos acompanhados por leis de amnistia (Lei 15/1992,
Lei 17/2014 e Lei 10/2019) (Governo de Moçambique, 1992; 2014). Como se descreve mais
adiante, os líderes políticos moçambicanos têm historicamente caracterizado estas leis de
amnistia como instrumentos essenciais para garantir a paz e a reconciliação entre ambas as
partes. Organizações como a Human Rights Watch, porém, cépticas relativamente a esse papel,
têm defendido precisamente o contrário, sugerindo que «o que a história de Moçambique
mostra é que as amnistias por crimes graves apenas negam justiça às vítimas e fomentam
abusos futuros» (Human Rights Watch, 2020).