Editorial by Ana Mª López-Sala
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Estudios Geográficos, 2022
Since the end of the 20th century, the presence of migrant workers in the globalised agricultural... more Since the end of the 20th century, the presence of migrant workers in the globalised agricultural enclaves of the world-system’s core has been increasing and has become a structural workforce for the sector (Molinero-Gerbeau, 2020). There are several reasons for the growing need of this economic segment to employ people mostly coming from the global periphery.
Firstly, following the model launched in the middle of the last century in California, many enclaves opted to make the leap to industrial agriculture, a process consisting of applying the productive logics of the secondary sector to the countryside (FitzSimmons, 1986). Thus, as opposed to peasant or traditional farming, predominant in several countries until the 1980s, industrial agriculture turned rural areas into veritable factories where, applying the Fordist model of chain labour combined with the introduction of technical and technological innovations, robust agro-industries capable of producing tons of food to satisfy world markets were erected (Moraes et al., 2012).
Industrial agriculture, however, soon encountered a structural problem. Its growing need for salaried labour clashed with both an ageing population and the constant rural exodus of citizens who were progressively leaving the countryside to migrate to the cities, reducing the possibilities of obtaining stable sources of employment in the territory. This was coupled with unattractive working conditions, characterised by low wages, irregular working hours and for being an arduous activity associated with low social prestige (López-Sala, 2016).
For an industry structured around the production of cheap food (Molinero-Gerbeau and Avallone, 2016), minimising the cost of labour became imperative to ensure competitiveness in the aggressive international market and to sell at the prices imposed by large food distributors (Garrapa, 2018). Supported by the states, which designed specific policies to guarantee the supply of cheap labour required by the sector, large companies found a solution to their needs in the growing South-North immigration.
The insertion of migrant workers in the sector thus made possible to maintain its scheme of combining intensive production with precarious working conditions. Coming from peripheral environments whose economic differential with respect to the destination states was abysmal, migrants soon showed their willingness to accept conditions that were not only relatively attractive compared to what was offered in their countries of origin, but also allowed them to start a life in the countries of destination, often regardless of their legal residence status.
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Editorial by Ana Mª López-Sala
Firstly, following the model launched in the middle of the last century in California, many enclaves opted to make the leap to industrial agriculture, a process consisting of applying the productive logics of the secondary sector to the countryside (FitzSimmons, 1986). Thus, as opposed to peasant or traditional farming, predominant in several countries until the 1980s, industrial agriculture turned rural areas into veritable factories where, applying the Fordist model of chain labour combined with the introduction of technical and technological innovations, robust agro-industries capable of producing tons of food to satisfy world markets were erected (Moraes et al., 2012).
Industrial agriculture, however, soon encountered a structural problem. Its growing need for salaried labour clashed with both an ageing population and the constant rural exodus of citizens who were progressively leaving the countryside to migrate to the cities, reducing the possibilities of obtaining stable sources of employment in the territory. This was coupled with unattractive working conditions, characterised by low wages, irregular working hours and for being an arduous activity associated with low social prestige (López-Sala, 2016).
For an industry structured around the production of cheap food (Molinero-Gerbeau and Avallone, 2016), minimising the cost of labour became imperative to ensure competitiveness in the aggressive international market and to sell at the prices imposed by large food distributors (Garrapa, 2018). Supported by the states, which designed specific policies to guarantee the supply of cheap labour required by the sector, large companies found a solution to their needs in the growing South-North immigration.
The insertion of migrant workers in the sector thus made possible to maintain its scheme of combining intensive production with precarious working conditions. Coming from peripheral environments whose economic differential with respect to the destination states was abysmal, migrants soon showed their willingness to accept conditions that were not only relatively attractive compared to what was offered in their countries of origin, but also allowed them to start a life in the countries of destination, often regardless of their legal residence status.
Firstly, following the model launched in the middle of the last century in California, many enclaves opted to make the leap to industrial agriculture, a process consisting of applying the productive logics of the secondary sector to the countryside (FitzSimmons, 1986). Thus, as opposed to peasant or traditional farming, predominant in several countries until the 1980s, industrial agriculture turned rural areas into veritable factories where, applying the Fordist model of chain labour combined with the introduction of technical and technological innovations, robust agro-industries capable of producing tons of food to satisfy world markets were erected (Moraes et al., 2012).
Industrial agriculture, however, soon encountered a structural problem. Its growing need for salaried labour clashed with both an ageing population and the constant rural exodus of citizens who were progressively leaving the countryside to migrate to the cities, reducing the possibilities of obtaining stable sources of employment in the territory. This was coupled with unattractive working conditions, characterised by low wages, irregular working hours and for being an arduous activity associated with low social prestige (López-Sala, 2016).
For an industry structured around the production of cheap food (Molinero-Gerbeau and Avallone, 2016), minimising the cost of labour became imperative to ensure competitiveness in the aggressive international market and to sell at the prices imposed by large food distributors (Garrapa, 2018). Supported by the states, which designed specific policies to guarantee the supply of cheap labour required by the sector, large companies found a solution to their needs in the growing South-North immigration.
The insertion of migrant workers in the sector thus made possible to maintain its scheme of combining intensive production with precarious working conditions. Coming from peripheral environments whose economic differential with respect to the destination states was abysmal, migrants soon showed their willingness to accept conditions that were not only relatively attractive compared to what was offered in their countries of origin, but also allowed them to start a life in the countries of destination, often regardless of their legal residence status.