Books by Jelena Ilić Mandić
Банатска војна крајина (1764-1800), Историјски институт Београд, 2020 / Banat Military Frontier (1764-1800), Institut for History Belgrade, 2020, 2020
Papers by Jelena Ilić Mandić
Urbanization in Eastern and South-Eastern Europe, /Collection of Work Vol. 24/, Belgrade : Institute of History Belgrade,, 2024
There are numerous examples of spatial planning on the periphery of the Habsburg Monarchy, which ... more There are numerous examples of spatial planning on the periphery of the Habsburg Monarchy, which was organised within the regiments of the Military Frontier in the second half of the 18th century. Our focus was on the territory of the Slavonian-Syrmian Military Frontier, the Šajkaš Battalion, and the Banat Military Frontier, where flat landscapes enabled various forms of state spatial intervention, approximately at the same time – around 1770. This paper presents some aspects important for understanding this complex topic, such as the influence of militarisation and centralisation, colonisation and spatial planning of settlements (following the nucleated settlement model), as well as the tight structuring of rural areas and parcelisation of arable land, and their final results in the form of land and tax reforms (cadastral surveying).
Зборник радова конференције ,,150 година од укидања Банатске војне границе“, ур. Слободанка Перовић, Никола Милошевски, Панчево: Завоз за заштиту споменика културе у Панчеву, 2024, 31–47., 2024
Апстракт: Оснивањем Немачко-банатске граничарске регименте 1764. године отпочело је ново поглавље... more Апстракт: Оснивањем Немачко-банатске граничарске регименте 1764. године отпочело је ново поглавље у историји јужног Баната. Уследиле су промене како у демографском и привредном развоју, тако и у погледу планског коришћења простора у циљу повећања фонда корисног и обрадивог земљишта, као и изградње и регулације насеља. Покушаћемо да укажемо на факторе који су утицали на тренд промена и били резултат државне интервенције у простору, јер је живот у насељима требало прилагодити војним потребама, али и пожељном, новом демографско-економском моделу. Поглавља у раду тематски су посвећена процесима које смо препознали као кључне факторе у развоју простора у јужном Банату након извршене милитаризације – успостављању и ширењу војне управе у околини Панчева, колонизацији ветерана и планској изградњи насеља за њихове потребе, те земљишној реформи која је утицала на преуређење атара и омогућила пореску реформу. Кључне речи: Банатска војна граница, Немачко-банатска регимента, просторно планирање, 18. век, Јозефински катастар
Државно-правни оквири и осећање припадности: српски колективни идентитети у Новом веку, пр. Бранко Бешлин и др., Београд : Универзитет у Београду, Филозофски факултет (Београд : Службени гласник), 2024, 81–130., 2024
Ова публикација је резултат рада на пројекту Концепти национализма и патриотизма у српском полити... more Ова публикација је резултат рада на пројекту Концепти национализма и патриотизма у српском политичком дискурсу: средњи век, нови век, савремено доба (CoNatPat), који финансира Фонд за науку Републике Србије..
From medieval frontiers to early modern borders in Central and South-Eastern Europe, 2022
Abstract: This paper presents an overview of the early development of the Banat Military Border, ... more Abstract: This paper presents an overview of the early development of the Banat Military Border, starting with the year 1764. It focuses on the process of militarisation in three areas of the Habsburg province Temeswarer Banat, affected by various problems. The area around Pančevo was militarised in 1764, the main consequence of which was the resettlement of the local population and colonisation of veterans (as part of a broader state intervention in terms of spatial organisation). The area around Bela Crkva was militarised in 1764, where the main events were the transformation of the former Miliz into frontiersmen, and the later exchange of territory between civil and military jurisdictions. The area between Orşova and Marga was militarised after 1769. It was characterised by resistance to militarisation and emigration, and was affected by the consequences of war and bandit incursions from Wallachia. Finally, the paper shows that the change of administration (shift from civil to military) brought crucial changes to the demographics, economy and spatial history of southern parts of this Habsburg province
Migrations in the Slavic Cultural Space, edited by Zofia A. Brzozowska, Piotr Kręzel, Izabela Lis-Wielgosz, Series Ceranea Vol. 10, Wydawnictwo Universytetu Lódzkiego, Lódź 2022, 2022
recommended preventive elevated sanitation and hygiene in the city (Sanitatspraecaution) due to t... more recommended preventive elevated sanitation and hygiene in the city (Sanitatspraecaution) due to the alarming vicinity of the plague on the Ottoman side. The same order was repeated on 12 December 1771. It seems that it was published every year thereafter, regardless of the actual circumstances.
Attendite - Glasnik Istorijskog arhiva Kikinda, 2022
Апстракт: Рад је посвећен миграцијама у западном Банату, и то у контексту милитаризације која је ... more Апстракт: Рад је посвећен миграцијама у западном Банату, и то у контексту милитаризације која је отпочела устројењем земаљске милиције 1753. године и регуларне Војне границе 1764, али и у контексту решавања земљишног питања после 1768/9. године. Миграције су биле последица размене надлежности између војне и цивилне управе – један талас је изазвало развојачења Потиске и Поморишке војне границе (1751), а други развојачење Горњих компанија Илирске граничарске регименте (1773). Мотиви граничарског становништва да се определи за останак на цивилној територији или за пресељење под војну управу, могу се посматрати кроз призму земљишног питања и актуелних правила у располагању земљишним поседом на нивоу општине и домаћинстава.
Mešovita građa-Miscellanea 29 (2008) 2009
Апстракт: Два надгробна натписа сведоче о присуству породице Радичевић из рода Кошана у селу Граб... more Апстракт: Два надгробна натписа сведоче о присуству породице Радичевић из рода Кошана у селу Грабовици на обронцима Рудника 30-тих година XVIII века. Анализирани епиграфски остаци значајна су допуна малобројним изворима и скромним знањима о становништву централне Србије у овом периоду.
Banatica, 31-2, 2021
Contrary to plans, the militarisation of the border in the east of the Habsburg province of Temes... more Contrary to plans, the militarisation of the border in the east of the Habsburg province of Temeswarer Banat lasted for around three years, resulting with the formation of the Wallachian Military Border and the Wallachian Battalion. It began in spring 1769 and was completed in mid–1772, and covered 35 settlements on the line Jupalnic–Mehadia–Caransebeş–Marga, in the valleys of the rivers Cerna (and its tributary Bela Reka) and (upper flow of) Timiş, and their environs. The establishment of military administration in this area aimed to complete the “uninterrupted stretch” of Military Border, which warden the Monarchy from the Adriatic Sea to the Carpathian Mountains. Militarisation implied several customary steps. First, the inhabitants of villages in the former
Orşova district and a part of the Caransebeş district were questioned about whether they wished to become frontiersmen (and remain in their abodes) or remain civilians (and move to cameral territory). In May 1770, a vast majority of them opted for the second possibility and thus demonstrated their discontent with the military administration. It was only in autumn 1771 and spring 1772 that they decided to accept the border status, which is when the population census began.
The Habsburg State-wide and the regions in the Southern Danube basin (16th - 20th centuries), Eds. Harald Heppner, Goran Vasin and Nenad Ninković, Wien: New academic press, 2020, 99-121., 2020
The Society of the Habsburg Monarchy Military Frontier was dependent on proper military organizat... more The Society of the Habsburg Monarchy Military Frontier was dependent on proper military organization and fulfilment of the obligations of its members. In other words, the main territorial-administrative units of the Military Frontier (companies and regiments) had their own representatives who were the higher and lower ranking military personnel and had the same prerogatives as the elite of any "local society". Historical sources contain information about the officers' origin, economic status and their formal (military) and informal (social and cultural) roles in the Frontier society. The topic in this paper, however, is the role of central government, represented in the Hofkriegsrath in Vienna, in army cadre (re)structuring in the Banat Military Frontier. We will address the central government's assignment and disposition of frontier officers, and how they were regarded by Vienna. Their double role-of representatives in local society and of government servants gradually changed, the second becoming more prominent with time.
Zbornik radova sa znanstvenog skupa s međunarodnim sudjelovanjem PRAVOSLAVLJE U RIJECI I NA SJEVERNOM JADRANU U RANOM NOVOM VIJEKU, 2020
This paper presents data on the commerce „towards the sea” (mare versus) that passed on the route... more This paper presents data on the commerce „towards the sea” (mare versus) that passed on the route Zemun – Rijeka in the second half of the 18th century. Some of the aspects of this commerce are analysed and presented in four parts: the role of state in the commerce ,,mare versus”; Rijeka’s market of grains and tabacco; cooperation between Rijeka and Zemun; contra mare versus: the routes of mony, goods and people from the coast to the hinterland. This paper is mostly based on archive material from the fond of Zemun magistrate found in the Historical archive in Belgrade, as well as relevant secondary sources and works.
By the second half of the 18th century we can see the begining of commerce on the route between the Danube and Posavina region and the Adriatic coast, and its development during the 19th century. With various articles that were typical for this type of trade a special emphasis is placed on the grain trade. An important transit stop in the grain trade was Zemun. The route along the river Sava can be called the grain route, and the towns of Sisak and Karlovac its most prominent route stops and the Adriatic ports the final destinations. Because of the insuficient production (we must take into consideration that the mass commerce was still asociated with the commerce of state reserves), as well as the inadequate tehnical and transport conditions on the long journey from the Danube region towards the Adriatic, the 18th century transit commerce is more of a speculation then a real participating thing. Massive military needs in Italy became a lien for the mass commerce, and the first news of the grain transportation towards Italy began during the 1730s. It must be pointed out that the state needs were not usual, but mostly were instigated by the crops fail in Italy and so the trade existed only seasonaly. Even with the speculative character of the grain trade a profit was expected because of the fact that the grain measure (požunski merov) from 1795 cost 1 forint and 20 krajcar in Banat, while in Genoa, when converted in the Venetian currency (mletački star) it was 4 forint and 47 ½ kreuzer.
Most contemporary lists and other document testify of the buissness in the port of Rijeka, and less about the transport on the coastal part of the city. A valuable document for this topic is the list of Rijeka’s Orthodox traders with the capital in goods coming from the hinterland (1785). The structure of the invested capital of these traders (19 partnership ,,households”) indicates toward the priority of the trade with the hinterland: between a fourth and a fifth of their capital was invested in the commerce of tobacco (23%) and grain with other goods (22%), the money ready for investment comprised 21,5%, as well as the capital invested in houses (12,47%), boats on the rivers Sava and Danube (7,33%) and small shops (5,42%).
With regards of the port it is interesting that the whole export from Rijeka between 1790 and 1795 was approximately 2 milions forints, but grain is not mentioned as an export good. On the other hand, a vast quantity of grain was imported into the Monarchy precisely through the port of Rijeka. The grain compraised in 1785 11% of the value of the port import in Rijeka and at the same time it was valued second place, right behind sugar. As the export of grain through the port of Rijeka was rather small it can be concluded that the grain imported through the port was intended for the city and its sourranding area. Between 1775 and 1780 Rijeka had about 5.000 inhabitants, as many as Zemun. The statistical data inform us that the grains intended for the Italian market was mostly exported from Triest, and then Senj and Karlobag, with the Hungarian coast and Rijeka as its biggest port being only the third.
The traders from Rijeka that are mentioned in the documents from the
Zemun magistrate regarding the bussiness cooperation of Zemun traders and purveyors were: Jakov Čakulović (1787), Mihail Vohinac (1791), Trifun Blagojević (1797), Aleksej and Teodor Vuković (1799) and Jovan Serdanović (1800 and 1801). Some of the mentioned traders traveled a great deal from Rijeka in order to find themselves in Zemun or its sourranding area. They dealt with the grain trade but also traded lard, beef, while other types of trade are not specified in the documents. One of them, Mihail Vohinac, settled during the Austro-Turkish war (1788–1791) in Belgrade and kept a shop there. Traders from Rijeka didn’t conduct their buissness only in Zemun, but also in Novi Sad, Veliki Bečkerek (Zrenjanin), Segedin and so forth. Besides Rijeka’s traders
in the 18th century documents regarding grain trade there is also mention of Triest traders Bartolomej Oraš (1784/1798), Jovan Ćirković (1790), Riznić (1793) and Jovan Kurtović (1795).
The documents testify of individuals who traveled from the Adriatic coast to Zemun not only for buissness and trade, but also for egzistential reasons. Zemun was a town was in need of craftsmen and labourer that would fournised the ships. People from the coast, among which were many traders from Hercegovina, traveled through Dubrovnik and Rijeka towards the Monarchy, and with short or long stops in ports, they continued their journey towards places like Novi Sad.
ИСТОРИЈСКИ ЧАСОПИС, књ. LXVII (2018) стр. 141–176 THE HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. LXVII (2018) pp. 141–176, 2018
Summary
The paper presents data about cereal transit and trade on the Sava and Kupa rivers in the... more Summary
The paper presents data about cereal transit and trade on the Sava and Kupa rivers in the second half of the 18th century. A focus is placed on some aspects of transit and trade on the Zemun–Sisak–Karlovac route, such as the role of the state in “mare versus” trade, the beginnings of cereal exports from the Hungarian hinterland and Banat, conditions of navigation on the Sava and Kupa, and some characteristics of supply and trade activities (prices, costs, gains and losses). The paper mainly relies on archival records of the fund of the Zemun Magistrate kept in the Historical Archives of Belgrade, and on published sources and literature. The paper shows that intensive development of cereal transit and trade on the Sava–Pokupski route was not possible before 1780. The state’s role in “mare versus” trade is reflected primarily in the fact that the transit of large quantities of cereals was initiated by the state, i.e. military or civil authorities. This took place occasionally and, as a rule, at the time of cereal shortages in Italy and for the needs of the army during war campaigns in Italy and Germany. In addition, the role of the state in the development of transit and trade on the Sava and Kupa rivers was reflected in its exclusive power to apply current technological know-how and to gather experts – engineers in order to put into use the maritime route on the Sava and Kupa. During the 18th century, conditions for regulated navigation were gradually created, with the regulations carried out in 1733–1736 and 1784–1786 being the key milestones. The state’s enhanced care about the functionality of the Sava and Kupa route coincided with the strengthening of its interest in “wholesale” trade towards distant destinations in the early eighties (oversees trade, Trieste–Constantinople trade, expedition towards China, concessions for trade downstream the Danube etc.). In line with this, data on cereal trade on the Sava appeared first sporadically, and only from the 1780s to the extent indicating large-scale operation of trade companies (as of 1759 the Timișoara Privileged Company, and as of 1768 the New Privileged Timișoara Company) and private persons on this route. The majority of sources about 176 Јелена Илић Мандић cereal trade originate from the last decade of the 18th century. This phenomenon was certainly under the influence of the political climate – the start of longlasting wars against France and Napoleon. The paper presents a large number of documents about activities performed by Zemun boatmen and traders on the Sava and Kupa. They illustrate the conditions and problems of navigation on these rivers, which concerned security and water levels, as well as contracts, costs, gains and losses in Sava–Pokupski cereal trade.
Keywords: trade, cereals, Sava, Kupa, Zemun, Sisak, Karlovac, Habsburg Monarchy, 18th century
Држава и политике управљања 18-20 век, зборник радова, Београд: Историјски институт, 2017., 2017
Summery: The planned settlement or colonisation in southern Banat started with the
foundation of... more Summery: The planned settlement or colonisation in southern Banat started with the
foundation of the German Banat Regiment in 1764. The colonists settled in
the period 1764–1788 were the veterans from the Veterans Houses (Invaliden
Haus), garrisons and regular regiments of the Habsburg Monarchy, as well as
RomanCatholics and married persons. Such model of the colonisation was
applied for the first time in the Military Frontier. According to the plans, the
whole population of this Regiment had to be made of colonists veterans,
withthe function of frontiersmen and peasants at the same time. But, this
intention was abandoned until the eighties of the 18th century because the
Veterans Houses were not a sufficient source for colonisation and, as a result,
colonists never outnumbered the local population. The veterans were
inhabitants in the settlements of Kovin, Brestovac, Pločica, Glogonj, Starčevo,
Upper or Serbian Pančevo, Lower or German Pančevo, Omoljica, Jabuka,
Crepaja, Opovo and Sefkerin. Although the Regiment was extended to a larger
number of settlements during the second half of the 18th century (it comprised
32 settlements in 1781, 43 settlements in 1793), the number of settlements
with the colonist population was limited to the mentioned twelve. In these
settlements, partial resettlement of the local Serbian population was
conducted in the first years after 1764.
It is difficult to estimate the precise number of colonists settled in this
Regiment between 1764 and 1788, when the last AustrianOttoman
war broke out. In September 1769, the colonisation included 991 ”real” settlers
(Ackersleute) and 109 craftsman, or 1,100 men. The 1781 census ascertained
7,233 ”German” persons (3,764 men and 3,469 women), who made 15.81%
of the whole regiment population. The ”German” title (Deutsch Ansiedlungs
Commission, Deutsch Banat Regiment, Deutschen Ortschaften etc.) showed to
be only a memory of the intentions of the military authorities, because the
veterans themselves were not always Germans by origin. After 1790, the
colonisation took a different course when the first new settlements with civil
and mostly protestant population were founded. The demographic change
was seen in the religious structure of the regiment population, among whom the Roman Catholic and Protestant group could be identified as colonists. In
1781, there were 82.89% Orthodox persons, 17.07% Roman Catholics and
0.03% Protestants. The situation in 1819 was not much different as there were
81% Orthodox inhabitants, 13% Roman Catholics and 6% Protestants.
Keywords: Habsburg Monarchy, Military Frontier, Banat Military Frontier,
German Banat Regiment, 18th century, settlement, colonisation, colonists.
The census of households of Serbian Orthodox priests in the Gradiška
regiment was carried out by ... more The census of households of Serbian Orthodox priests in the Gradiška
regiment was carried out by regiment military authorities in 1760, during the Seven
Years’ War. Their aim was to point to the increase in the number of privileged
households in the territory of the regiment compared to the earlier census of 1756.
Owing to the spiritual status of one of their members, these households enjoyed
immunity and were exempted from tax and military duties. The census published
here is one of the few which recorded all men living in Serbian priest households.
As such, it helps us learn about the size and structure of these households. In addition
to data about the number of family members, names, age and military status of male
members, the census also contains data on arable surfaces owned by the households
(ploughed fields, meadows and orchards).
The census covered 41 priests from 19 Serbian settlements. A difference
was made between the “old” (16) and “new“ (25) priests, depending on whether
they were ordained before or after 1756. Referring to earlier bans on an increase
in the number of Orthodox priests, the military authorities believed that male
members of new priest households should be treated as conscripts, just as they
were before some of their members were ordained priests. In contrast, the Bishop
of Pakrac required that all members of priest families be considered privileged,
regardless of whether their representatives were “old” or “new” priests, i.e. priests
with or without parishes. The view of the church representatives had greater weight
despite the disagreements. Based on the census, 176 persons in “new” priest
households had to be exempted from the customary military service, while the
privileged position of the “old” priests and their household members was already
taken into account. The fact that these households, as a rule, had a greater number
of members than the households of their parishioners played an important role in
the conflict between the military authorities and the Orthodox clergy concerning
military and tax duties of male members of priest families. A household of a
Serbian Orthodox priest in the Gradiška regiment had 7.18 men on average, of
whom 4.29 were adult men (above 16), while around a fifth of households covered
by the census had between ten and 16 male members.
The census of Orthodox priests of the Petrovaradin Regiment in the
Military Frontier of the Habsb... more The census of Orthodox priests of the Petrovaradin Regiment in the
Military Frontier of the Habsburg Monarchy was conducted by Austrian
military authorities in 1760. Carried out during the Seven Years’ War (1756–
1763), the register aimed to show how the number of priests in this regiment
increased and brought about a decline in the military population. The data show
the structure of priests’ households, i.e. the names, number, age and military
status of their male members, as well as the structure of their land property.
Orthodox priests were registered in 38 settlements of the Petrovaradin regiment
(of 43 in total). There were 101 priests’ households with 392 male members.
An average household had 3.88 male members and possession of 18.23 acres
of arable land.
As the military authorities aimed to point out to the growth in the
number of priests, the register noted the difference between “old” and “new”
priests, depending on whether they were appointed before or after 1756. The
increase in the number of priests between 1756 and 1760 (from 70 to 107) was
considered harmful for the military, because the newly privileged members of
priests’ households were previously registered in active military service. Since
the youngest “new” priest was only 13 years old and nine of them were under
16, it is reasonable to question the canonic legitimacy of their appointment and
their real function in parishes. The circumstances in Orthodox parishes were
not regulated before the last quarter of the 18th century, when the Assembly of
the People and Clergy in 1769 and Church Regulations in 1770 mandated a
reduction in the number of priests, and introduced a number of other reform
measures regarding the organisation of episcopacies and parishes of the
Karlovci Metropolitanate.
Keywords: Habsburg Monarchy, Military Frontier, Petrovaradin Regiment,
Karlovci Metropolitanate, 18th century, 1760, census, Orthodox clergy.
SUMMARY: The sufferings and losses of property in Pančevo district during the Austro-Turkish War ... more SUMMARY: The sufferings and losses of property in Pančevo district during the Austro-Turkish War 1737–1739 were huge because this district was not only a borderline area but also an area ravaged by war. At the end of 1739, the conditions were listed in census in which the Pančevo district had been found. The data from this census demonstrate that the war and the plague caused a discontinuity in both demographic and economic development of the area. It turned out that the sufferings had been caused by the passing of the domestic army, attacks by the Turkish army and the bandits, but mostly – by the plague.
It was recorded in the census that the household property had been plundered by the Turkish army and the bandits as well as by the domestic army. The former would usually take the cash and the cattle that was easily driven – horses and sheep, and the latter would take small and horned cattle that was used for maintenance. Losses were so huge that after the war, in average, each household of the Pančevo district had approximately just one horse, ox and cow, and every second household had a sheep and a pig. Since the Pančevo district settlements were exposed to domestic and foreign armies and bandits, up to 1739, major property losses had been the ones in the settlements by the Danube river – Ovča, Pančevo, Starčevo, Omoljica, Kovin, Brestovac, Gaj and Dubovac, whereas in the settlements far from the military transit – Margitica, Jarkovac and Dobrica, the census does not note any loss whatsoever.
Until the end of 1739, the plague had claimed its victims in each settlement of the Pančevo district. The share of the contributing people i.e. tax payers (adult men and widows running the households) who had died from the plague, was 43.62% out of the total number of tax payers from the pre-war period. This share is slightly smaller for the settlements of the districts in the hinterland of the Danubian border, such as Bečkerek (36.0%), Vršac (33.61%) and Čakovo (27.21%). After two plague-striken years, 1738 and 1739, where the summers were particularly fatal, the plague killed 332 tax payers and 1,027 “others” which is a total of 1,359 persons. Because of the plague, tax paying people mostly died in the settlements by the roads along the riverflows of the Danube and Tamiš. In the settlements of Tomaševac, Sakule, Opovo, Jabuka, Ovča, Pančevo, Starčevo and Omoljica, the loss of the population was 50–60% of the pre-war population. The settlements that had smaller losses due to the plague are as follows: Neuzina, Ilandža, Dobrica, Sefkerin, Idvor and Gaj, where the share of the pre-war tax payers who had died from the plague was 25–33%. The lack of well-ordered sanitary crossings at the Pančevo district teritory during the whole war and the provisional solutions to the problem of the movement control with much oversight, these were the consequence of the fact that the Pančevo district, up to 1740, had not had the position or even the organization of the borderline area.
KEYWORDS: The Habsburg Monarchy, Banat, the Pančevo district, depopulation, the plague, Austro-Turkish war 1737–1739, 18th century
Zbornik radova: Usmena tradicija u Banatskoj vojnoj granici, Novi Sad: Matica srpska 2015, 17-35.
Banat Military Frontier was one of the youngest military frontiers of the Habsburg
Monarchy. It e... more Banat Military Frontier was one of the youngest military frontiers of the Habsburg
Monarchy. It existed more than one century, between 1764 and 1872. The area included the
Southern Banat and was bordered with the rivers of Tamis, Dunav and Cherna. Territory
of this military frontier was completed by systematic and gradual inclusion of particular
29
settlements. By the year 1776 two regiments were finally founded – German-Banat
Regiment and Wallach-Illyrian Regiment. Their names were specified with the numbers,
at the beginning of 19th century, as XII German-Banat Regiment and XIII Wallach-Illyrian
Regiment. In the year 1838 the Illyrian Battalion was founded, and as soon as in 1845 it
was named XIV Illyrian Regiment. Banat Military Frontier was affected by confrontations
in the revolutionary year 1848-1849. It was abolished in 1872, only few years after
Austrian-Hungarian Settlement from 1867, as well as the institution of Military Frontier
of Habsburg Monarchy.
Banat Military Frontier was completed with newly founded settlements. In 1793 it
included 155 settlements in both regiments, in 1819 there were 170 settlements, and in
1842 there were 190 settlements. Only two of these settlements had urban structure and
privileged position as military municipalities Pančevo and Bela Crkva. In year 1842 Banat
Military Frontier had 1.319 sq.km and c. 300.000 inhabitants (227 inhabitants per sq.km).
Their ethnical and religious structure was more complex after 1765, when the State started
with the foundation of planned settlements for Roman-Catholic and Protestants colonists,
Germans, Hungarians, Slovaks, as well for Orthodox Romanians. The State intervention
in space and foundation of planed settlements was introduced in larger scale in German-
Banat and lesser in the Wallach-Illyrian Regiment. Great differences in demographic and
economic development between these two/three regiments were the consequence of their
geographic particularities.
The census of the settlements and male population of Slavonian-Syrmian Military
Border from 1752 ... more The census of the settlements and male population of Slavonian-Syrmian Military
Border from 1752 reveals demographic, religious and agriculture features
of this territory.
One of the most massive and organized migrations of the Serbs in the
18th century happened in 175... more One of the most massive and organized migrations of the Serbs in the
18th century happened in 1751 and 1752. In this period, more then 12,000 people had
been resettled from the territory along the right banks of the rivers Tisa and Moriš to the
left banks of these rivers, which means from Bačka and southern Hungary to Banat. This
resettlement was the consequence of demilitarization of the Military Frontier on the Tisa
and Moriš (the so-called Potisje and Pomorišje sections of the Military Frontier), which
occured in 1751. Both sections were established in 1702, but they lost their military role
as soon as 1718, when southern areas of Banat, Serbia and Little Walachia were acquired.
The demilitarization of the Potisje and Pomorišje sections of the Military Frontier had been
a disputable question for a few decades before it eventually happened.
After Potisje and Pomorišje sections of the Military Frontier were abolished in
1751, their frontiersmen were resettled in 15, mostly newly founded, settlements in
Banat. These settlements were organized as the Banat Land Militia within 6 companies
(so-called Upper Companies): Velika and Mala Kikinda, Melenci and Taraš, Mokrin,
Jozefova (later Obilićevo) and Krstur, Idvor and Leopoldova (Čenta), Botoš, Marinovo
Selo (Tomaševac) and Sige (Perlez), Vranjevo, Karlovo (Novo Miloševo) and Kumane. All
of these settlements were located in deserted and marshland areas of western Banat, which
were, until that moment, administratively submitted to the Districts of Bečkerek and Čanad.
Depopulation of western Banat was caused by various reasons, such as plague epidemics
(1730, 1738–1739), fiscal burden, war and presence of domestic army (1737–1739).
According to the survey from the late 1739 and early 1740, plague epidemic caused a
disappearance of 36% of adult male population (Contribuenten) in the District of Bečkerek,
33.61% in the District of Vršac, 27.21% in the District of Čakova and 42.31% in the District
of Pančevo. Beside that, in the war period, the population of Banat escaped because of the
conduct of domestic army, which burdened the inhabitants of settlements along their route
on the rivers Tisa and Danube. By the year 1740 the devastation of some settlements in the
District of Bečkerek on the river Tisa, such as Bečej and Čenta, committed by domestic
army on its way towards Pančevo and Oršava was complete.
49 М. Костић, Српска насеља у Русији, 76–77 (напомена *).
51
According to military survey conducted in the end of 1753, in newly founded
settlements of the Banat Land Militia there were 1,769 householders, as well as 1,044
married members of households (brothers and sons) and 273 married poor and homeless
persons. Accordingly, only adult and physically capable men were registered. This means
that in 15 settlements there were 3,113 married individuals as well as families, but the
number of households was smaller (2,076), because the households were economic units
consisting of 1–5 married male members. In about 40% of all households there were
registered other married members (i.e. brothers and sons) beside the head of a household.
In 196 households there were even 2–5 such members, so 9.44% of all households could
be considered as zadruga (joint family). The number of potential zadruga households in
the group of officers’ households was even biger (27%).
Based on surveyed number of adult men in settlements of the Banat Land Militia
in 1753, the estimated minimum of the total number of people settled there was 12,000
persons. In the area of 1 km² of these settlements there could be found 8.92 persons or one
household in the area of 0.79 km². These data confirm the conclusion that the most important
consequence of the demilitarization of Potisje and Pomorišje sections of the Military
Frontier was the resettlement of their inhabitants in Banat, and not, as it was previously
stated in literature, in Russia.
The question of education of Orthodox children in Gradiška regiment
arose in the mid-18th century... more The question of education of Orthodox children in Gradiška regiment
arose in the mid-18th century with the request for renewal of Dejanovac monastery as a
kind of educational centre in this regiment. Such application was submitted first to the
bishop of Pakrac in December 1753 by regimental officers, and soon they were joined
by the representatives of borderline Orthodox villages around Okučani. State authorities
were examining this application at the end of 1756 and during the first half of the 1757 by
organizing commissions for research in the field. The final decision was negative and, apart
from the conclusion that the monastery had never existed, it was helped by the fact that, in
the meantime, a public school was opened at the headquarters of Nova Gradiška. However,
in addition to the school at the headquarters, due to the efforts of Gradiška regiment
Orthodox officers led by then major, later colonel Jovan Miljević, a people’s school was
established in the same town and it was independent from the church and state authorities.
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Orşova district and a part of the Caransebeş district were questioned about whether they wished to become frontiersmen (and remain in their abodes) or remain civilians (and move to cameral territory). In May 1770, a vast majority of them opted for the second possibility and thus demonstrated their discontent with the military administration. It was only in autumn 1771 and spring 1772 that they decided to accept the border status, which is when the population census began.
By the second half of the 18th century we can see the begining of commerce on the route between the Danube and Posavina region and the Adriatic coast, and its development during the 19th century. With various articles that were typical for this type of trade a special emphasis is placed on the grain trade. An important transit stop in the grain trade was Zemun. The route along the river Sava can be called the grain route, and the towns of Sisak and Karlovac its most prominent route stops and the Adriatic ports the final destinations. Because of the insuficient production (we must take into consideration that the mass commerce was still asociated with the commerce of state reserves), as well as the inadequate tehnical and transport conditions on the long journey from the Danube region towards the Adriatic, the 18th century transit commerce is more of a speculation then a real participating thing. Massive military needs in Italy became a lien for the mass commerce, and the first news of the grain transportation towards Italy began during the 1730s. It must be pointed out that the state needs were not usual, but mostly were instigated by the crops fail in Italy and so the trade existed only seasonaly. Even with the speculative character of the grain trade a profit was expected because of the fact that the grain measure (požunski merov) from 1795 cost 1 forint and 20 krajcar in Banat, while in Genoa, when converted in the Venetian currency (mletački star) it was 4 forint and 47 ½ kreuzer.
Most contemporary lists and other document testify of the buissness in the port of Rijeka, and less about the transport on the coastal part of the city. A valuable document for this topic is the list of Rijeka’s Orthodox traders with the capital in goods coming from the hinterland (1785). The structure of the invested capital of these traders (19 partnership ,,households”) indicates toward the priority of the trade with the hinterland: between a fourth and a fifth of their capital was invested in the commerce of tobacco (23%) and grain with other goods (22%), the money ready for investment comprised 21,5%, as well as the capital invested in houses (12,47%), boats on the rivers Sava and Danube (7,33%) and small shops (5,42%).
With regards of the port it is interesting that the whole export from Rijeka between 1790 and 1795 was approximately 2 milions forints, but grain is not mentioned as an export good. On the other hand, a vast quantity of grain was imported into the Monarchy precisely through the port of Rijeka. The grain compraised in 1785 11% of the value of the port import in Rijeka and at the same time it was valued second place, right behind sugar. As the export of grain through the port of Rijeka was rather small it can be concluded that the grain imported through the port was intended for the city and its sourranding area. Between 1775 and 1780 Rijeka had about 5.000 inhabitants, as many as Zemun. The statistical data inform us that the grains intended for the Italian market was mostly exported from Triest, and then Senj and Karlobag, with the Hungarian coast and Rijeka as its biggest port being only the third.
The traders from Rijeka that are mentioned in the documents from the
Zemun magistrate regarding the bussiness cooperation of Zemun traders and purveyors were: Jakov Čakulović (1787), Mihail Vohinac (1791), Trifun Blagojević (1797), Aleksej and Teodor Vuković (1799) and Jovan Serdanović (1800 and 1801). Some of the mentioned traders traveled a great deal from Rijeka in order to find themselves in Zemun or its sourranding area. They dealt with the grain trade but also traded lard, beef, while other types of trade are not specified in the documents. One of them, Mihail Vohinac, settled during the Austro-Turkish war (1788–1791) in Belgrade and kept a shop there. Traders from Rijeka didn’t conduct their buissness only in Zemun, but also in Novi Sad, Veliki Bečkerek (Zrenjanin), Segedin and so forth. Besides Rijeka’s traders
in the 18th century documents regarding grain trade there is also mention of Triest traders Bartolomej Oraš (1784/1798), Jovan Ćirković (1790), Riznić (1793) and Jovan Kurtović (1795).
The documents testify of individuals who traveled from the Adriatic coast to Zemun not only for buissness and trade, but also for egzistential reasons. Zemun was a town was in need of craftsmen and labourer that would fournised the ships. People from the coast, among which were many traders from Hercegovina, traveled through Dubrovnik and Rijeka towards the Monarchy, and with short or long stops in ports, they continued their journey towards places like Novi Sad.
The paper presents data about cereal transit and trade on the Sava and Kupa rivers in the second half of the 18th century. A focus is placed on some aspects of transit and trade on the Zemun–Sisak–Karlovac route, such as the role of the state in “mare versus” trade, the beginnings of cereal exports from the Hungarian hinterland and Banat, conditions of navigation on the Sava and Kupa, and some characteristics of supply and trade activities (prices, costs, gains and losses). The paper mainly relies on archival records of the fund of the Zemun Magistrate kept in the Historical Archives of Belgrade, and on published sources and literature. The paper shows that intensive development of cereal transit and trade on the Sava–Pokupski route was not possible before 1780. The state’s role in “mare versus” trade is reflected primarily in the fact that the transit of large quantities of cereals was initiated by the state, i.e. military or civil authorities. This took place occasionally and, as a rule, at the time of cereal shortages in Italy and for the needs of the army during war campaigns in Italy and Germany. In addition, the role of the state in the development of transit and trade on the Sava and Kupa rivers was reflected in its exclusive power to apply current technological know-how and to gather experts – engineers in order to put into use the maritime route on the Sava and Kupa. During the 18th century, conditions for regulated navigation were gradually created, with the regulations carried out in 1733–1736 and 1784–1786 being the key milestones. The state’s enhanced care about the functionality of the Sava and Kupa route coincided with the strengthening of its interest in “wholesale” trade towards distant destinations in the early eighties (oversees trade, Trieste–Constantinople trade, expedition towards China, concessions for trade downstream the Danube etc.). In line with this, data on cereal trade on the Sava appeared first sporadically, and only from the 1780s to the extent indicating large-scale operation of trade companies (as of 1759 the Timișoara Privileged Company, and as of 1768 the New Privileged Timișoara Company) and private persons on this route. The majority of sources about 176 Јелена Илић Мандић cereal trade originate from the last decade of the 18th century. This phenomenon was certainly under the influence of the political climate – the start of longlasting wars against France and Napoleon. The paper presents a large number of documents about activities performed by Zemun boatmen and traders on the Sava and Kupa. They illustrate the conditions and problems of navigation on these rivers, which concerned security and water levels, as well as contracts, costs, gains and losses in Sava–Pokupski cereal trade.
Keywords: trade, cereals, Sava, Kupa, Zemun, Sisak, Karlovac, Habsburg Monarchy, 18th century
foundation of the German Banat Regiment in 1764. The colonists settled in
the period 1764–1788 were the veterans from the Veterans Houses (Invaliden
Haus), garrisons and regular regiments of the Habsburg Monarchy, as well as
RomanCatholics and married persons. Such model of the colonisation was
applied for the first time in the Military Frontier. According to the plans, the
whole population of this Regiment had to be made of colonists veterans,
withthe function of frontiersmen and peasants at the same time. But, this
intention was abandoned until the eighties of the 18th century because the
Veterans Houses were not a sufficient source for colonisation and, as a result,
colonists never outnumbered the local population. The veterans were
inhabitants in the settlements of Kovin, Brestovac, Pločica, Glogonj, Starčevo,
Upper or Serbian Pančevo, Lower or German Pančevo, Omoljica, Jabuka,
Crepaja, Opovo and Sefkerin. Although the Regiment was extended to a larger
number of settlements during the second half of the 18th century (it comprised
32 settlements in 1781, 43 settlements in 1793), the number of settlements
with the colonist population was limited to the mentioned twelve. In these
settlements, partial resettlement of the local Serbian population was
conducted in the first years after 1764.
It is difficult to estimate the precise number of colonists settled in this
Regiment between 1764 and 1788, when the last AustrianOttoman
war broke out. In September 1769, the colonisation included 991 ”real” settlers
(Ackersleute) and 109 craftsman, or 1,100 men. The 1781 census ascertained
7,233 ”German” persons (3,764 men and 3,469 women), who made 15.81%
of the whole regiment population. The ”German” title (Deutsch Ansiedlungs
Commission, Deutsch Banat Regiment, Deutschen Ortschaften etc.) showed to
be only a memory of the intentions of the military authorities, because the
veterans themselves were not always Germans by origin. After 1790, the
colonisation took a different course when the first new settlements with civil
and mostly protestant population were founded. The demographic change
was seen in the religious structure of the regiment population, among whom the Roman Catholic and Protestant group could be identified as colonists. In
1781, there were 82.89% Orthodox persons, 17.07% Roman Catholics and
0.03% Protestants. The situation in 1819 was not much different as there were
81% Orthodox inhabitants, 13% Roman Catholics and 6% Protestants.
Keywords: Habsburg Monarchy, Military Frontier, Banat Military Frontier,
German Banat Regiment, 18th century, settlement, colonisation, colonists.
regiment was carried out by regiment military authorities in 1760, during the Seven
Years’ War. Their aim was to point to the increase in the number of privileged
households in the territory of the regiment compared to the earlier census of 1756.
Owing to the spiritual status of one of their members, these households enjoyed
immunity and were exempted from tax and military duties. The census published
here is one of the few which recorded all men living in Serbian priest households.
As such, it helps us learn about the size and structure of these households. In addition
to data about the number of family members, names, age and military status of male
members, the census also contains data on arable surfaces owned by the households
(ploughed fields, meadows and orchards).
The census covered 41 priests from 19 Serbian settlements. A difference
was made between the “old” (16) and “new“ (25) priests, depending on whether
they were ordained before or after 1756. Referring to earlier bans on an increase
in the number of Orthodox priests, the military authorities believed that male
members of new priest households should be treated as conscripts, just as they
were before some of their members were ordained priests. In contrast, the Bishop
of Pakrac required that all members of priest families be considered privileged,
regardless of whether their representatives were “old” or “new” priests, i.e. priests
with or without parishes. The view of the church representatives had greater weight
despite the disagreements. Based on the census, 176 persons in “new” priest
households had to be exempted from the customary military service, while the
privileged position of the “old” priests and their household members was already
taken into account. The fact that these households, as a rule, had a greater number
of members than the households of their parishioners played an important role in
the conflict between the military authorities and the Orthodox clergy concerning
military and tax duties of male members of priest families. A household of a
Serbian Orthodox priest in the Gradiška regiment had 7.18 men on average, of
whom 4.29 were adult men (above 16), while around a fifth of households covered
by the census had between ten and 16 male members.
Military Frontier of the Habsburg Monarchy was conducted by Austrian
military authorities in 1760. Carried out during the Seven Years’ War (1756–
1763), the register aimed to show how the number of priests in this regiment
increased and brought about a decline in the military population. The data show
the structure of priests’ households, i.e. the names, number, age and military
status of their male members, as well as the structure of their land property.
Orthodox priests were registered in 38 settlements of the Petrovaradin regiment
(of 43 in total). There were 101 priests’ households with 392 male members.
An average household had 3.88 male members and possession of 18.23 acres
of arable land.
As the military authorities aimed to point out to the growth in the
number of priests, the register noted the difference between “old” and “new”
priests, depending on whether they were appointed before or after 1756. The
increase in the number of priests between 1756 and 1760 (from 70 to 107) was
considered harmful for the military, because the newly privileged members of
priests’ households were previously registered in active military service. Since
the youngest “new” priest was only 13 years old and nine of them were under
16, it is reasonable to question the canonic legitimacy of their appointment and
their real function in parishes. The circumstances in Orthodox parishes were
not regulated before the last quarter of the 18th century, when the Assembly of
the People and Clergy in 1769 and Church Regulations in 1770 mandated a
reduction in the number of priests, and introduced a number of other reform
measures regarding the organisation of episcopacies and parishes of the
Karlovci Metropolitanate.
Keywords: Habsburg Monarchy, Military Frontier, Petrovaradin Regiment,
Karlovci Metropolitanate, 18th century, 1760, census, Orthodox clergy.
It was recorded in the census that the household property had been plundered by the Turkish army and the bandits as well as by the domestic army. The former would usually take the cash and the cattle that was easily driven – horses and sheep, and the latter would take small and horned cattle that was used for maintenance. Losses were so huge that after the war, in average, each household of the Pančevo district had approximately just one horse, ox and cow, and every second household had a sheep and a pig. Since the Pančevo district settlements were exposed to domestic and foreign armies and bandits, up to 1739, major property losses had been the ones in the settlements by the Danube river – Ovča, Pančevo, Starčevo, Omoljica, Kovin, Brestovac, Gaj and Dubovac, whereas in the settlements far from the military transit – Margitica, Jarkovac and Dobrica, the census does not note any loss whatsoever.
Until the end of 1739, the plague had claimed its victims in each settlement of the Pančevo district. The share of the contributing people i.e. tax payers (adult men and widows running the households) who had died from the plague, was 43.62% out of the total number of tax payers from the pre-war period. This share is slightly smaller for the settlements of the districts in the hinterland of the Danubian border, such as Bečkerek (36.0%), Vršac (33.61%) and Čakovo (27.21%). After two plague-striken years, 1738 and 1739, where the summers were particularly fatal, the plague killed 332 tax payers and 1,027 “others” which is a total of 1,359 persons. Because of the plague, tax paying people mostly died in the settlements by the roads along the riverflows of the Danube and Tamiš. In the settlements of Tomaševac, Sakule, Opovo, Jabuka, Ovča, Pančevo, Starčevo and Omoljica, the loss of the population was 50–60% of the pre-war population. The settlements that had smaller losses due to the plague are as follows: Neuzina, Ilandža, Dobrica, Sefkerin, Idvor and Gaj, where the share of the pre-war tax payers who had died from the plague was 25–33%. The lack of well-ordered sanitary crossings at the Pančevo district teritory during the whole war and the provisional solutions to the problem of the movement control with much oversight, these were the consequence of the fact that the Pančevo district, up to 1740, had not had the position or even the organization of the borderline area.
KEYWORDS: The Habsburg Monarchy, Banat, the Pančevo district, depopulation, the plague, Austro-Turkish war 1737–1739, 18th century
Monarchy. It existed more than one century, between 1764 and 1872. The area included the
Southern Banat and was bordered with the rivers of Tamis, Dunav and Cherna. Territory
of this military frontier was completed by systematic and gradual inclusion of particular
29
settlements. By the year 1776 two regiments were finally founded – German-Banat
Regiment and Wallach-Illyrian Regiment. Their names were specified with the numbers,
at the beginning of 19th century, as XII German-Banat Regiment and XIII Wallach-Illyrian
Regiment. In the year 1838 the Illyrian Battalion was founded, and as soon as in 1845 it
was named XIV Illyrian Regiment. Banat Military Frontier was affected by confrontations
in the revolutionary year 1848-1849. It was abolished in 1872, only few years after
Austrian-Hungarian Settlement from 1867, as well as the institution of Military Frontier
of Habsburg Monarchy.
Banat Military Frontier was completed with newly founded settlements. In 1793 it
included 155 settlements in both regiments, in 1819 there were 170 settlements, and in
1842 there were 190 settlements. Only two of these settlements had urban structure and
privileged position as military municipalities Pančevo and Bela Crkva. In year 1842 Banat
Military Frontier had 1.319 sq.km and c. 300.000 inhabitants (227 inhabitants per sq.km).
Their ethnical and religious structure was more complex after 1765, when the State started
with the foundation of planned settlements for Roman-Catholic and Protestants colonists,
Germans, Hungarians, Slovaks, as well for Orthodox Romanians. The State intervention
in space and foundation of planed settlements was introduced in larger scale in German-
Banat and lesser in the Wallach-Illyrian Regiment. Great differences in demographic and
economic development between these two/three regiments were the consequence of their
geographic particularities.
Border from 1752 reveals demographic, religious and agriculture features
of this territory.
18th century happened in 1751 and 1752. In this period, more then 12,000 people had
been resettled from the territory along the right banks of the rivers Tisa and Moriš to the
left banks of these rivers, which means from Bačka and southern Hungary to Banat. This
resettlement was the consequence of demilitarization of the Military Frontier on the Tisa
and Moriš (the so-called Potisje and Pomorišje sections of the Military Frontier), which
occured in 1751. Both sections were established in 1702, but they lost their military role
as soon as 1718, when southern areas of Banat, Serbia and Little Walachia were acquired.
The demilitarization of the Potisje and Pomorišje sections of the Military Frontier had been
a disputable question for a few decades before it eventually happened.
After Potisje and Pomorišje sections of the Military Frontier were abolished in
1751, their frontiersmen were resettled in 15, mostly newly founded, settlements in
Banat. These settlements were organized as the Banat Land Militia within 6 companies
(so-called Upper Companies): Velika and Mala Kikinda, Melenci and Taraš, Mokrin,
Jozefova (later Obilićevo) and Krstur, Idvor and Leopoldova (Čenta), Botoš, Marinovo
Selo (Tomaševac) and Sige (Perlez), Vranjevo, Karlovo (Novo Miloševo) and Kumane. All
of these settlements were located in deserted and marshland areas of western Banat, which
were, until that moment, administratively submitted to the Districts of Bečkerek and Čanad.
Depopulation of western Banat was caused by various reasons, such as plague epidemics
(1730, 1738–1739), fiscal burden, war and presence of domestic army (1737–1739).
According to the survey from the late 1739 and early 1740, plague epidemic caused a
disappearance of 36% of adult male population (Contribuenten) in the District of Bečkerek,
33.61% in the District of Vršac, 27.21% in the District of Čakova and 42.31% in the District
of Pančevo. Beside that, in the war period, the population of Banat escaped because of the
conduct of domestic army, which burdened the inhabitants of settlements along their route
on the rivers Tisa and Danube. By the year 1740 the devastation of some settlements in the
District of Bečkerek on the river Tisa, such as Bečej and Čenta, committed by domestic
army on its way towards Pančevo and Oršava was complete.
49 М. Костић, Српска насеља у Русији, 76–77 (напомена *).
51
According to military survey conducted in the end of 1753, in newly founded
settlements of the Banat Land Militia there were 1,769 householders, as well as 1,044
married members of households (brothers and sons) and 273 married poor and homeless
persons. Accordingly, only adult and physically capable men were registered. This means
that in 15 settlements there were 3,113 married individuals as well as families, but the
number of households was smaller (2,076), because the households were economic units
consisting of 1–5 married male members. In about 40% of all households there were
registered other married members (i.e. brothers and sons) beside the head of a household.
In 196 households there were even 2–5 such members, so 9.44% of all households could
be considered as zadruga (joint family). The number of potential zadruga households in
the group of officers’ households was even biger (27%).
Based on surveyed number of adult men in settlements of the Banat Land Militia
in 1753, the estimated minimum of the total number of people settled there was 12,000
persons. In the area of 1 km² of these settlements there could be found 8.92 persons or one
household in the area of 0.79 km². These data confirm the conclusion that the most important
consequence of the demilitarization of Potisje and Pomorišje sections of the Military
Frontier was the resettlement of their inhabitants in Banat, and not, as it was previously
stated in literature, in Russia.
arose in the mid-18th century with the request for renewal of Dejanovac monastery as a
kind of educational centre in this regiment. Such application was submitted first to the
bishop of Pakrac in December 1753 by regimental officers, and soon they were joined
by the representatives of borderline Orthodox villages around Okučani. State authorities
were examining this application at the end of 1756 and during the first half of the 1757 by
organizing commissions for research in the field. The final decision was negative and, apart
from the conclusion that the monastery had never existed, it was helped by the fact that, in
the meantime, a public school was opened at the headquarters of Nova Gradiška. However,
in addition to the school at the headquarters, due to the efforts of Gradiška regiment
Orthodox officers led by then major, later colonel Jovan Miljević, a people’s school was
established in the same town and it was independent from the church and state authorities.
Orşova district and a part of the Caransebeş district were questioned about whether they wished to become frontiersmen (and remain in their abodes) or remain civilians (and move to cameral territory). In May 1770, a vast majority of them opted for the second possibility and thus demonstrated their discontent with the military administration. It was only in autumn 1771 and spring 1772 that they decided to accept the border status, which is when the population census began.
By the second half of the 18th century we can see the begining of commerce on the route between the Danube and Posavina region and the Adriatic coast, and its development during the 19th century. With various articles that were typical for this type of trade a special emphasis is placed on the grain trade. An important transit stop in the grain trade was Zemun. The route along the river Sava can be called the grain route, and the towns of Sisak and Karlovac its most prominent route stops and the Adriatic ports the final destinations. Because of the insuficient production (we must take into consideration that the mass commerce was still asociated with the commerce of state reserves), as well as the inadequate tehnical and transport conditions on the long journey from the Danube region towards the Adriatic, the 18th century transit commerce is more of a speculation then a real participating thing. Massive military needs in Italy became a lien for the mass commerce, and the first news of the grain transportation towards Italy began during the 1730s. It must be pointed out that the state needs were not usual, but mostly were instigated by the crops fail in Italy and so the trade existed only seasonaly. Even with the speculative character of the grain trade a profit was expected because of the fact that the grain measure (požunski merov) from 1795 cost 1 forint and 20 krajcar in Banat, while in Genoa, when converted in the Venetian currency (mletački star) it was 4 forint and 47 ½ kreuzer.
Most contemporary lists and other document testify of the buissness in the port of Rijeka, and less about the transport on the coastal part of the city. A valuable document for this topic is the list of Rijeka’s Orthodox traders with the capital in goods coming from the hinterland (1785). The structure of the invested capital of these traders (19 partnership ,,households”) indicates toward the priority of the trade with the hinterland: between a fourth and a fifth of their capital was invested in the commerce of tobacco (23%) and grain with other goods (22%), the money ready for investment comprised 21,5%, as well as the capital invested in houses (12,47%), boats on the rivers Sava and Danube (7,33%) and small shops (5,42%).
With regards of the port it is interesting that the whole export from Rijeka between 1790 and 1795 was approximately 2 milions forints, but grain is not mentioned as an export good. On the other hand, a vast quantity of grain was imported into the Monarchy precisely through the port of Rijeka. The grain compraised in 1785 11% of the value of the port import in Rijeka and at the same time it was valued second place, right behind sugar. As the export of grain through the port of Rijeka was rather small it can be concluded that the grain imported through the port was intended for the city and its sourranding area. Between 1775 and 1780 Rijeka had about 5.000 inhabitants, as many as Zemun. The statistical data inform us that the grains intended for the Italian market was mostly exported from Triest, and then Senj and Karlobag, with the Hungarian coast and Rijeka as its biggest port being only the third.
The traders from Rijeka that are mentioned in the documents from the
Zemun magistrate regarding the bussiness cooperation of Zemun traders and purveyors were: Jakov Čakulović (1787), Mihail Vohinac (1791), Trifun Blagojević (1797), Aleksej and Teodor Vuković (1799) and Jovan Serdanović (1800 and 1801). Some of the mentioned traders traveled a great deal from Rijeka in order to find themselves in Zemun or its sourranding area. They dealt with the grain trade but also traded lard, beef, while other types of trade are not specified in the documents. One of them, Mihail Vohinac, settled during the Austro-Turkish war (1788–1791) in Belgrade and kept a shop there. Traders from Rijeka didn’t conduct their buissness only in Zemun, but also in Novi Sad, Veliki Bečkerek (Zrenjanin), Segedin and so forth. Besides Rijeka’s traders
in the 18th century documents regarding grain trade there is also mention of Triest traders Bartolomej Oraš (1784/1798), Jovan Ćirković (1790), Riznić (1793) and Jovan Kurtović (1795).
The documents testify of individuals who traveled from the Adriatic coast to Zemun not only for buissness and trade, but also for egzistential reasons. Zemun was a town was in need of craftsmen and labourer that would fournised the ships. People from the coast, among which were many traders from Hercegovina, traveled through Dubrovnik and Rijeka towards the Monarchy, and with short or long stops in ports, they continued their journey towards places like Novi Sad.
The paper presents data about cereal transit and trade on the Sava and Kupa rivers in the second half of the 18th century. A focus is placed on some aspects of transit and trade on the Zemun–Sisak–Karlovac route, such as the role of the state in “mare versus” trade, the beginnings of cereal exports from the Hungarian hinterland and Banat, conditions of navigation on the Sava and Kupa, and some characteristics of supply and trade activities (prices, costs, gains and losses). The paper mainly relies on archival records of the fund of the Zemun Magistrate kept in the Historical Archives of Belgrade, and on published sources and literature. The paper shows that intensive development of cereal transit and trade on the Sava–Pokupski route was not possible before 1780. The state’s role in “mare versus” trade is reflected primarily in the fact that the transit of large quantities of cereals was initiated by the state, i.e. military or civil authorities. This took place occasionally and, as a rule, at the time of cereal shortages in Italy and for the needs of the army during war campaigns in Italy and Germany. In addition, the role of the state in the development of transit and trade on the Sava and Kupa rivers was reflected in its exclusive power to apply current technological know-how and to gather experts – engineers in order to put into use the maritime route on the Sava and Kupa. During the 18th century, conditions for regulated navigation were gradually created, with the regulations carried out in 1733–1736 and 1784–1786 being the key milestones. The state’s enhanced care about the functionality of the Sava and Kupa route coincided with the strengthening of its interest in “wholesale” trade towards distant destinations in the early eighties (oversees trade, Trieste–Constantinople trade, expedition towards China, concessions for trade downstream the Danube etc.). In line with this, data on cereal trade on the Sava appeared first sporadically, and only from the 1780s to the extent indicating large-scale operation of trade companies (as of 1759 the Timișoara Privileged Company, and as of 1768 the New Privileged Timișoara Company) and private persons on this route. The majority of sources about 176 Јелена Илић Мандић cereal trade originate from the last decade of the 18th century. This phenomenon was certainly under the influence of the political climate – the start of longlasting wars against France and Napoleon. The paper presents a large number of documents about activities performed by Zemun boatmen and traders on the Sava and Kupa. They illustrate the conditions and problems of navigation on these rivers, which concerned security and water levels, as well as contracts, costs, gains and losses in Sava–Pokupski cereal trade.
Keywords: trade, cereals, Sava, Kupa, Zemun, Sisak, Karlovac, Habsburg Monarchy, 18th century
foundation of the German Banat Regiment in 1764. The colonists settled in
the period 1764–1788 were the veterans from the Veterans Houses (Invaliden
Haus), garrisons and regular regiments of the Habsburg Monarchy, as well as
RomanCatholics and married persons. Such model of the colonisation was
applied for the first time in the Military Frontier. According to the plans, the
whole population of this Regiment had to be made of colonists veterans,
withthe function of frontiersmen and peasants at the same time. But, this
intention was abandoned until the eighties of the 18th century because the
Veterans Houses were not a sufficient source for colonisation and, as a result,
colonists never outnumbered the local population. The veterans were
inhabitants in the settlements of Kovin, Brestovac, Pločica, Glogonj, Starčevo,
Upper or Serbian Pančevo, Lower or German Pančevo, Omoljica, Jabuka,
Crepaja, Opovo and Sefkerin. Although the Regiment was extended to a larger
number of settlements during the second half of the 18th century (it comprised
32 settlements in 1781, 43 settlements in 1793), the number of settlements
with the colonist population was limited to the mentioned twelve. In these
settlements, partial resettlement of the local Serbian population was
conducted in the first years after 1764.
It is difficult to estimate the precise number of colonists settled in this
Regiment between 1764 and 1788, when the last AustrianOttoman
war broke out. In September 1769, the colonisation included 991 ”real” settlers
(Ackersleute) and 109 craftsman, or 1,100 men. The 1781 census ascertained
7,233 ”German” persons (3,764 men and 3,469 women), who made 15.81%
of the whole regiment population. The ”German” title (Deutsch Ansiedlungs
Commission, Deutsch Banat Regiment, Deutschen Ortschaften etc.) showed to
be only a memory of the intentions of the military authorities, because the
veterans themselves were not always Germans by origin. After 1790, the
colonisation took a different course when the first new settlements with civil
and mostly protestant population were founded. The demographic change
was seen in the religious structure of the regiment population, among whom the Roman Catholic and Protestant group could be identified as colonists. In
1781, there were 82.89% Orthodox persons, 17.07% Roman Catholics and
0.03% Protestants. The situation in 1819 was not much different as there were
81% Orthodox inhabitants, 13% Roman Catholics and 6% Protestants.
Keywords: Habsburg Monarchy, Military Frontier, Banat Military Frontier,
German Banat Regiment, 18th century, settlement, colonisation, colonists.
regiment was carried out by regiment military authorities in 1760, during the Seven
Years’ War. Their aim was to point to the increase in the number of privileged
households in the territory of the regiment compared to the earlier census of 1756.
Owing to the spiritual status of one of their members, these households enjoyed
immunity and were exempted from tax and military duties. The census published
here is one of the few which recorded all men living in Serbian priest households.
As such, it helps us learn about the size and structure of these households. In addition
to data about the number of family members, names, age and military status of male
members, the census also contains data on arable surfaces owned by the households
(ploughed fields, meadows and orchards).
The census covered 41 priests from 19 Serbian settlements. A difference
was made between the “old” (16) and “new“ (25) priests, depending on whether
they were ordained before or after 1756. Referring to earlier bans on an increase
in the number of Orthodox priests, the military authorities believed that male
members of new priest households should be treated as conscripts, just as they
were before some of their members were ordained priests. In contrast, the Bishop
of Pakrac required that all members of priest families be considered privileged,
regardless of whether their representatives were “old” or “new” priests, i.e. priests
with or without parishes. The view of the church representatives had greater weight
despite the disagreements. Based on the census, 176 persons in “new” priest
households had to be exempted from the customary military service, while the
privileged position of the “old” priests and their household members was already
taken into account. The fact that these households, as a rule, had a greater number
of members than the households of their parishioners played an important role in
the conflict between the military authorities and the Orthodox clergy concerning
military and tax duties of male members of priest families. A household of a
Serbian Orthodox priest in the Gradiška regiment had 7.18 men on average, of
whom 4.29 were adult men (above 16), while around a fifth of households covered
by the census had between ten and 16 male members.
Military Frontier of the Habsburg Monarchy was conducted by Austrian
military authorities in 1760. Carried out during the Seven Years’ War (1756–
1763), the register aimed to show how the number of priests in this regiment
increased and brought about a decline in the military population. The data show
the structure of priests’ households, i.e. the names, number, age and military
status of their male members, as well as the structure of their land property.
Orthodox priests were registered in 38 settlements of the Petrovaradin regiment
(of 43 in total). There were 101 priests’ households with 392 male members.
An average household had 3.88 male members and possession of 18.23 acres
of arable land.
As the military authorities aimed to point out to the growth in the
number of priests, the register noted the difference between “old” and “new”
priests, depending on whether they were appointed before or after 1756. The
increase in the number of priests between 1756 and 1760 (from 70 to 107) was
considered harmful for the military, because the newly privileged members of
priests’ households were previously registered in active military service. Since
the youngest “new” priest was only 13 years old and nine of them were under
16, it is reasonable to question the canonic legitimacy of their appointment and
their real function in parishes. The circumstances in Orthodox parishes were
not regulated before the last quarter of the 18th century, when the Assembly of
the People and Clergy in 1769 and Church Regulations in 1770 mandated a
reduction in the number of priests, and introduced a number of other reform
measures regarding the organisation of episcopacies and parishes of the
Karlovci Metropolitanate.
Keywords: Habsburg Monarchy, Military Frontier, Petrovaradin Regiment,
Karlovci Metropolitanate, 18th century, 1760, census, Orthodox clergy.
It was recorded in the census that the household property had been plundered by the Turkish army and the bandits as well as by the domestic army. The former would usually take the cash and the cattle that was easily driven – horses and sheep, and the latter would take small and horned cattle that was used for maintenance. Losses were so huge that after the war, in average, each household of the Pančevo district had approximately just one horse, ox and cow, and every second household had a sheep and a pig. Since the Pančevo district settlements were exposed to domestic and foreign armies and bandits, up to 1739, major property losses had been the ones in the settlements by the Danube river – Ovča, Pančevo, Starčevo, Omoljica, Kovin, Brestovac, Gaj and Dubovac, whereas in the settlements far from the military transit – Margitica, Jarkovac and Dobrica, the census does not note any loss whatsoever.
Until the end of 1739, the plague had claimed its victims in each settlement of the Pančevo district. The share of the contributing people i.e. tax payers (adult men and widows running the households) who had died from the plague, was 43.62% out of the total number of tax payers from the pre-war period. This share is slightly smaller for the settlements of the districts in the hinterland of the Danubian border, such as Bečkerek (36.0%), Vršac (33.61%) and Čakovo (27.21%). After two plague-striken years, 1738 and 1739, where the summers were particularly fatal, the plague killed 332 tax payers and 1,027 “others” which is a total of 1,359 persons. Because of the plague, tax paying people mostly died in the settlements by the roads along the riverflows of the Danube and Tamiš. In the settlements of Tomaševac, Sakule, Opovo, Jabuka, Ovča, Pančevo, Starčevo and Omoljica, the loss of the population was 50–60% of the pre-war population. The settlements that had smaller losses due to the plague are as follows: Neuzina, Ilandža, Dobrica, Sefkerin, Idvor and Gaj, where the share of the pre-war tax payers who had died from the plague was 25–33%. The lack of well-ordered sanitary crossings at the Pančevo district teritory during the whole war and the provisional solutions to the problem of the movement control with much oversight, these were the consequence of the fact that the Pančevo district, up to 1740, had not had the position or even the organization of the borderline area.
KEYWORDS: The Habsburg Monarchy, Banat, the Pančevo district, depopulation, the plague, Austro-Turkish war 1737–1739, 18th century
Monarchy. It existed more than one century, between 1764 and 1872. The area included the
Southern Banat and was bordered with the rivers of Tamis, Dunav and Cherna. Territory
of this military frontier was completed by systematic and gradual inclusion of particular
29
settlements. By the year 1776 two regiments were finally founded – German-Banat
Regiment and Wallach-Illyrian Regiment. Their names were specified with the numbers,
at the beginning of 19th century, as XII German-Banat Regiment and XIII Wallach-Illyrian
Regiment. In the year 1838 the Illyrian Battalion was founded, and as soon as in 1845 it
was named XIV Illyrian Regiment. Banat Military Frontier was affected by confrontations
in the revolutionary year 1848-1849. It was abolished in 1872, only few years after
Austrian-Hungarian Settlement from 1867, as well as the institution of Military Frontier
of Habsburg Monarchy.
Banat Military Frontier was completed with newly founded settlements. In 1793 it
included 155 settlements in both regiments, in 1819 there were 170 settlements, and in
1842 there were 190 settlements. Only two of these settlements had urban structure and
privileged position as military municipalities Pančevo and Bela Crkva. In year 1842 Banat
Military Frontier had 1.319 sq.km and c. 300.000 inhabitants (227 inhabitants per sq.km).
Their ethnical and religious structure was more complex after 1765, when the State started
with the foundation of planned settlements for Roman-Catholic and Protestants colonists,
Germans, Hungarians, Slovaks, as well for Orthodox Romanians. The State intervention
in space and foundation of planed settlements was introduced in larger scale in German-
Banat and lesser in the Wallach-Illyrian Regiment. Great differences in demographic and
economic development between these two/three regiments were the consequence of their
geographic particularities.
Border from 1752 reveals demographic, religious and agriculture features
of this territory.
18th century happened in 1751 and 1752. In this period, more then 12,000 people had
been resettled from the territory along the right banks of the rivers Tisa and Moriš to the
left banks of these rivers, which means from Bačka and southern Hungary to Banat. This
resettlement was the consequence of demilitarization of the Military Frontier on the Tisa
and Moriš (the so-called Potisje and Pomorišje sections of the Military Frontier), which
occured in 1751. Both sections were established in 1702, but they lost their military role
as soon as 1718, when southern areas of Banat, Serbia and Little Walachia were acquired.
The demilitarization of the Potisje and Pomorišje sections of the Military Frontier had been
a disputable question for a few decades before it eventually happened.
After Potisje and Pomorišje sections of the Military Frontier were abolished in
1751, their frontiersmen were resettled in 15, mostly newly founded, settlements in
Banat. These settlements were organized as the Banat Land Militia within 6 companies
(so-called Upper Companies): Velika and Mala Kikinda, Melenci and Taraš, Mokrin,
Jozefova (later Obilićevo) and Krstur, Idvor and Leopoldova (Čenta), Botoš, Marinovo
Selo (Tomaševac) and Sige (Perlez), Vranjevo, Karlovo (Novo Miloševo) and Kumane. All
of these settlements were located in deserted and marshland areas of western Banat, which
were, until that moment, administratively submitted to the Districts of Bečkerek and Čanad.
Depopulation of western Banat was caused by various reasons, such as plague epidemics
(1730, 1738–1739), fiscal burden, war and presence of domestic army (1737–1739).
According to the survey from the late 1739 and early 1740, plague epidemic caused a
disappearance of 36% of adult male population (Contribuenten) in the District of Bečkerek,
33.61% in the District of Vršac, 27.21% in the District of Čakova and 42.31% in the District
of Pančevo. Beside that, in the war period, the population of Banat escaped because of the
conduct of domestic army, which burdened the inhabitants of settlements along their route
on the rivers Tisa and Danube. By the year 1740 the devastation of some settlements in the
District of Bečkerek on the river Tisa, such as Bečej and Čenta, committed by domestic
army on its way towards Pančevo and Oršava was complete.
49 М. Костић, Српска насеља у Русији, 76–77 (напомена *).
51
According to military survey conducted in the end of 1753, in newly founded
settlements of the Banat Land Militia there were 1,769 householders, as well as 1,044
married members of households (brothers and sons) and 273 married poor and homeless
persons. Accordingly, only adult and physically capable men were registered. This means
that in 15 settlements there were 3,113 married individuals as well as families, but the
number of households was smaller (2,076), because the households were economic units
consisting of 1–5 married male members. In about 40% of all households there were
registered other married members (i.e. brothers and sons) beside the head of a household.
In 196 households there were even 2–5 such members, so 9.44% of all households could
be considered as zadruga (joint family). The number of potential zadruga households in
the group of officers’ households was even biger (27%).
Based on surveyed number of adult men in settlements of the Banat Land Militia
in 1753, the estimated minimum of the total number of people settled there was 12,000
persons. In the area of 1 km² of these settlements there could be found 8.92 persons or one
household in the area of 0.79 km². These data confirm the conclusion that the most important
consequence of the demilitarization of Potisje and Pomorišje sections of the Military
Frontier was the resettlement of their inhabitants in Banat, and not, as it was previously
stated in literature, in Russia.
arose in the mid-18th century with the request for renewal of Dejanovac monastery as a
kind of educational centre in this regiment. Such application was submitted first to the
bishop of Pakrac in December 1753 by regimental officers, and soon they were joined
by the representatives of borderline Orthodox villages around Okučani. State authorities
were examining this application at the end of 1756 and during the first half of the 1757 by
organizing commissions for research in the field. The final decision was negative and, apart
from the conclusion that the monastery had never existed, it was helped by the fact that, in
the meantime, a public school was opened at the headquarters of Nova Gradiška. However,
in addition to the school at the headquarters, due to the efforts of Gradiška regiment
Orthodox officers led by then major, later colonel Jovan Miljević, a people’s school was
established in the same town and it was independent from the church and state authorities.
the militarization and colonization of this settlement as well as the
neighbouring ones in the former Pančevo District, in Banat. In 1764––1774
the settlements were organized as the Regiment of German-Banat Frontiersmen
(Deutsch-banatische Regiment). The Urbarial Book includes several parts, the
first and the last of which are published in this paper. The first part of the Book
(General Beschreibung und Haupt Anmerkungen) consists of 65 articles and
considers the agrarian features and the settlement organization. In the quoted
sections, it is described what position some areas of the settlement had, and
what their usefulness was considering the tributary of the Dunube River – the
Ponjavica and the Crna Bara swamp. The last segment of The Book
(Summarische Inhalt Tabellen oder Ballanz) shows the list of landowners in the
village and precise data about their land plots.