Autoritäre Regime setzen neben Repression und Kooptation auch auf redistributiv-
ökonomische und ... more Autoritäre Regime setzen neben Repression und Kooptation auch auf redistributiv- ökonomische und legitimatorisch-ideologische Strategien, um ihr Überleben zu sichern. In diesem Beitrag diskutieren wir zunächst konzeptionell unterschiedliche Möglichkeiten der Legitimation durch Policy-Making, die (auch) in Autokratien infrage kommen. Wir verdeutlichen diese Konzeptualisierung indem wir autokratische Legitimationsstrategien in distributiven, redistributiven und regulativen Politikfeldern exemplarisch darstellen. Dabei zeigt sich, dass Legitimation durch Policy-Making ein zweischneidiges Schwert ist, denn es birgt legitimationspotenziale ebenso wie -risiken. Der Vergleich der Politikfelder Innovations-, Umwelt- und Familienpolitik zeigt, dass distributive Policies eher legitimierende Wirkungen entfalten können, während regulative und redistributive Policies aufgrund ihres eher konfliktiven Charakters bestenfalls als ambivalent einzuschätzen sind.
Civil society organizations are widely recognized as essential at all environmental and climate g... more Civil society organizations are widely recognized as essential at all environmental and climate governance levels. Environmental civil society organizations, such as Greenpeace, Friends of the Earth, or the World Wildlife Fund for Nature, have become respected actors in national and global environmental policy-making (Berny and Rootes, 2018). In the fields of energy and climate policy, civil society organizations are often seen as promoting the diffusion of new energy technologies (Vasi, 2011), opposing new energy projects (McAdam and Boudet, 2012), or experimenting with new energy ownership models (Bauwens et al., 2016; Moss et al., 2015). Such policy-oriented studies highlight the role of actor coalitions and public mobilization in policy changes affecting the energy sector (Hess, 2018). The emphasis is on interest intermediation; civil society is recognized as one actor among many seeking to maximize its policy goals (Brulle, 2010; David, 2018; North, 2011). The public policy literature tends to hold functionalist, goal-oriented views on the role of public participation and civil society involvement in the policy process, emphasizing the role of civil society as a bottom-up force for policy innovation and societal democratization, the importance of open planning cultures, and the inclusion of key stakeholders and the lay public in achieving policy goals, such as more progressive climate policies, higher levels of renewable energy deployment, or changes in the means and sources of energy production. What policy-oriented perspectives in environmental and climate governance often fail to see are new developments in social mobilization related to environmental and climate policy that have become particularly evident in the last few of years. The new climate movement is the latest example of a movement that can justifiably claim to have the transformative power needed for large-scale historical change (Hadden, 2014; Perez et al., 2015; Stuart et al., 2020; Fisher and Nasrin, 2021). Many observers argue that if there is hope that the future will lead to sustainable transformations that avert climate change, biodiversity loss, and fossil fuel dependency, this can only be achieved through large-scale bottom-up societal mobilization (Hess, 2018). With a world on the brink of climate tipping points, social tipping might be the only hope left (Milkoreit et al., 2018; Otto et al., 2020; Winkelmann et al., 2022). Climate change and its consequences are among the issues with the highest mobilization potential across Europe (Wahlström et al., 2019). A new climate movement has emerged and
When faced with highly heterogeneous national conditions and preferences, the EU has often resort... more When faced with highly heterogeneous national conditions and preferences, the EU has often resorted to differentiation to ensure political support for advancing common policies. Despite growing scholarly interest in differentiation in the EU, conceptual clarity and empirical evidence of different forms of differentiation are still in a nascent stage. Particularly the use of differentiation in times of crisis needs to be better understood. To address this research gap, we investigate differentiation in the EU renewable energy policy in response to the crisis stirred by Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. We find that the EU successfully used the Ukraine crisis to increase the ambition of renewable energy policy, but this was accompanied by various and often novel forms of differentiation. Rather than formally exempting countries from common EU provisions (differentiated integration), EU decision-makers strategically incorporated flexibility in implementation, often tailored to a few outlier countries. Strategic flexibility was instrumental in overcoming political disagreements among national governments and adopting a more ambitious and comprehensive renewable energy policy. Our findings contribute conceptually and empirically to understanding various forms of differentiation in EU policymaking and how they are employed to facilitate the building of political majorities during crises.
What are the geopolitical risk implications related to the war in Ukraine for the raw material an... more What are the geopolitical risk implications related to the war in Ukraine for the raw material and energy policies of countries highly dependent on Russia? This paper looks at the Visegrad Group (V4) states-Czechia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakiaas some of the most impacted countries and assesses their position in the emerging new geopolitical and energy order. V4 countries display a semi-peripheral position in the world-system, as defined by Immanuel Wallerstein. On the geopolitical level, they were balancing between dependence on Russia in energy and raw materials (a result of Cold War legacies) and economic integration with Western countries. However, after the Cold War, dependence on raw materials from the East went hand in hand with dependence on technology and investment from the West, as the V4 region saw the emergence of 'dependent capitalism.' The war in Ukraine may reshuffle these dependencies by changing the meaning of the 'centre,' for which such actors as the United States, Western Europe or China will strive after Russia's importance has weakened in the V4 countries. It may also create an opportunity to redefine the V4's semiperipheral status. Drawing on an analysis of recent documents and governmental strategies that emerged in the aftermath of Russia's invasion in 2022, we offer a structured comparative analysis of the way V4 states responded to the crisis along four dimensions (positioning in the international political economy of energy and technology, role of the state, visions of energy futures, geopolitical and geoeconomic course). In the conclusions, we outline the main changes in the import of raw materials, fuels and technologies in individual V4 countries and consider the possible position of the region in the future energy geopolitical order.
While the literature on mass society and social capital assumes a negative relationship between c... more While the literature on mass society and social capital assumes a negative relationship between civic associationalism, political participation, social trust and populist radical right (PRR) voting, more recent studies provide more mixed evidence that fringe parties can mobilize support and consolidate by relying on complex networks of civil society organizations. However, these studies focus on supply-side explanations; there is little systematic evidence that includes demand-side evidence on PRR voting and civil society cross-nationally. Using survey data from two waves of the International Social Survey Programme, this article engages with demand-side explanations of PRR voting in five Central and Eastern Europe countries. The results show lower levels of associational membership and social trust but higher political participation among PRR voters when compared to voters of other parties. The article highlights the importance of taking into account demand-side explanations of fringe party politics.
The European Union (EU) has become the main driver for environmental policy output for its member... more The European Union (EU) has become the main driver for environmental policy output for its member states whose number has more than tripled over the past four decades. The EU's deepening and widening has led researchers to expect more non-compliance with EU environmental legislation. In fact, however, the implementation gap has narrowed over the past 25 years. Except for Southern enlargement, taking on new member states has not exacerbated the EU's compliance problem in the field of environmental policy. Nor has the expansion of the environmental acquis. This is explained by the European Commission's strategies of managing and enforcing compliance. EU environmental policy has become less demanding on member states since it increasingly tends to amend existing rather than set new legislation. Simultaneously, the Commission has developed new instruments to strengthen member state capacities to implement EU environmental legislation.
Neben Regierungen und Verwaltungen werden Parlamente in der politikwissenschaftlichen Forschung z... more Neben Regierungen und Verwaltungen werden Parlamente in der politikwissenschaftlichen Forschung zur Europäischen Union immer häufiger behandelt. 1 Auch in Deutschland ist spätestens seit dem Lissabon-Urteil des Bundesverfassungsgerichts die Aufmerksamkeit für die europapolitische Rolle des Bundestages deutlich gestiegen. 2 Die gegenwärtige Krise der Eurozone, bei der die Bundesrepublik nolens volens eine wichtige Rolle spielt, hat zudem dazu geführt, dass der Bundestag mit einer Reihe neuer Rechte ausgestattet wurde und immer mehr bereit zu sein scheint, diese auch aktiv zu nutzen. 3 Dieser Beitrag widmet sich einem anderen Bereich des deutschen Parlamentarismus, der sowohl in der Europa-als auch der Parlaments-und Föderalismusforschung der letzten Jahre vernachlässigt wurde: der Europäisierung 4 der Landtage. In der (deutschen) Europäisierungsforschung, die sich mit der Landesebene befasst, liegt der Schwerpunkt in der Regel auf der Rolle des Bundesrates und stellt somit die Exekutiven in den Mittelpunkt. 5 Darüber hinaus wurde vor allem den europäisierungsbedingten Anpassungen des deutschen Föderalismus besondere Aufmerksamkeit zuteil. 6 Dabei galt das Interesse der Forscher einerseits dem zunehmend aktiven "Lobbying" deutscher Länder in Brüssel 7 , andererseits befasste sich eine Reihe von Studien mit der exekutiven Koordination der Europapolitik durch die Staatskanzleien der Länder 8 oder mit den Integrationspräferenzen regionaler Akteure. 9
While the literature on mass society and social capital assumes a negative relationship between c... more While the literature on mass society and social capital assumes a negative relationship between civic associationalism, political participation, social trust and populist radical right (PRR) voting, more recent studies provide more mixed evidence that fringe parties can mobilize support and consolidate by relying on complex networks of civil society organizations. However, these studies focus on supply-side explanations; there is little systematic evidence that includes demand-side evidence on PRR voting and civil society cross-nationally. Using survey data from two waves of the International Social Survey Programme, this article engages with demand-side explanations of PRR voting in five Central and Eastern Europe countries. The results show lower levels of associational membership and social trust but higher political participation among PRR voters when compared to voters of other parties. The article highlights the importance of taking into account demand-side explanations of fringe party politics.
Zusammenfassung Die kognitionswissenschaftliche Entscheidungsfor-schung hat in den letzten Jahren... more Zusammenfassung Die kognitionswissenschaftliche Entscheidungsfor-schung hat in den letzten Jahren in einer Reihe von Nachbardisziplinen der Politikwissenschaft wie der Ökonomie und der Rechtswissenschaft bedeutende Erfolge gefeiert. Nicht nur in der Politischen Psy-chologie, sondern auch in anderen politikwissen-schaftlichen Subdisziplinen, etwa in der Wahl-und Einstellungsforschung, der Außenpolitikanalyse oder der Politikfeldforschung, sind Erkenntnisse aus dieser Forschungstradition von immer größerer Bedeutung. Dieser Beitrag diskutiert wichtige Entwicklungslinien der Forschungstradition über Heuristiken und bietet eine Übersicht der politik-wissenschaftlichen Rezeption dieser Arbeiten. Ziel des Beitrags ist es, die kognitionswissenschaftlich fundierte Perspektive der Entscheidungsfindung für ein breiteres politikwissenschaftlich interessiertes Publikum bekannt zu machen und auf Möglichkei-ten ihrer Anwendung in der qualitativ orientierten Regierungsforschung hinzuweisen. Der Beitrag fo-kussiert dabei auf Eliten als zentrale Akteure der politischen Entscheidungsfindung. Anhand eines Fallbeispiels aus dem Grenzgebiet der Europa-und Regierungsforschung wird illustriert, wie die dar-gestellte Literatur zu Heuristiken zusammen mit neo-institutionalistischen Ansätzen mit einigem Mehrwert angewendet werden kann.
Abstract Gut feelings, rules of thumb or brain decisions: The role of heuristics in decision-making of political elites Behavioral perspectives have celebrated significant successes in a number of disciplines such as economics and law. Not only in political psychology are findings from this research tradition becoming increasingly important, but also in other sub-disciplines of political science, such as electoral studies, foreign policy analysis, and policy field research. This article discusses important lines of development in the research program on heuristics and provides an overview of the political science reception of these works. The aim of the contribution is to popularize the behavioral decision-making agenda to a broader political science audience and to point to possibilities of its application in qualitatively oriented research. The contribution focuses on elites as central actors in political decision making. Using a case study located at the intersection of European and domestic politics, the contribution illustrates the added value of the heu-ristics literature and how it can be combined with neo-institutionalist approaches.
The countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have commonly been regarded as climate and ener... more The countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have commonly been regarded as climate and energy policy laggards blocking more ambitious EU decarbonization targets. Although recent literature has increasingly acknowledged the differences in national positions on energy and climate issues among these states, there has been little comprehensive evidence about their positioning on EU climate and energy policies and the domestic interests which shape government preferences. The article addresses this gap by tracing the voting behavior of six CEE countries (Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Bulgaria, and Romania) on EU energy-related legislation in the Council of Ministers between 2007-2018. The article shows that the contestation of energy policies, particularly of climate-related legislation, in the Council of Ministers has increased over time and that these six CEE countries have indeed most often objected to the adoption of EU legislation. The CEE states do not, however, have a common regional positioning on all EU energy policies. Voting coalitions among the six CEE countries differ substantially across energy policy areas. The lack of a common regional position and changing national preferences have enabled the adoption of a relatively ambitious EU Energy and Climate Package for 2030. The differences in national voting patterns are explained by the evolving interests and the ability of key domestic political and economic actors to adapt to and explore benefits from the ever-expanding EU energy and climate policies.
While the European Union’s Lisbon Treaty has important implications for regional parliaments with... more While the European Union’s Lisbon Treaty has important implications for regional parliaments with legislative competences, most studies have focused on cross-country differences or examined the activities of regional parliaments at the EU level. This contribution shows the existence of substantial intra-country differences in the formal scrutiny rights of regional parliaments. We analyse how German regional parliaments (Landtage) have addressed the challenge of controlling their governments in EU affairs. Using fuzzy-set comparative qualitative analysis, we find that institutional and partisan factors (vote share in the second chamber, economic potential, and conservative governments) explain the differences found among German Landtage particularly well. Landtage with otherwise weak parliamentary prerogatives were successful in using the reform momentum to strengthen their rights in the field of EU policy. Combined with the party political salience of EU policy-making, the integration process has thus empowered formally weaker Landtage.
The European Union (EU) has become the main driver for environmental policy output for its member... more The European Union (EU) has become the main driver for environmental policy output for its member states whose number has more than tripled over the past four decades. The EU's deepening and widening has led researchers to expect more non-compliance with EU environmental legislation. in fact, however, the implementation gap has narrowed over the past 25 years. Except for Southern enlargement, taking on new member states has not exacerbated the EU's compliance problem in the field of environmental policy. Nor has the expansion of the environmental acquis. This is explained by the European Commission's strategies of managing and enforcing compliance. EU environmental policy has become less demanding on member states since it increasingly tends to amend existing rather than set new legislation. Simultaneously, the Commission has developed new instruments to strengthen member state capacities to implement EU environmental legislation.
While the European Union’s Lisbon Treaty has important implications for regional parliaments with... more While the European Union’s Lisbon Treaty has important implications for regional parliaments with legislative competences, most studies have focused on cross-country differences or examined the activities of regional parliaments at the EU level. This contribution shows the existence of substantial intra-country differences in the formal scrutiny rights of regional parliaments. We analyse how German regional parliaments (Landtage) have addressed the challenge of controlling their governments in EU affairs. Using fuzzy-set comparative qualitative analysis, we find that institutional and partisan factors (vote share in the second chamber, economic potential, and conservative governments) explain the differences found among German Landtage particularly well. Landtage with otherwise weak parliamentary prerogatives were successful in using the reform momentum to strengthen their rights in the field of EU policy. Combined with the party political salience of EU policy-making, the integration process has thus empowered formally weaker Landtage.
Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft, 2016
Erhöhte Responsivität und Transparenz der Politik gehören zu den wichtigsten Versprechen, die ein... more Erhöhte Responsivität und Transparenz der Politik gehören zu den wichtigsten Versprechen, die eine " Demokratie 2.0 " einzulösen verspricht. In diesem Zusammenhang sind im letzten Jahrzehnt eine Reihe von Parliamentary Monitoring Organisations (PMO) entstanden, welche neue, innovative Möglich-keiten der politischen Kommunikation zwischen Bürgern und Politikern aufgezeigt und die Hoffnung nach einer Revitalisierung der repräsentativen Demokratie genährt haben. Solche Organisation stellen die Infrastruktur für Transparenz und Respon-sivität bereit, indem sie Big Data über das parlamentarische Verhalten einzelner Abgeordneten aggregieren, diese für die Öffentlichkeit aufbereiten und Bürgern die Möglichkeit bieten, mit Abgeordneten in Kontakt zu treten. Am Beispiel des von der PMO Abgeordnetenwatch.de jährlich erstellten Abgeordnetenrankings erläutert dieser Beitrag die Responsivität von Bundestagsabgeordneten der 17. Legislaturperi-ode auf digital vermittelte Anfragen von Bürgern. Die Ergebnisse der Untersuchung zeigen, dass parlamentarische und gouvernamentale Positionsrollen, wie die Zuge-hörigkeit zu einer Oppositionspartei oder die Mitgliedschaft in der Bundesregierung, sowie die Abwesenheit von Abgeordneten im Bundestag wichtige Faktoren für die Erklärung der Responsivität von MdBs sind. Auch geht vom Ranking selbst ein wichtiger Einfluss aus, da schlecht abschneidende Abgeordnete besonders bemüht sind, ihre Position im nächsten Jahr zu verbessern. Abschließend wird die Passfä-higkeit solcher Rankings für arbeitsteilig organisierte Parlamente diskutiert. Abstract Increased responsiveness and transparency are among the most important promises of digital democracy. A number of Parliamentary Monitoring Organizations (PMO) have emerged in the last decade, showing innovative ways of political communication between citizens and politicians and nourishing the hope put into revitalizing representative democracy. PMOs provide the infrastructure for parliamentary transparency and responsiveness by aggregating data about individual parliamentarian's performance and offer the possibility to (re-)establish the link between citizens and their representants. Using the example of the annual MP ranking drawn up by the German PMO Abgeordnetenwatch.de, this article deals with the responsiveness of MPs of the German Bundestag to citizen's online requests. The study shows that parliamentary and governmental position roles, as well as MP's presence or absence from the parliament are factors explaining their responsiveness. But the ranking itself also seems to have a direct impact on MP's responsiveness as particularly the lower performing MPs are keen to improve their position in the next year. The article closes with a discussion of the benefits and drawbacks of such rankings for working parliaments such as the German Bundestag. Keywords Internet · Democracy · Bundestag · Responsiveness · Transparency · Members of Parliament · Abgeordnetenwatch.de · Monitory Democracy · Parliamentary Monitoring Organisations
Les références au « syndrome méditerranéen », décrivant un non-respect fl agrant des normes europ... more Les références au « syndrome méditerranéen », décrivant un non-respect fl agrant des normes européennes, ont pris une importance croissante après l’adhésion d’États d’Europe du Sud à l’Union européenne, dans les années quatre-vingt et quatre-vingt-dix. Les explications de ce syndrome se concentrent sur un « décalage » entre l’Europe du Sud et les politiques de l’Union européenne, sur les faibles capacités administratives des Etats, et sur la piètre nature de la société civile dans ces pays. Parmi les plus importantes réserves contre l’élargissement de l’Union européenne, on s’est référé à des considérations similaires sur la capacité des pays candidats d’Europe centrale et orientale à appliquer l’acquis communautaire après l’adhésion. Cependant, il semble que l’Union européenne ait appris de son expérience avec les États membres du Sud de l’Europe, et elle a institutionnalisé un système d’une haute complexité pour gérer l’adhésion, quand les dix nouveaux candidats à l’Union ont frappé à sa porte. En se concentrant sur le rôle de l’administration publique, cet article s’interroge si une approche fondée sur la conditionnalité européenne a conduit à une mise en conformité soutenable après l’adhésion. Cet article démontre que, plutôt que de considérer les nouveaux États membres comme un groupe cohérent, on trouve de nombreux signes de divergences concernant la performance après l’accession.
In addition to repression and co-optation, authoritarian regimes use redistributive and legiti-mi... more In addition to repression and co-optation, authoritarian regimes use redistributive and legiti-mizing strategies in order to secure their survival. In this article we conceptualize and dis-cuss different opportunities of legitimation through policy-making that can be used in autoc-racies. We exemplify this concept by outlining autocratic legitimation strategies in innova-tion policy. Legitimation through policy-making is a double-edged sword, as it includes both potentials and risks for legitimation.
This article analyses the democratic involution in Hungary, which was followed by the country emb... more This article analyses the democratic involution in Hungary, which was followed by the country embracing a pro-Russian policy in 2010. These processes came to be viewed as a rare case of authoritarian diffusion taking place towards an EU member state. Based on the discussion of interest versus ideational appeal as factors of authoritarian diffusion, the article develops a relational and dynamic framework to analyse the question of authoritarian diffusion. The framework underlines the importance not only of "sender state" attributes, but also those of receiver states. The analysis finds no empirical evidence for authoritarian diffusion; Hungary's slide into illiberalism was not inspired or supported by Vladimir Putin. Instead, mutual interests are sufficient to understand Russo-Hungarian cooperation.
Autoritäre Regime setzen neben Repression und Kooptation auch auf redistributiv-
ökonomische und ... more Autoritäre Regime setzen neben Repression und Kooptation auch auf redistributiv- ökonomische und legitimatorisch-ideologische Strategien, um ihr Überleben zu sichern. In diesem Beitrag diskutieren wir zunächst konzeptionell unterschiedliche Möglichkeiten der Legitimation durch Policy-Making, die (auch) in Autokratien infrage kommen. Wir verdeutlichen diese Konzeptualisierung indem wir autokratische Legitimationsstrategien in distributiven, redistributiven und regulativen Politikfeldern exemplarisch darstellen. Dabei zeigt sich, dass Legitimation durch Policy-Making ein zweischneidiges Schwert ist, denn es birgt legitimationspotenziale ebenso wie -risiken. Der Vergleich der Politikfelder Innovations-, Umwelt- und Familienpolitik zeigt, dass distributive Policies eher legitimierende Wirkungen entfalten können, während regulative und redistributive Policies aufgrund ihres eher konfliktiven Charakters bestenfalls als ambivalent einzuschätzen sind.
Civil society organizations are widely recognized as essential at all environmental and climate g... more Civil society organizations are widely recognized as essential at all environmental and climate governance levels. Environmental civil society organizations, such as Greenpeace, Friends of the Earth, or the World Wildlife Fund for Nature, have become respected actors in national and global environmental policy-making (Berny and Rootes, 2018). In the fields of energy and climate policy, civil society organizations are often seen as promoting the diffusion of new energy technologies (Vasi, 2011), opposing new energy projects (McAdam and Boudet, 2012), or experimenting with new energy ownership models (Bauwens et al., 2016; Moss et al., 2015). Such policy-oriented studies highlight the role of actor coalitions and public mobilization in policy changes affecting the energy sector (Hess, 2018). The emphasis is on interest intermediation; civil society is recognized as one actor among many seeking to maximize its policy goals (Brulle, 2010; David, 2018; North, 2011). The public policy literature tends to hold functionalist, goal-oriented views on the role of public participation and civil society involvement in the policy process, emphasizing the role of civil society as a bottom-up force for policy innovation and societal democratization, the importance of open planning cultures, and the inclusion of key stakeholders and the lay public in achieving policy goals, such as more progressive climate policies, higher levels of renewable energy deployment, or changes in the means and sources of energy production. What policy-oriented perspectives in environmental and climate governance often fail to see are new developments in social mobilization related to environmental and climate policy that have become particularly evident in the last few of years. The new climate movement is the latest example of a movement that can justifiably claim to have the transformative power needed for large-scale historical change (Hadden, 2014; Perez et al., 2015; Stuart et al., 2020; Fisher and Nasrin, 2021). Many observers argue that if there is hope that the future will lead to sustainable transformations that avert climate change, biodiversity loss, and fossil fuel dependency, this can only be achieved through large-scale bottom-up societal mobilization (Hess, 2018). With a world on the brink of climate tipping points, social tipping might be the only hope left (Milkoreit et al., 2018; Otto et al., 2020; Winkelmann et al., 2022). Climate change and its consequences are among the issues with the highest mobilization potential across Europe (Wahlström et al., 2019). A new climate movement has emerged and
When faced with highly heterogeneous national conditions and preferences, the EU has often resort... more When faced with highly heterogeneous national conditions and preferences, the EU has often resorted to differentiation to ensure political support for advancing common policies. Despite growing scholarly interest in differentiation in the EU, conceptual clarity and empirical evidence of different forms of differentiation are still in a nascent stage. Particularly the use of differentiation in times of crisis needs to be better understood. To address this research gap, we investigate differentiation in the EU renewable energy policy in response to the crisis stirred by Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. We find that the EU successfully used the Ukraine crisis to increase the ambition of renewable energy policy, but this was accompanied by various and often novel forms of differentiation. Rather than formally exempting countries from common EU provisions (differentiated integration), EU decision-makers strategically incorporated flexibility in implementation, often tailored to a few outlier countries. Strategic flexibility was instrumental in overcoming political disagreements among national governments and adopting a more ambitious and comprehensive renewable energy policy. Our findings contribute conceptually and empirically to understanding various forms of differentiation in EU policymaking and how they are employed to facilitate the building of political majorities during crises.
What are the geopolitical risk implications related to the war in Ukraine for the raw material an... more What are the geopolitical risk implications related to the war in Ukraine for the raw material and energy policies of countries highly dependent on Russia? This paper looks at the Visegrad Group (V4) states-Czechia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakiaas some of the most impacted countries and assesses their position in the emerging new geopolitical and energy order. V4 countries display a semi-peripheral position in the world-system, as defined by Immanuel Wallerstein. On the geopolitical level, they were balancing between dependence on Russia in energy and raw materials (a result of Cold War legacies) and economic integration with Western countries. However, after the Cold War, dependence on raw materials from the East went hand in hand with dependence on technology and investment from the West, as the V4 region saw the emergence of 'dependent capitalism.' The war in Ukraine may reshuffle these dependencies by changing the meaning of the 'centre,' for which such actors as the United States, Western Europe or China will strive after Russia's importance has weakened in the V4 countries. It may also create an opportunity to redefine the V4's semiperipheral status. Drawing on an analysis of recent documents and governmental strategies that emerged in the aftermath of Russia's invasion in 2022, we offer a structured comparative analysis of the way V4 states responded to the crisis along four dimensions (positioning in the international political economy of energy and technology, role of the state, visions of energy futures, geopolitical and geoeconomic course). In the conclusions, we outline the main changes in the import of raw materials, fuels and technologies in individual V4 countries and consider the possible position of the region in the future energy geopolitical order.
While the literature on mass society and social capital assumes a negative relationship between c... more While the literature on mass society and social capital assumes a negative relationship between civic associationalism, political participation, social trust and populist radical right (PRR) voting, more recent studies provide more mixed evidence that fringe parties can mobilize support and consolidate by relying on complex networks of civil society organizations. However, these studies focus on supply-side explanations; there is little systematic evidence that includes demand-side evidence on PRR voting and civil society cross-nationally. Using survey data from two waves of the International Social Survey Programme, this article engages with demand-side explanations of PRR voting in five Central and Eastern Europe countries. The results show lower levels of associational membership and social trust but higher political participation among PRR voters when compared to voters of other parties. The article highlights the importance of taking into account demand-side explanations of fringe party politics.
The European Union (EU) has become the main driver for environmental policy output for its member... more The European Union (EU) has become the main driver for environmental policy output for its member states whose number has more than tripled over the past four decades. The EU's deepening and widening has led researchers to expect more non-compliance with EU environmental legislation. In fact, however, the implementation gap has narrowed over the past 25 years. Except for Southern enlargement, taking on new member states has not exacerbated the EU's compliance problem in the field of environmental policy. Nor has the expansion of the environmental acquis. This is explained by the European Commission's strategies of managing and enforcing compliance. EU environmental policy has become less demanding on member states since it increasingly tends to amend existing rather than set new legislation. Simultaneously, the Commission has developed new instruments to strengthen member state capacities to implement EU environmental legislation.
Neben Regierungen und Verwaltungen werden Parlamente in der politikwissenschaftlichen Forschung z... more Neben Regierungen und Verwaltungen werden Parlamente in der politikwissenschaftlichen Forschung zur Europäischen Union immer häufiger behandelt. 1 Auch in Deutschland ist spätestens seit dem Lissabon-Urteil des Bundesverfassungsgerichts die Aufmerksamkeit für die europapolitische Rolle des Bundestages deutlich gestiegen. 2 Die gegenwärtige Krise der Eurozone, bei der die Bundesrepublik nolens volens eine wichtige Rolle spielt, hat zudem dazu geführt, dass der Bundestag mit einer Reihe neuer Rechte ausgestattet wurde und immer mehr bereit zu sein scheint, diese auch aktiv zu nutzen. 3 Dieser Beitrag widmet sich einem anderen Bereich des deutschen Parlamentarismus, der sowohl in der Europa-als auch der Parlaments-und Föderalismusforschung der letzten Jahre vernachlässigt wurde: der Europäisierung 4 der Landtage. In der (deutschen) Europäisierungsforschung, die sich mit der Landesebene befasst, liegt der Schwerpunkt in der Regel auf der Rolle des Bundesrates und stellt somit die Exekutiven in den Mittelpunkt. 5 Darüber hinaus wurde vor allem den europäisierungsbedingten Anpassungen des deutschen Föderalismus besondere Aufmerksamkeit zuteil. 6 Dabei galt das Interesse der Forscher einerseits dem zunehmend aktiven "Lobbying" deutscher Länder in Brüssel 7 , andererseits befasste sich eine Reihe von Studien mit der exekutiven Koordination der Europapolitik durch die Staatskanzleien der Länder 8 oder mit den Integrationspräferenzen regionaler Akteure. 9
While the literature on mass society and social capital assumes a negative relationship between c... more While the literature on mass society and social capital assumes a negative relationship between civic associationalism, political participation, social trust and populist radical right (PRR) voting, more recent studies provide more mixed evidence that fringe parties can mobilize support and consolidate by relying on complex networks of civil society organizations. However, these studies focus on supply-side explanations; there is little systematic evidence that includes demand-side evidence on PRR voting and civil society cross-nationally. Using survey data from two waves of the International Social Survey Programme, this article engages with demand-side explanations of PRR voting in five Central and Eastern Europe countries. The results show lower levels of associational membership and social trust but higher political participation among PRR voters when compared to voters of other parties. The article highlights the importance of taking into account demand-side explanations of fringe party politics.
Zusammenfassung Die kognitionswissenschaftliche Entscheidungsfor-schung hat in den letzten Jahren... more Zusammenfassung Die kognitionswissenschaftliche Entscheidungsfor-schung hat in den letzten Jahren in einer Reihe von Nachbardisziplinen der Politikwissenschaft wie der Ökonomie und der Rechtswissenschaft bedeutende Erfolge gefeiert. Nicht nur in der Politischen Psy-chologie, sondern auch in anderen politikwissen-schaftlichen Subdisziplinen, etwa in der Wahl-und Einstellungsforschung, der Außenpolitikanalyse oder der Politikfeldforschung, sind Erkenntnisse aus dieser Forschungstradition von immer größerer Bedeutung. Dieser Beitrag diskutiert wichtige Entwicklungslinien der Forschungstradition über Heuristiken und bietet eine Übersicht der politik-wissenschaftlichen Rezeption dieser Arbeiten. Ziel des Beitrags ist es, die kognitionswissenschaftlich fundierte Perspektive der Entscheidungsfindung für ein breiteres politikwissenschaftlich interessiertes Publikum bekannt zu machen und auf Möglichkei-ten ihrer Anwendung in der qualitativ orientierten Regierungsforschung hinzuweisen. Der Beitrag fo-kussiert dabei auf Eliten als zentrale Akteure der politischen Entscheidungsfindung. Anhand eines Fallbeispiels aus dem Grenzgebiet der Europa-und Regierungsforschung wird illustriert, wie die dar-gestellte Literatur zu Heuristiken zusammen mit neo-institutionalistischen Ansätzen mit einigem Mehrwert angewendet werden kann.
Abstract Gut feelings, rules of thumb or brain decisions: The role of heuristics in decision-making of political elites Behavioral perspectives have celebrated significant successes in a number of disciplines such as economics and law. Not only in political psychology are findings from this research tradition becoming increasingly important, but also in other sub-disciplines of political science, such as electoral studies, foreign policy analysis, and policy field research. This article discusses important lines of development in the research program on heuristics and provides an overview of the political science reception of these works. The aim of the contribution is to popularize the behavioral decision-making agenda to a broader political science audience and to point to possibilities of its application in qualitatively oriented research. The contribution focuses on elites as central actors in political decision making. Using a case study located at the intersection of European and domestic politics, the contribution illustrates the added value of the heu-ristics literature and how it can be combined with neo-institutionalist approaches.
The countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have commonly been regarded as climate and ener... more The countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have commonly been regarded as climate and energy policy laggards blocking more ambitious EU decarbonization targets. Although recent literature has increasingly acknowledged the differences in national positions on energy and climate issues among these states, there has been little comprehensive evidence about their positioning on EU climate and energy policies and the domestic interests which shape government preferences. The article addresses this gap by tracing the voting behavior of six CEE countries (Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Bulgaria, and Romania) on EU energy-related legislation in the Council of Ministers between 2007-2018. The article shows that the contestation of energy policies, particularly of climate-related legislation, in the Council of Ministers has increased over time and that these six CEE countries have indeed most often objected to the adoption of EU legislation. The CEE states do not, however, have a common regional positioning on all EU energy policies. Voting coalitions among the six CEE countries differ substantially across energy policy areas. The lack of a common regional position and changing national preferences have enabled the adoption of a relatively ambitious EU Energy and Climate Package for 2030. The differences in national voting patterns are explained by the evolving interests and the ability of key domestic political and economic actors to adapt to and explore benefits from the ever-expanding EU energy and climate policies.
While the European Union’s Lisbon Treaty has important implications for regional parliaments with... more While the European Union’s Lisbon Treaty has important implications for regional parliaments with legislative competences, most studies have focused on cross-country differences or examined the activities of regional parliaments at the EU level. This contribution shows the existence of substantial intra-country differences in the formal scrutiny rights of regional parliaments. We analyse how German regional parliaments (Landtage) have addressed the challenge of controlling their governments in EU affairs. Using fuzzy-set comparative qualitative analysis, we find that institutional and partisan factors (vote share in the second chamber, economic potential, and conservative governments) explain the differences found among German Landtage particularly well. Landtage with otherwise weak parliamentary prerogatives were successful in using the reform momentum to strengthen their rights in the field of EU policy. Combined with the party political salience of EU policy-making, the integration process has thus empowered formally weaker Landtage.
The European Union (EU) has become the main driver for environmental policy output for its member... more The European Union (EU) has become the main driver for environmental policy output for its member states whose number has more than tripled over the past four decades. The EU's deepening and widening has led researchers to expect more non-compliance with EU environmental legislation. in fact, however, the implementation gap has narrowed over the past 25 years. Except for Southern enlargement, taking on new member states has not exacerbated the EU's compliance problem in the field of environmental policy. Nor has the expansion of the environmental acquis. This is explained by the European Commission's strategies of managing and enforcing compliance. EU environmental policy has become less demanding on member states since it increasingly tends to amend existing rather than set new legislation. Simultaneously, the Commission has developed new instruments to strengthen member state capacities to implement EU environmental legislation.
While the European Union’s Lisbon Treaty has important implications for regional parliaments with... more While the European Union’s Lisbon Treaty has important implications for regional parliaments with legislative competences, most studies have focused on cross-country differences or examined the activities of regional parliaments at the EU level. This contribution shows the existence of substantial intra-country differences in the formal scrutiny rights of regional parliaments. We analyse how German regional parliaments (Landtage) have addressed the challenge of controlling their governments in EU affairs. Using fuzzy-set comparative qualitative analysis, we find that institutional and partisan factors (vote share in the second chamber, economic potential, and conservative governments) explain the differences found among German Landtage particularly well. Landtage with otherwise weak parliamentary prerogatives were successful in using the reform momentum to strengthen their rights in the field of EU policy. Combined with the party political salience of EU policy-making, the integration process has thus empowered formally weaker Landtage.
Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft, 2016
Erhöhte Responsivität und Transparenz der Politik gehören zu den wichtigsten Versprechen, die ein... more Erhöhte Responsivität und Transparenz der Politik gehören zu den wichtigsten Versprechen, die eine " Demokratie 2.0 " einzulösen verspricht. In diesem Zusammenhang sind im letzten Jahrzehnt eine Reihe von Parliamentary Monitoring Organisations (PMO) entstanden, welche neue, innovative Möglich-keiten der politischen Kommunikation zwischen Bürgern und Politikern aufgezeigt und die Hoffnung nach einer Revitalisierung der repräsentativen Demokratie genährt haben. Solche Organisation stellen die Infrastruktur für Transparenz und Respon-sivität bereit, indem sie Big Data über das parlamentarische Verhalten einzelner Abgeordneten aggregieren, diese für die Öffentlichkeit aufbereiten und Bürgern die Möglichkeit bieten, mit Abgeordneten in Kontakt zu treten. Am Beispiel des von der PMO Abgeordnetenwatch.de jährlich erstellten Abgeordnetenrankings erläutert dieser Beitrag die Responsivität von Bundestagsabgeordneten der 17. Legislaturperi-ode auf digital vermittelte Anfragen von Bürgern. Die Ergebnisse der Untersuchung zeigen, dass parlamentarische und gouvernamentale Positionsrollen, wie die Zuge-hörigkeit zu einer Oppositionspartei oder die Mitgliedschaft in der Bundesregierung, sowie die Abwesenheit von Abgeordneten im Bundestag wichtige Faktoren für die Erklärung der Responsivität von MdBs sind. Auch geht vom Ranking selbst ein wichtiger Einfluss aus, da schlecht abschneidende Abgeordnete besonders bemüht sind, ihre Position im nächsten Jahr zu verbessern. Abschließend wird die Passfä-higkeit solcher Rankings für arbeitsteilig organisierte Parlamente diskutiert. Abstract Increased responsiveness and transparency are among the most important promises of digital democracy. A number of Parliamentary Monitoring Organizations (PMO) have emerged in the last decade, showing innovative ways of political communication between citizens and politicians and nourishing the hope put into revitalizing representative democracy. PMOs provide the infrastructure for parliamentary transparency and responsiveness by aggregating data about individual parliamentarian's performance and offer the possibility to (re-)establish the link between citizens and their representants. Using the example of the annual MP ranking drawn up by the German PMO Abgeordnetenwatch.de, this article deals with the responsiveness of MPs of the German Bundestag to citizen's online requests. The study shows that parliamentary and governmental position roles, as well as MP's presence or absence from the parliament are factors explaining their responsiveness. But the ranking itself also seems to have a direct impact on MP's responsiveness as particularly the lower performing MPs are keen to improve their position in the next year. The article closes with a discussion of the benefits and drawbacks of such rankings for working parliaments such as the German Bundestag. Keywords Internet · Democracy · Bundestag · Responsiveness · Transparency · Members of Parliament · Abgeordnetenwatch.de · Monitory Democracy · Parliamentary Monitoring Organisations
Les références au « syndrome méditerranéen », décrivant un non-respect fl agrant des normes europ... more Les références au « syndrome méditerranéen », décrivant un non-respect fl agrant des normes européennes, ont pris une importance croissante après l’adhésion d’États d’Europe du Sud à l’Union européenne, dans les années quatre-vingt et quatre-vingt-dix. Les explications de ce syndrome se concentrent sur un « décalage » entre l’Europe du Sud et les politiques de l’Union européenne, sur les faibles capacités administratives des Etats, et sur la piètre nature de la société civile dans ces pays. Parmi les plus importantes réserves contre l’élargissement de l’Union européenne, on s’est référé à des considérations similaires sur la capacité des pays candidats d’Europe centrale et orientale à appliquer l’acquis communautaire après l’adhésion. Cependant, il semble que l’Union européenne ait appris de son expérience avec les États membres du Sud de l’Europe, et elle a institutionnalisé un système d’une haute complexité pour gérer l’adhésion, quand les dix nouveaux candidats à l’Union ont frappé à sa porte. En se concentrant sur le rôle de l’administration publique, cet article s’interroge si une approche fondée sur la conditionnalité européenne a conduit à une mise en conformité soutenable après l’adhésion. Cet article démontre que, plutôt que de considérer les nouveaux États membres comme un groupe cohérent, on trouve de nombreux signes de divergences concernant la performance après l’accession.
In addition to repression and co-optation, authoritarian regimes use redistributive and legiti-mi... more In addition to repression and co-optation, authoritarian regimes use redistributive and legiti-mizing strategies in order to secure their survival. In this article we conceptualize and dis-cuss different opportunities of legitimation through policy-making that can be used in autoc-racies. We exemplify this concept by outlining autocratic legitimation strategies in innova-tion policy. Legitimation through policy-making is a double-edged sword, as it includes both potentials and risks for legitimation.
This article analyses the democratic involution in Hungary, which was followed by the country emb... more This article analyses the democratic involution in Hungary, which was followed by the country embracing a pro-Russian policy in 2010. These processes came to be viewed as a rare case of authoritarian diffusion taking place towards an EU member state. Based on the discussion of interest versus ideational appeal as factors of authoritarian diffusion, the article develops a relational and dynamic framework to analyse the question of authoritarian diffusion. The framework underlines the importance not only of "sender state" attributes, but also those of receiver states. The analysis finds no empirical evidence for authoritarian diffusion; Hungary's slide into illiberalism was not inspired or supported by Vladimir Putin. Instead, mutual interests are sufficient to understand Russo-Hungarian cooperation.
Rencontre organisée par le CHERPA Sciences Po Aix et Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg avec le... more Rencontre organisée par le CHERPA Sciences Po Aix et Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg avec le soutien de l'Université franco-allemande et du Centre d'excellence Jean Monnet « l'Europe au sud » 21-23 mars 2018 – Sciences Po Aix (Aix-en-Provence)
Les propositions (maximum 400 mots) devront parvenir au comité scientifique du colloque a l'adresse suivante : [email protected] avant le 15 decembre 2017. Elles pourront etre redigees en francais, en allemand ou en anglais.
Veranstaltung organisiert von CHERPA, Sciences Po Aix-en-Provence und der Albert- Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg mit Unterstützung der Deutsch-Französischen Hochschule und des Centre d’Excellence Jean Monnet „L’europe au sud“, 21.-23. März 2018, Sciences Po Aix.
Vorschlage fur Beitrage (max. 400 Worter) konnen bis 15. Dezember 2017 an folgende Adresse eingereicht werden: [email protected] Die Abstracts konnen auf Französisch, Deutsch oder Englisch verfasst werden.
While the spread of neoliberal ideas through networks has attracted much attention worldwide, the... more While the spread of neoliberal ideas through networks has attracted much attention worldwide, the ideational content of the recent counter-waves to liberal democracy has still received relatively little consideration. This article focuses on the ideational dimension behind the current illiberal backlash in Central and Eastern Europe. We ask how political conceptions critical of the Western liberal paradigm came about and what their main components are in Hungary, a country which is often seen as the avant-garde of the 'illiberal backsliding' in the region. The article shows that political illiberalism in Eastern Europe has intellectual underpinnings forged in conservative intellectual networks that have grown disillusioned with liberal democracy and neoliberalism long before the current illiberal political wave. Combining the reception of Western critiques of liberalism with a critique of post-communist liberals' perceived lack of willingness to break with the communist past, these intellectuals have slowly but continuously extended their networks and influence since the 1990s. Our analysis suggests that the contestation of liberalism is not reducible to political parties and instead should be approached as a broader phenomenon.
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Papers by Aron Buzogany
ökonomische und legitimatorisch-ideologische Strategien, um ihr
Überleben zu sichern. In diesem Beitrag diskutieren wir zunächst konzeptionell
unterschiedliche Möglichkeiten der Legitimation durch Policy-Making,
die (auch) in Autokratien infrage kommen. Wir verdeutlichen diese
Konzeptualisierung indem wir autokratische Legitimationsstrategien in
distributiven, redistributiven und regulativen Politikfeldern exemplarisch
darstellen. Dabei zeigt sich, dass Legitimation durch Policy-Making ein zweischneidiges
Schwert ist, denn es birgt legitimationspotenziale ebenso wie
-risiken. Der Vergleich der Politikfelder Innovations-, Umwelt- und Familienpolitik
zeigt, dass distributive Policies eher legitimierende Wirkungen entfalten
können, während regulative und redistributive Policies aufgrund ihres
eher konfliktiven Charakters bestenfalls als ambivalent einzuschätzen sind.
Abstract Gut feelings, rules of thumb or brain decisions: The role of heuristics in decision-making of political elites Behavioral perspectives have celebrated significant successes in a number of disciplines such as economics and law. Not only in political psychology are findings from this research tradition becoming increasingly important, but also in other sub-disciplines of political science, such as electoral studies, foreign policy analysis, and policy field research. This article discusses important lines of development in the research program on heuristics and provides an overview of the political science reception of these works. The aim of the contribution is to popularize the behavioral decision-making agenda to a broader political science audience and to point to possibilities of its application in qualitatively oriented research. The contribution focuses on elites as central actors in political decision making. Using a case study located at the intersection of European and domestic politics, the contribution illustrates the added value of the heu-ristics literature and how it can be combined with neo-institutionalist approaches.
ont pris une importance croissante après l’adhésion d’États d’Europe du Sud à l’Union européenne,
dans les années quatre-vingt et quatre-vingt-dix. Les explications de ce syndrome se concentrent
sur un « décalage » entre l’Europe du Sud et les politiques de l’Union européenne, sur les faibles capacités
administratives des Etats, et sur la piètre nature de la société civile dans ces pays. Parmi les plus
importantes réserves contre l’élargissement de l’Union européenne, on s’est référé à des considérations
similaires sur la capacité des pays candidats d’Europe centrale et orientale à appliquer l’acquis communautaire
après l’adhésion. Cependant, il semble que l’Union européenne ait appris de son expérience avec
les États membres du Sud de l’Europe, et elle a institutionnalisé un système d’une haute complexité pour
gérer l’adhésion, quand les dix nouveaux candidats à l’Union ont frappé à sa porte. En se concentrant sur
le rôle de l’administration publique, cet article s’interroge si une approche fondée sur la conditionnalité
européenne a conduit à une mise en conformité soutenable après l’adhésion. Cet article démontre que,
plutôt que de considérer les nouveaux États membres comme un groupe cohérent, on trouve de nombreux
signes de divergences concernant la performance après l’accession.
ökonomische und legitimatorisch-ideologische Strategien, um ihr
Überleben zu sichern. In diesem Beitrag diskutieren wir zunächst konzeptionell
unterschiedliche Möglichkeiten der Legitimation durch Policy-Making,
die (auch) in Autokratien infrage kommen. Wir verdeutlichen diese
Konzeptualisierung indem wir autokratische Legitimationsstrategien in
distributiven, redistributiven und regulativen Politikfeldern exemplarisch
darstellen. Dabei zeigt sich, dass Legitimation durch Policy-Making ein zweischneidiges
Schwert ist, denn es birgt legitimationspotenziale ebenso wie
-risiken. Der Vergleich der Politikfelder Innovations-, Umwelt- und Familienpolitik
zeigt, dass distributive Policies eher legitimierende Wirkungen entfalten
können, während regulative und redistributive Policies aufgrund ihres
eher konfliktiven Charakters bestenfalls als ambivalent einzuschätzen sind.
Abstract Gut feelings, rules of thumb or brain decisions: The role of heuristics in decision-making of political elites Behavioral perspectives have celebrated significant successes in a number of disciplines such as economics and law. Not only in political psychology are findings from this research tradition becoming increasingly important, but also in other sub-disciplines of political science, such as electoral studies, foreign policy analysis, and policy field research. This article discusses important lines of development in the research program on heuristics and provides an overview of the political science reception of these works. The aim of the contribution is to popularize the behavioral decision-making agenda to a broader political science audience and to point to possibilities of its application in qualitatively oriented research. The contribution focuses on elites as central actors in political decision making. Using a case study located at the intersection of European and domestic politics, the contribution illustrates the added value of the heu-ristics literature and how it can be combined with neo-institutionalist approaches.
ont pris une importance croissante après l’adhésion d’États d’Europe du Sud à l’Union européenne,
dans les années quatre-vingt et quatre-vingt-dix. Les explications de ce syndrome se concentrent
sur un « décalage » entre l’Europe du Sud et les politiques de l’Union européenne, sur les faibles capacités
administratives des Etats, et sur la piètre nature de la société civile dans ces pays. Parmi les plus
importantes réserves contre l’élargissement de l’Union européenne, on s’est référé à des considérations
similaires sur la capacité des pays candidats d’Europe centrale et orientale à appliquer l’acquis communautaire
après l’adhésion. Cependant, il semble que l’Union européenne ait appris de son expérience avec
les États membres du Sud de l’Europe, et elle a institutionnalisé un système d’une haute complexité pour
gérer l’adhésion, quand les dix nouveaux candidats à l’Union ont frappé à sa porte. En se concentrant sur
le rôle de l’administration publique, cet article s’interroge si une approche fondée sur la conditionnalité
européenne a conduit à une mise en conformité soutenable après l’adhésion. Cet article démontre que,
plutôt que de considérer les nouveaux États membres comme un groupe cohérent, on trouve de nombreux
signes de divergences concernant la performance après l’accession.
Les propositions (maximum 400 mots) devront parvenir au comité scientifique du colloque a l'adresse suivante :
[email protected] avant le 15 decembre 2017.
Elles pourront etre redigees en francais, en allemand ou en anglais.
Veranstaltung organisiert von CHERPA, Sciences Po Aix-en-Provence und der Albert- Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg mit Unterstützung der Deutsch-Französischen Hochschule und des Centre d’Excellence Jean Monnet „L’europe au sud“, 21.-23. März 2018, Sciences Po Aix.
Vorschlage fur Beitrage (max. 400 Worter) konnen bis 15. Dezember 2017 an folgende Adresse eingereicht werden: [email protected]
Die Abstracts konnen auf Französisch, Deutsch oder Englisch verfasst werden.