Political Science and Jewish Studies

Previous research has shown that mass perceptions about the sizes of minority populations are influenced by sociodemographic, threat, and context variables. This paper extends the analysis to a population group that has thus far received only limited attention, gays and lesbians. Our analysis of a statewide survey of Florida residents in 2002 shows that people in sociodemographic groups associated with low levels of political knowledge were more likely to report higher estimates of the gay population. Threat variables and objective context had relatively little impact, but estimates also were higher among individuals who reported personal contact with gays and lesbians. Long assailed for its lack of political literacy (Berelson, Lazarsfeld, and McPhee 1954; Converse 1975; Delli, Carpini, and Keeter 1996), the American public has also been charged with statistical innumeracy. According to numerous surveys conducted over the years, many citizens consistently and systematically overestimate the proportion of African Americans, Latinos, and Jews who live in the United States. Prior research suggests that such inflation is largely the product of three forces: low levels of political knowledge, a misreading of environmental cues, and perceived threat. Of these, political knowledge (more specifically, the sociodemographic correlates of knowledge) has generally emerged as the strongest influence on accurate estimates about the presence of minorities in the population. The current study extends the analysis to gays and lesbians, a population group that may pose a critical test of the dominance of political knowledge in

Why do ethnic diasporas in the United States differ in their readiness for political mobilization on behalf of homeland interests? This study develops a tiered model of politicized ethnic identity emphasizing both individual-level traits and group/collective properties. Using Zogby " Culture Polls, " the theory is tested on three Middle Eastern heritage groups in the United States (Jews, Arab Christians, Arab Muslims). Empirical analysis confirms that individuals differ in their readiness for mobilization around Middle East issues based on the strength of ties to the ethnic community and, net of such differences, each group varies based on the contexts of exit and reception it faced at the time of immigration. The findings suggest that studies of diaspora influence on American foreign policy need to take account of the mass base rather than focus exclusively on elite behavior. In an age when diasporas are increasingly recognized as influential actors in transnational politics (see , e.g. , Davis and Moore, 1997), why do some ethnonational communities cohere tightly around homeland political interests while others do not? Despite its importance, Brubaker contends (2005, 13), the question of diasporic political cohesion has been largely unstudied by scholars who are content with " imposing groupness through definitional fiat " rather than examining it empirically. While Shain and Barth (2003) classify diaspora members as core, passive, or silent, recognizing variability in homeland political salience across individuals, they do not account for it.

Although finding considerable value in Joshua Mitchell's recent JOP article about political science commentary on religion, we take issue with his contentions about empirical work on religious influence in politics. We argue that Mitchell has propounded an individualized conceptualization of religion that overlooks the communal nature of religious interaction, a dimension central to translating religious perspectives into political action. Moreover, we argue that conceptualizing religion in terms of preference, values, identity, and choice—which Mitchell regards as antithetical to the true nature of the religious experience—is in fact consistent with the lived religion of most people. Approaches to religious influence in politics rooted in such concepts have yielded considerable predictive power, the appropriate standard by which measurement decisions should be assessed.

Unlike most cities which supported political machines, Memphis, Tennessee, lacked a large population of deprived ethnic voters. The success of the Crump machine in such an environment suggests that factors other than ethnicity per se account for electoral support of machines. With aggregate social and electoral data for Memphis, this study tests four alternate explanations of machine support. The results of regression analysis indicate that the Crump machine knitted together a coalition of blacks and white ethnics. These groups shared a status as outsiders in the dominant culture of the city, and such social estrangement, more so than other factors, probably accounts for their distinctive political behavior.

T o judge by the absence of religion from the pages of the American Political Science Review in its first century, most political scientists have embraced a secular understanding of the political world. We explore the evolving status of religion in the discipline by examining patterns of scholarly inquiry in the discipline's flagship journal. After finding religion an (at best) marginal topic and rejecting some plausible hypotheses for this outcome, we examine the major reasons religion has received so little attention— –the intellectual origins of the discipline, the social background of practitioners, the complexity of religious measurements, and the event-driven agenda of political science. Despite the resurgence of scholarly interest in religion during the 1980s, the status of the subfield remains tenuous because of the intellectual isolation of research on the topic.

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The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.

What accounts for individual differences in the level of politicized ethnic identity among members of an ethnonational diaspora? By politicized ethnic identity, we refer to the disposition to assign priority to the interests of the homeland in the politics of the host society. The question presumes that even the most thoroughly mobilized of diasporas contain members who differ among themselves in the degree to which homeland matters predominate in determining political preferences and behavior. Using a 1999 survey of American Jewry, we establish the level of variation in the political salience of Israel to members of the community, then identify and test the factors that promote or retard such commitment.