Scientific Articles by Teresa Almeida Cravo
Revista de Comunicación y Ciudadanía Digital - COMMONS, 2016
Over the past two decades, international intervention
in post-war settings has strictly followed ... more Over the past two decades, international intervention
in post-war settings has strictly followed liberal
assumptions and practices. Efforts to build and
shape the media in the aftermath of armed conflict
are no exception. In setting the foundations for
the rule of law, liberal democracy and free market,
external actors have (re)defined what constitutes
the mediascape – that is, the various spheres of
communication within public discourse – and how to
(re)construct it. Imprinted with modernity’s tenets
and western assumptions about the public space, this
approach has understood the mediascape narrowly
as limited to traditional, established, liberal media,
serving to validate particular actors and processes
whilst obscuring, neglecting and shutting off global
diversity. Law and technology, this paper argues, are
the two main axes through which legitimation and
exclusion are effected. A myopic focus on legal and
technological aspects of the media reduces a rich
space of local discourses, norms and practices to
western-like media legislation, training and outlets,
narrowing in turn the sites for addressing violence
and building peace.
Papers by Teresa Almeida Cravo
Brazil’s engagement in United Nations (UN)-mandated peacekeeping operations dates from 1956. Sinc... more Brazil’s engagement in United Nations (UN)-mandated peacekeeping operations dates from 1956. Since then the country has participated in 46 of 65 UN peacekeeping operations, deploying 11,669 personnel in total. Yet until 2004-05, with the UN’s peacekeeping mission in Haiti, Brazilian contributions to such operations were mainly symbolic, military based and concentrated in Portuguese-speaking countries. Recent changes in the size, type and geographical distribution of Brazil’s participation in peace operations echo the reorientation of the country’s foreign policy in its search for a more globalised political influence, especially under Lula da Silva’s presidency. In particular, peacekeeping under UN aegis has enabled Brazil to showcase its perceived added value in terms of its expertise on stabilisation, track record on development and conflict mediation, and advocacy for the Global South. Aspiring to become a world power, Brazil has assumed a role in peace and security that is more ...
Général de corps aérien Anthony J. Cotton Commandant du Centre LeMay pour le développement de la ... more Général de corps aérien Anthony J. Cotton Commandant du Centre LeMay pour le développement de la doctrine et de l'éducation Général de division Michael D. Rothstein
A segurança humana é um conceito que nos convoca a pensar as múltiplas dimensões da segurança par... more A segurança humana é um conceito que nos convoca a pensar as múltiplas dimensões da segurança para além das clássicas formulações assentes na dimensão militar e numa visão estatocentrica do mundo. Questionamos neste IDN Brief a forma como a pandemia veio afetar a segurança humana, sobretudo a dos mais vulneráveis; a adequação dos sistemas de governação ou dos modelos de proteção implicados nas operações de paz; o efeito dos fechamentos nacionais e da travagem da mobilidade internacional sobre as populações e Estados mais frágeis; as contradições geradas entre diferentes direitos humanos; as novas desigualdades e a capacidade das políticas públicas de inclusãoinfo:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio
Cadernos de Estudos Africanos, 2021
O trabalho Cadernos de Estudos Africanos está licenciado com uma Licença Creative Commons-Atribui... more O trabalho Cadernos de Estudos Africanos está licenciado com uma Licença Creative Commons-Atribuição-NãoComercial-CompartilhaIgual 4.0 Internacional.
The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Peace and Conflict Studies
Centre for Social Studies, University of Coimbra, Dec 1, 2020
Journal of International Relations, May 1, 2017
P eacebuilding has become a guiding principle of international intervention in the periphery sinc... more P eacebuilding has become a guiding principle of international intervention in the periphery since its inclusion in the United Nations' (UN) Agenda for Peace in 1992. 1 With the objective of creating the conditions for a selfsustaining peace in order to prevent a return to armed conflict, peacebuild ing is directed towards the eradication of the root causes of violence and is necessar ily a multifaceted project that involves political, legal, economic, social and cultural institutions and security practices, which are understood as complementary and mu tually reinforcing. However, the transition from armed violence to lasting peace has not been easy or consensual. The conception of liberal peace proved particularly limited, and inevi tably controversial, and the reality of war-torn societies far more complex than an ticipated by international actors that assume activities in the promotion of peace in post-conflict contexts today. With a career full of contested successes and some glar ing failures, the current model has been the target of harsh criticism and widespread skepticism. This article critically examines the theoretical background and practicalities of peacebuilding, exploring its ambition as well as the weaknesses of the paradigm ad opted by the international community since the 1990s. In this sense, it first addresses the intellectual origins of the concept to then focus on its co-optation as a canon for UN action. The exploration of peacebuilding with regards to the institutionalized pattern of international interventionism is divided into three parts: assumptions, in stitutional practice and critical assessment. Its principles and objectives are discussed,
Once considered almost solely a site of poverty and conflict, sub-Saharan Africa and perceptions ... more Once considered almost solely a site of poverty and conflict, sub-Saharan Africa and perceptions of it have gradually been changing. Today, African states have become important actors in international affairs, with a number considered as emerging powers. The subcontinent’s most assertive players have been capitalising on their natural wealth and recent economic growth and have implemented policies pursuant to a change of status from developing countries to emerging powers. This report looks at four such subSaharan countries – South Africa, Nigeria, Angola and Kenya – and explores the reasons for both optimism and pessimism regarding their considerable potential, as well as their governments’ initiatives to fulfil it.
Brazil’s engagement in United Nations (UN)-mandated peacekeeping operations dates from 1956. Sinc... more Brazil’s engagement in United Nations (UN)-mandated peacekeeping operations dates from 1956. Since then the country has participated in 46 of 65 UN peacekeeping operations, deploying 11,669 personnel in total. Yet until 2004-05, with the UN’s peacekeeping mission in Haiti, Brazilian contributions to such operations were mainly symbolic, military based and concentrated in Portuguese-speaking countries. Recent changes in the size, type and geographical distribution of Brazil’s participation in peace operations echo the reorientation of the country’s foreign policy in its search for a more globalised political influence, especially under Lula da Silva’s presidency. In particular, peacekeeping under UN aegis has enabled Brazil to showcase its perceived added value in terms of its expertise on stabilisation, track record on development and conflict mediation, and advocacy for the Global South. Aspiring to become a world power, Brazil has assumed a role in peace and security that is more ...
The international perception of Brazil, Russia and Turkey as rising (or resurgent) powers was spa... more The international perception of Brazil, Russia and Turkey as rising (or resurgent) powers was sparked initially by their impressive economic achievements over the past decade and optimistic future prospects. This identity as rising stars on the international scene has been increasingly championed by these countries’ leaderships and welcomed by their domestic constituencies. The realisation that their respective abilities to shape international affairs have lagged behind their economic promise has accelerated these countries’ revisionist agendas. In each case the discourse surrounding the concept of the “rising power” and its attendant identity has been deployed instrumentally to question the undemocratic nature of the established global governance system and support a change in the status quo that is more favourable to the interests and values of the rising powers. This report considers not only the economic potential of Brazil, Russia and Turkey, but also analyses their current end...
Journal of International Relations, 2017
Peacebuilding has become a guiding principle of international intervention in the periphery since... more Peacebuilding has become a guiding principle of international intervention in the periphery since its inclusion in the United Nations’ (UN) Agenda for Peace in 1992.1 With the objective of creating the conditions for a selfsustaining peace in order to prevent a return to armed conflict, peacebuild ing is directed towards the eradication of the root causes of violence and is necessar ily a multifaceted project that involves political, legal, economic, social and cultural institutions and security practices, which are understood as complementary and mu tually reinforcing. However, the transition from armed violence to lasting peace has not been easy or consensual. The conception of liberal peace proved particularly limited, and inevi tably controversial, and the reality of war-torn societies far more complex than an ticipated by international actors that assume activities in the promotion of peace in post-conflict contexts today. With a career full of contested successes and some...
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Scientific Articles by Teresa Almeida Cravo
in post-war settings has strictly followed liberal
assumptions and practices. Efforts to build and
shape the media in the aftermath of armed conflict
are no exception. In setting the foundations for
the rule of law, liberal democracy and free market,
external actors have (re)defined what constitutes
the mediascape – that is, the various spheres of
communication within public discourse – and how to
(re)construct it. Imprinted with modernity’s tenets
and western assumptions about the public space, this
approach has understood the mediascape narrowly
as limited to traditional, established, liberal media,
serving to validate particular actors and processes
whilst obscuring, neglecting and shutting off global
diversity. Law and technology, this paper argues, are
the two main axes through which legitimation and
exclusion are effected. A myopic focus on legal and
technological aspects of the media reduces a rich
space of local discourses, norms and practices to
western-like media legislation, training and outlets,
narrowing in turn the sites for addressing violence
and building peace.
Papers by Teresa Almeida Cravo
in post-war settings has strictly followed liberal
assumptions and practices. Efforts to build and
shape the media in the aftermath of armed conflict
are no exception. In setting the foundations for
the rule of law, liberal democracy and free market,
external actors have (re)defined what constitutes
the mediascape – that is, the various spheres of
communication within public discourse – and how to
(re)construct it. Imprinted with modernity’s tenets
and western assumptions about the public space, this
approach has understood the mediascape narrowly
as limited to traditional, established, liberal media,
serving to validate particular actors and processes
whilst obscuring, neglecting and shutting off global
diversity. Law and technology, this paper argues, are
the two main axes through which legitimation and
exclusion are effected. A myopic focus on legal and
technological aspects of the media reduces a rich
space of local discourses, norms and practices to
western-like media legislation, training and outlets,
narrowing in turn the sites for addressing violence
and building peace.
Org. Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo, Hugo Gonçalves Dores and José Pedro Monteiro
DPIP, III-UC, CES, Coimbra, 23 March 2018, 10h30m-17h