A rövid XX. században a létező politikai rezsimeket aránylag könnyű volt besorolni a két kategóri... more A rövid XX. században a létező politikai rezsimeket aránylag könnyű volt besorolni a két kategória valamelyike alá: az ideális demokrácia és a szélsőséges totalitarizmus közti skála láthatatlan választóvonala körüli szürke zóna üresen maradt. Azóta egyre több rezsim található ebben a zónában. Némely tulajdonságaik a klasszikus autokráciákhoz, mások a klasszikus demokráciákhoz közelítik őket. Az Orbán-rezsim is mintha e bizonytalan identitású-vagy annak látszó-rezsimek közé tartoznék. Tanulmányom új megközelítést javasol e látszólag nehezen besorolható rezsimek azonosítására. A szokásos megközelítés statikus állapotleírásokra-"pillanatfelvételekre"-hagyatkozik. Én itt amellett érvelek, hogy a feladathoz célszerű a változások dinamikája felől közelítenünk. Ebben a megközelítésben a NER már a 2010 utáni első kormányzati ciklus első felében autokráciának mutatkozik. Ha ez az állítás helytállónak bizonyul, akkor a dinamikus megközelítés egyszersmind "korai jelzőrendszerként" is szolgál. Elgondolásom középpontjában az autokratikus áttörés fogalma áll. Autokratikus áttörésről fogok beszélni, ha a hatalomra került politikai csoport-akár jogon kívüli erőszak alkalmazásával, akár anélkül-nagyjából egyidejű, hathatós támadást intéz a jogállam valamennyi pillére, valamint a médiapluralizmus ellen. Kulcsszavak: autokrácia autokratikus áttörés demokrácia delegatív/fogyatékos/ illiberális demokrácia hibrid rezsim kompetitív/választásos autoritarizmus politikai rendszer politikai rezsim rendszertipológia totalitarizmus
This paper systematises the works of György Márkus into two or possibly three periods. These emph... more This paper systematises the works of György Márkus into two or possibly three periods. These emphasise the underlying consistency of purpose and interpreting theoretical interests throughout the oeuvre. despite the changing and socio-political forms and language games, all three share common features. These stages move from this initial critique of Orthodox Marxism employing the intellectual rigor of analytical and a philosophical anthropology to an investigation of the internal contradictions in Marx’s mature economic writings. to a final post-marxist phase after he left Hungary dominated by continual philosophical themes and a social democratic political perspective.
Our meeting today is not just a matter of happenstance. The dissatisfaction growing throughout so... more Our meeting today is not just a matter of happenstance. The dissatisfaction growing throughout society has finally succeeded in mobilizing the Party membership, in stirring the apparatus out of its quiescence, and in reaching the summit of power. Within the week, new elections to the top leadership of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party will be held. Today there exists no mechanism in this country for the people to elect or recall its leaders. The people won't be voting next week, yet it is the people who have forced next week's special election. They have voted no confidence in government by a leadership which has not been elected. We must not expect rapid far-reaching change. Democracy will not simply drop into our laps; we will have to struggle long and hard to achieve it, step by step. For this reason I consider it of the utmost importance to look objectively at the situation and at ourselves before the struggle begins. Frankly, I find such past efforts to be woefully inadequate. Denes Csengey has just said, "Serious public self-examination of the Hungarian intelligentsia appears unavoidable." As far as I know, this is the first serious demand for such public selfassessment by the intelligentsia, and I wish now to enlarge upon this demand.
In ‘Two Concepts of Liberty’, Berlin wavered between two readings of the concept of positive libe... more In ‘Two Concepts of Liberty’, Berlin wavered between two readings of the concept of positive liberty. In the first one, ‘positive liberty’ is a distinct concept, different from that of ‘negative liberty’. Those who advocate liberty in the negative sense and those who advocate it in the positive sense do not disagree on which interpretation of the same thing – ‘liberty’ – is the correct one; they speak about different things. Both defend valid ideals, although those ideals may not be simultaneously achievable. In the second reading, negative and positive liberty are competing interpretations of the same concept, the defenders of negative liberty being involved in a substantive disagreement with the advocates of positive liberty on what the same term – ‘liberty’ – really means. On this understanding, negative and positive liberty cannot both be valid ideals: one of them (negative liberty) is a genuine value, the other (positive liberty) being nothing but the perversion of it. My article aims to uncover the roots of this ambiguity in unresolved difficulties in Berlin’s account of the history of the ideas of negative and positive liberty and, more importantly, in his conception of value pluralism.
... debate 6 1.3 A brief outline of the argument 12 2. The circumstances of politics 21 2.1 Two f... more ... debate 6 1.3 A brief outline of the argument 12 2. The circumstances of politics 21 2.1 Two faces of politics 21 2.2 Insufficient compliance 29 2.3 Preliminary remarks on politics as a moral problem 34 3. Realism: the unconstrained thesis 41 3.1 Machiavelli's paradox 41 3.2 ...
A rövid XX. században a létező politikai rezsimeket aránylag könnyű volt besorolni a két kategóri... more A rövid XX. században a létező politikai rezsimeket aránylag könnyű volt besorolni a két kategória valamelyike alá: az ideális demokrácia és a szélsőséges totalitarizmus közti skála láthatatlan választóvonala körüli szürke zóna üresen maradt. Azóta egyre több rezsim található ebben a zónában. Némely tulajdonságaik a klasszikus autokráciákhoz, mások a klasszikus demokráciákhoz közelítik őket. Az Orbán-rezsim is mintha e bizonytalan identitású-vagy annak látszó-rezsimek közé tartoznék. Tanulmányom új megközelítést javasol e látszólag nehezen besorolható rezsimek azonosítására. A szokásos megközelítés statikus állapotleírásokra-"pillanatfelvételekre"-hagyatkozik. Én itt amellett érvelek, hogy a feladathoz célszerű a változások dinamikája felől közelítenünk. Ebben a megközelítésben a NER már a 2010 utáni első kormányzati ciklus első felében autokráciának mutatkozik. Ha ez az állítás helytállónak bizonyul, akkor a dinamikus megközelítés egyszersmind "korai jelzőrendszerként" is szolgál. Elgondolásom középpontjában az autokratikus áttörés fogalma áll. Autokratikus áttörésről fogok beszélni, ha a hatalomra került politikai csoport-akár jogon kívüli erőszak alkalmazásával, akár anélkül-nagyjából egyidejű, hathatós támadást intéz a jogállam valamennyi pillére, valamint a médiapluralizmus ellen. Kulcsszavak: autokrácia autokratikus áttörés demokrácia delegatív/fogyatékos/ illiberális demokrácia hibrid rezsim kompetitív/választásos autoritarizmus politikai rendszer politikai rezsim rendszertipológia totalitarizmus
This paper systematises the works of György Márkus into two or possibly three periods. These emph... more This paper systematises the works of György Márkus into two or possibly three periods. These emphasise the underlying consistency of purpose and interpreting theoretical interests throughout the oeuvre. despite the changing and socio-political forms and language games, all three share common features. These stages move from this initial critique of Orthodox Marxism employing the intellectual rigor of analytical and a philosophical anthropology to an investigation of the internal contradictions in Marx’s mature economic writings. to a final post-marxist phase after he left Hungary dominated by continual philosophical themes and a social democratic political perspective.
Our meeting today is not just a matter of happenstance. The dissatisfaction growing throughout so... more Our meeting today is not just a matter of happenstance. The dissatisfaction growing throughout society has finally succeeded in mobilizing the Party membership, in stirring the apparatus out of its quiescence, and in reaching the summit of power. Within the week, new elections to the top leadership of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party will be held. Today there exists no mechanism in this country for the people to elect or recall its leaders. The people won't be voting next week, yet it is the people who have forced next week's special election. They have voted no confidence in government by a leadership which has not been elected. We must not expect rapid far-reaching change. Democracy will not simply drop into our laps; we will have to struggle long and hard to achieve it, step by step. For this reason I consider it of the utmost importance to look objectively at the situation and at ourselves before the struggle begins. Frankly, I find such past efforts to be woefully inadequate. Denes Csengey has just said, "Serious public self-examination of the Hungarian intelligentsia appears unavoidable." As far as I know, this is the first serious demand for such public selfassessment by the intelligentsia, and I wish now to enlarge upon this demand.
In ‘Two Concepts of Liberty’, Berlin wavered between two readings of the concept of positive libe... more In ‘Two Concepts of Liberty’, Berlin wavered between two readings of the concept of positive liberty. In the first one, ‘positive liberty’ is a distinct concept, different from that of ‘negative liberty’. Those who advocate liberty in the negative sense and those who advocate it in the positive sense do not disagree on which interpretation of the same thing – ‘liberty’ – is the correct one; they speak about different things. Both defend valid ideals, although those ideals may not be simultaneously achievable. In the second reading, negative and positive liberty are competing interpretations of the same concept, the defenders of negative liberty being involved in a substantive disagreement with the advocates of positive liberty on what the same term – ‘liberty’ – really means. On this understanding, negative and positive liberty cannot both be valid ideals: one of them (negative liberty) is a genuine value, the other (positive liberty) being nothing but the perversion of it. My article aims to uncover the roots of this ambiguity in unresolved difficulties in Berlin’s account of the history of the ideas of negative and positive liberty and, more importantly, in his conception of value pluralism.
... debate 6 1.3 A brief outline of the argument 12 2. The circumstances of politics 21 2.1 Two f... more ... debate 6 1.3 A brief outline of the argument 12 2. The circumstances of politics 21 2.1 Two faces of politics 21 2.2 Insufficient compliance 29 2.3 Preliminary remarks on politics as a moral problem 34 3. Realism: the unconstrained thesis 41 3.1 Machiavelli's paradox 41 3.2 ...
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