... Didem EKINCI Ph.D., Department of Political Science and International Relations, ... Dimitrio... more ... Didem EKINCI Ph.D., Department of Political Science and International Relations, ... Dimitrios Triantaphyllou, “The 'Security Paradoxes' of the Black Sea Region”, Southeast Europe and Black Sea Studies, Vol.9, No.3, September 2009, p. 237, fn.4. 2. Ali Karaosmanoğlu, “Turkey's ...
Relations between Turkey and Yugoslavia, which were cordial until the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina 1... more Relations between Turkey and Yugoslavia, which were cordial until the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina 1 , were shaped by three factors: Yugoslavia's location on Turkey's trade routes to Europe, the long history shared with the peoples of Yugoslavia, and the friendly relations that existed thus far. Diplomatic relations took a new turn for the worse with the war, whereby economic relations also ended up being victim of the war, as well as the ensuing Kosovo crisis. However, the pattern of diplomatic relations and behavior since then has been different from what takes place, which made relations a complex reality: despite the rhetoric employed by both sides, sometimes verging on the inimical, and withdrawal of or denying agreement to ambassadors, relations survived. Prospects as regards an enhanced future rapprochement point to the importance of building and maintaining mutual political willingness.
The amicable relations between Turkey and Albania were taken further after the Cold War, mostly i... more The amicable relations between Turkey and Albania were taken further after the Cold War, mostly in the context of Europeanization efforts. The aspiration to become part of the European structures drove Albania even closer to Turkey. Throughout the last two decades, Turkey offered its support to Albania in political, economic and military fields on the road to European integration, which in turn had a favorable impact on regional stability. The cooperative nature of relations is likely to continue to manifest itself in bilateral exchanges as far as efforts of integration are concerned.
The Black Sea as a sub-region has traditionally been the locus of both cooperative and conflictua... more The Black Sea as a sub-region has traditionally been the locus of both cooperative and conflictual dynamics between littoral states and global powers. Being formerly communist states, majority of the littoral states had to go through pain-staking trials and tribulations after 1991 which re-shaped the Black Sea security almost from scratch. Abkhazia also took the center stage in this context, but what put Abkhazia into a particularly challenging position was that it had to fight a bloody war for building statehood. What started out as a local inter-ethnic conflict in Georgia eventually became a topic in the security parlance of the USA and Russia. The disputed status of Abkhazia remained in the foreign policy agenda of the two superpowers, to become most diametrical after the war in August 2008. This study argues that although contested, the recognition of Abkhazia by Russia has initiated an irreversible process. This implies that in at least the short- and medium-terms, the discord between the USA and Russia over Abkhazia is likely to remain.
Russia-Turkey relations since 1991 reveal the Near Abroad and regionalism/zero problems with the ... more Russia-Turkey relations since 1991 reveal the Near Abroad and regionalism/zero problems with the neighbours policies, which stipulate strong ties with the immediate outer circles in each state’s case. This inevitably produces diverging approaches because the two states’ immediate outer circles mostly overlap. However, economy as the linchpin of relations is often observed to function as the catalyst. Given the past record of continuity and change in the relations, divergences of interest and foreign policy behaviour should be construed as aspects of continuity in Russia-Turkey relations. As long as economy remains as the linchpin of overall relations, minding balances between geopolitical ambitions and economic stakes is likely to remain as the accustomed policy line of both states.
Coexistence of different ethnicities and cultural groups within the boundaries of Europe have com... more Coexistence of different ethnicities and cultural groups within the boundaries of Europe have come to be the subject matter of serious arguments of minority-related debates in the Continent to date, some of which have been translated into a series of institutional arrangements. These arrangements, relatively insufficiently embraced in earlier times, gave way to a broader yet compact arrangement by the European Union which is open to signature also by non-member states. However, due to the lack of value-free practices regarding minorities, certain "legally" European states such as Greece seem to prefer to adhere to nationhood-oriented policies whereby one state, one culture, one people is taken to be the norm. Given this mindset, the minorities in Greece are seen by the Greek state as supposed to be outside the borders, letting alone their peripheral locations. Although at a time when even non-member states strive to partake in the related affairs of the Union, close examination reveals that due to the strong and intrinsic existence of Greek nationalism encompassing its specific ingredients of religion, language, the imported belief that Greece sets a model civilization before all other nations, and similar Western intellect influence, Greece has come to deny the existence of its minority groups which this thesis seeks to examine in four parts. Based on such framework, it is seen with further elaboration by this thesis that within an unlimited time span, Greek minority policies and those of Europe display a discordant image, though the country is declared "European" by both Europe and itself.
Mevcut çalışma, bir dış politika kavramı ve pratiği olan iki-taraflılığın, Güney Kafkasya'da Erme... more Mevcut çalışma, bir dış politika kavramı ve pratiği olan iki-taraflılığın, Güney Kafkasya'da Ermenistan-Gürcistan ilişkileri örneği üzerinden bağlamsallaştırılmasına odaklanmaktadır. İki aktör arasında; ikili, bölgesel ve küresel bağlantılardan doğan, kendine özgü ve sınırlı bir iki-taraflılık olduğu ve devam edeceği temel savı çerçevesinde; önce iki-taraflılığın doğuşu, evrimi, belirli örnekleri, coğrafyaları betimlenmektedir. İki aktörün ilişkilerinin tarihçesinin özetini müteakip, söz konusu iki-taraflılığın neden ve nasıl vuku bulduğu; ekonomik ve ticari ilişkiler, sevkiyat hatları, ayrılıkçı sorunlar, azınlık unsuru ve Rusya etkisi temelinde araştırılmaktadır. Nihai tahlilde, söz konusu iki-taraflılığın mevcut niteliğine ve gelecekteki akıbetine dair kimi değerlendirmeler ile öngörülerde bulunulmaktadır.
While fully engaged in efforts of suppressing the armed violence in the former Yugoslavia at the ... more While fully engaged in efforts of suppressing the armed violence in the former Yugoslavia at the turn of the century, Ankara could foresee the coming events, repeatedly called for immediate multilateral action, and argued adamantly about who the aggressor and victim were as opposed to the relevant ambiguity in the West. Central to policy formulations at political parties were Turkey's Balkan heritage/identity, stance against aggression, and the significance of Balkan routes for Turkey. Drawing upon detailed empirical data obtained from parliamentary discussions in three frames, this study examines under which circumstances the Turkish 'state', its identity, interests and intersubjectivities were at work shaping Turkey's foreign policy towards Bosnia. Finally, it is emphasized that Ankara's foreign policy towards the war was competent despite coalition governments composed of different political mainstreams.
Bosna-Hersek’teki savasa kadar samimi olan Turkiye-Yugoslavyailiskileri, uc etmen tarafindan bici... more Bosna-Hersek’teki savasa kadar samimi olan Turkiye-Yugoslavyailiskileri, uc etmen tarafindan bicimlendirilmistir: Yugoslavya’ninTurkiye’nin Avrupa’ya giden ticaret yolunun uzerinde yer almasi,Yugoslavya halklariyla paylasilan uzun tarih ve o zamana kadar var olandostca iliskiler. Diplomatik iliskilerde savasla birlikte bozulmagozlemlenmis, bu nedenle ekonomik iliskiler de savasin ve sonrakiKosova krizinin kurbani olmustur. Ancak, diplomatik iliskilerin yapisi veaktor davranislari, goze gorunenden farkli bir nitelik sergilemis, bu dailiskileri karmasik bir gerceklige sokmustur: iki tarafca kullanilan, bazendusmanlik esiginde seyreden politik soyleme, buyukelci geri cekme veretlerine ragmen, iliskiler devam etmistir. Yeniden gerceklesebilecekuzlasi arayislari ortak siyasi iradenin insasinin ve muhafaza edilmesininonemine isaret etmektedir
Although the geopolitical and geostrategic edifice of the Caucasus had evolved considerably at th... more Although the geopolitical and geostrategic edifice of the Caucasus had evolved considerably at the beginning of the 1990s, Turkey and Georgia were still two states who had not yet entered into a close relationship - despite being border neighbors. The moves intended for becoming partners nucleated when Caspian oil and gas transfer debates took the center stage well towards the second half of the 1990s. Although energy issues were the baseline for channeling the new partnership, other components of cooperation were later successfully tested on several fronts including, military assistance, ethnic disputes, and Georgia' partnership and their prospective implications on the wider regional dynamics shaping politics in the Caspian and Black Seas. The final analysis is that as long as the security equation in these two subregions remains, it goes without saying that the preoccupations of Turkey and Georgia will continue to hint at common policy perceptions.
Mevcut calismada, sert ve yumusak guc kapasitesi bakimindan uluslararasi iliskilerde etki sahibi ... more Mevcut calismada, sert ve yumusak guc kapasitesi bakimindan uluslararasi iliskilerde etki sahibi olmak baglaminda kucuk devlet olarak tanimlanan Ermenistan’in, kaynak elde eden devlet olamamasinin dis politika otonomisinde zafiyete sebep oldugu; diaspora ve Rusya ile iliskilerinin ise; para transferleri, dogrudan yabanci yatirimi (DYY) ve siyasi/askeri destek ile dis politikada kismen direnclilik sagladigi ileri surulmektedir. Ancak, soz konusu faaliyetler koklu bir yeniden yapilanma ve oz yeterlilik temin etmediginden, Ermenistan’in sistemdeki basarili aktorlerin otonom dis politikalarini taklit edemeyeceginin ve agirlikli olarak mevcut diaspora ve Rusya yonelimli dis politika strateji ve uygulamalarini kisa ve orta vadede devam ettirmesinin/pekistirmesinin, yuksek olasilik oldugu belirtilmektedir.
Sovyet Sonrasi Ukrayna’da Devlet, Toplum ve Siyaset: Degisen Dinamikler, Donusen Kimlikler, basli... more Sovyet Sonrasi Ukrayna’da Devlet, Toplum ve Siyaset: Degisen Dinamikler, Donusen Kimlikler, baslikli kitap, Prof. Dr. Aysegul Aydingun ve Prof. Dr. Ismail Aydingun tarafindan derlenmis, kendilerinin ve sekiz arastirmacinin calismalarinin bulundugu, 2020’de Terazi Yayincilik tarafindan yayinlanmis, giris sayfalari haric 445 sayfadan olusan bir eserdir. Takdim, on soz ve oniki bolumden olusan eserde; on kisinin yer aldigi, Kiyiv’de (ve Herson Bolgesi’nde) iki ayri saha arastirmasi projesinin imkan verdigi 141 mulakattan yararlanilmistir. Kitap, Ukrayna’nin degisen dinamiklerinin ve donusen kimliklerinin, genel kaninin aksine yakin gecmise degil, cok daha eski tarihlere kadar dayanan politikalar, uygulamalar ve dinamikler sonucu sekillendigine ve sekillenmekte olduguna, 1991 ve 2014’teki gelismelerin ve mevcut konjonkturun de bu baglamda incelenmesi gerektigine isaret ediyor. Bu zeminde, icerik, secilmis oniki konu uzerinden zengin bir degerlendirmeyle sunuluyor.
... Didem EKINCI Ph.D., Department of Political Science and International Relations, ... Dimitrio... more ... Didem EKINCI Ph.D., Department of Political Science and International Relations, ... Dimitrios Triantaphyllou, “The 'Security Paradoxes' of the Black Sea Region”, Southeast Europe and Black Sea Studies, Vol.9, No.3, September 2009, p. 237, fn.4. 2. Ali Karaosmanoğlu, “Turkey's ...
Relations between Turkey and Yugoslavia, which were cordial until the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina 1... more Relations between Turkey and Yugoslavia, which were cordial until the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina 1 , were shaped by three factors: Yugoslavia's location on Turkey's trade routes to Europe, the long history shared with the peoples of Yugoslavia, and the friendly relations that existed thus far. Diplomatic relations took a new turn for the worse with the war, whereby economic relations also ended up being victim of the war, as well as the ensuing Kosovo crisis. However, the pattern of diplomatic relations and behavior since then has been different from what takes place, which made relations a complex reality: despite the rhetoric employed by both sides, sometimes verging on the inimical, and withdrawal of or denying agreement to ambassadors, relations survived. Prospects as regards an enhanced future rapprochement point to the importance of building and maintaining mutual political willingness.
The amicable relations between Turkey and Albania were taken further after the Cold War, mostly i... more The amicable relations between Turkey and Albania were taken further after the Cold War, mostly in the context of Europeanization efforts. The aspiration to become part of the European structures drove Albania even closer to Turkey. Throughout the last two decades, Turkey offered its support to Albania in political, economic and military fields on the road to European integration, which in turn had a favorable impact on regional stability. The cooperative nature of relations is likely to continue to manifest itself in bilateral exchanges as far as efforts of integration are concerned.
The Black Sea as a sub-region has traditionally been the locus of both cooperative and conflictua... more The Black Sea as a sub-region has traditionally been the locus of both cooperative and conflictual dynamics between littoral states and global powers. Being formerly communist states, majority of the littoral states had to go through pain-staking trials and tribulations after 1991 which re-shaped the Black Sea security almost from scratch. Abkhazia also took the center stage in this context, but what put Abkhazia into a particularly challenging position was that it had to fight a bloody war for building statehood. What started out as a local inter-ethnic conflict in Georgia eventually became a topic in the security parlance of the USA and Russia. The disputed status of Abkhazia remained in the foreign policy agenda of the two superpowers, to become most diametrical after the war in August 2008. This study argues that although contested, the recognition of Abkhazia by Russia has initiated an irreversible process. This implies that in at least the short- and medium-terms, the discord between the USA and Russia over Abkhazia is likely to remain.
Russia-Turkey relations since 1991 reveal the Near Abroad and regionalism/zero problems with the ... more Russia-Turkey relations since 1991 reveal the Near Abroad and regionalism/zero problems with the neighbours policies, which stipulate strong ties with the immediate outer circles in each state’s case. This inevitably produces diverging approaches because the two states’ immediate outer circles mostly overlap. However, economy as the linchpin of relations is often observed to function as the catalyst. Given the past record of continuity and change in the relations, divergences of interest and foreign policy behaviour should be construed as aspects of continuity in Russia-Turkey relations. As long as economy remains as the linchpin of overall relations, minding balances between geopolitical ambitions and economic stakes is likely to remain as the accustomed policy line of both states.
Coexistence of different ethnicities and cultural groups within the boundaries of Europe have com... more Coexistence of different ethnicities and cultural groups within the boundaries of Europe have come to be the subject matter of serious arguments of minority-related debates in the Continent to date, some of which have been translated into a series of institutional arrangements. These arrangements, relatively insufficiently embraced in earlier times, gave way to a broader yet compact arrangement by the European Union which is open to signature also by non-member states. However, due to the lack of value-free practices regarding minorities, certain "legally" European states such as Greece seem to prefer to adhere to nationhood-oriented policies whereby one state, one culture, one people is taken to be the norm. Given this mindset, the minorities in Greece are seen by the Greek state as supposed to be outside the borders, letting alone their peripheral locations. Although at a time when even non-member states strive to partake in the related affairs of the Union, close examination reveals that due to the strong and intrinsic existence of Greek nationalism encompassing its specific ingredients of religion, language, the imported belief that Greece sets a model civilization before all other nations, and similar Western intellect influence, Greece has come to deny the existence of its minority groups which this thesis seeks to examine in four parts. Based on such framework, it is seen with further elaboration by this thesis that within an unlimited time span, Greek minority policies and those of Europe display a discordant image, though the country is declared "European" by both Europe and itself.
Mevcut çalışma, bir dış politika kavramı ve pratiği olan iki-taraflılığın, Güney Kafkasya'da Erme... more Mevcut çalışma, bir dış politika kavramı ve pratiği olan iki-taraflılığın, Güney Kafkasya'da Ermenistan-Gürcistan ilişkileri örneği üzerinden bağlamsallaştırılmasına odaklanmaktadır. İki aktör arasında; ikili, bölgesel ve küresel bağlantılardan doğan, kendine özgü ve sınırlı bir iki-taraflılık olduğu ve devam edeceği temel savı çerçevesinde; önce iki-taraflılığın doğuşu, evrimi, belirli örnekleri, coğrafyaları betimlenmektedir. İki aktörün ilişkilerinin tarihçesinin özetini müteakip, söz konusu iki-taraflılığın neden ve nasıl vuku bulduğu; ekonomik ve ticari ilişkiler, sevkiyat hatları, ayrılıkçı sorunlar, azınlık unsuru ve Rusya etkisi temelinde araştırılmaktadır. Nihai tahlilde, söz konusu iki-taraflılığın mevcut niteliğine ve gelecekteki akıbetine dair kimi değerlendirmeler ile öngörülerde bulunulmaktadır.
While fully engaged in efforts of suppressing the armed violence in the former Yugoslavia at the ... more While fully engaged in efforts of suppressing the armed violence in the former Yugoslavia at the turn of the century, Ankara could foresee the coming events, repeatedly called for immediate multilateral action, and argued adamantly about who the aggressor and victim were as opposed to the relevant ambiguity in the West. Central to policy formulations at political parties were Turkey's Balkan heritage/identity, stance against aggression, and the significance of Balkan routes for Turkey. Drawing upon detailed empirical data obtained from parliamentary discussions in three frames, this study examines under which circumstances the Turkish 'state', its identity, interests and intersubjectivities were at work shaping Turkey's foreign policy towards Bosnia. Finally, it is emphasized that Ankara's foreign policy towards the war was competent despite coalition governments composed of different political mainstreams.
Bosna-Hersek’teki savasa kadar samimi olan Turkiye-Yugoslavyailiskileri, uc etmen tarafindan bici... more Bosna-Hersek’teki savasa kadar samimi olan Turkiye-Yugoslavyailiskileri, uc etmen tarafindan bicimlendirilmistir: Yugoslavya’ninTurkiye’nin Avrupa’ya giden ticaret yolunun uzerinde yer almasi,Yugoslavya halklariyla paylasilan uzun tarih ve o zamana kadar var olandostca iliskiler. Diplomatik iliskilerde savasla birlikte bozulmagozlemlenmis, bu nedenle ekonomik iliskiler de savasin ve sonrakiKosova krizinin kurbani olmustur. Ancak, diplomatik iliskilerin yapisi veaktor davranislari, goze gorunenden farkli bir nitelik sergilemis, bu dailiskileri karmasik bir gerceklige sokmustur: iki tarafca kullanilan, bazendusmanlik esiginde seyreden politik soyleme, buyukelci geri cekme veretlerine ragmen, iliskiler devam etmistir. Yeniden gerceklesebilecekuzlasi arayislari ortak siyasi iradenin insasinin ve muhafaza edilmesininonemine isaret etmektedir
Although the geopolitical and geostrategic edifice of the Caucasus had evolved considerably at th... more Although the geopolitical and geostrategic edifice of the Caucasus had evolved considerably at the beginning of the 1990s, Turkey and Georgia were still two states who had not yet entered into a close relationship - despite being border neighbors. The moves intended for becoming partners nucleated when Caspian oil and gas transfer debates took the center stage well towards the second half of the 1990s. Although energy issues were the baseline for channeling the new partnership, other components of cooperation were later successfully tested on several fronts including, military assistance, ethnic disputes, and Georgia' partnership and their prospective implications on the wider regional dynamics shaping politics in the Caspian and Black Seas. The final analysis is that as long as the security equation in these two subregions remains, it goes without saying that the preoccupations of Turkey and Georgia will continue to hint at common policy perceptions.
Mevcut calismada, sert ve yumusak guc kapasitesi bakimindan uluslararasi iliskilerde etki sahibi ... more Mevcut calismada, sert ve yumusak guc kapasitesi bakimindan uluslararasi iliskilerde etki sahibi olmak baglaminda kucuk devlet olarak tanimlanan Ermenistan’in, kaynak elde eden devlet olamamasinin dis politika otonomisinde zafiyete sebep oldugu; diaspora ve Rusya ile iliskilerinin ise; para transferleri, dogrudan yabanci yatirimi (DYY) ve siyasi/askeri destek ile dis politikada kismen direnclilik sagladigi ileri surulmektedir. Ancak, soz konusu faaliyetler koklu bir yeniden yapilanma ve oz yeterlilik temin etmediginden, Ermenistan’in sistemdeki basarili aktorlerin otonom dis politikalarini taklit edemeyeceginin ve agirlikli olarak mevcut diaspora ve Rusya yonelimli dis politika strateji ve uygulamalarini kisa ve orta vadede devam ettirmesinin/pekistirmesinin, yuksek olasilik oldugu belirtilmektedir.
Sovyet Sonrasi Ukrayna’da Devlet, Toplum ve Siyaset: Degisen Dinamikler, Donusen Kimlikler, basli... more Sovyet Sonrasi Ukrayna’da Devlet, Toplum ve Siyaset: Degisen Dinamikler, Donusen Kimlikler, baslikli kitap, Prof. Dr. Aysegul Aydingun ve Prof. Dr. Ismail Aydingun tarafindan derlenmis, kendilerinin ve sekiz arastirmacinin calismalarinin bulundugu, 2020’de Terazi Yayincilik tarafindan yayinlanmis, giris sayfalari haric 445 sayfadan olusan bir eserdir. Takdim, on soz ve oniki bolumden olusan eserde; on kisinin yer aldigi, Kiyiv’de (ve Herson Bolgesi’nde) iki ayri saha arastirmasi projesinin imkan verdigi 141 mulakattan yararlanilmistir. Kitap, Ukrayna’nin degisen dinamiklerinin ve donusen kimliklerinin, genel kaninin aksine yakin gecmise degil, cok daha eski tarihlere kadar dayanan politikalar, uygulamalar ve dinamikler sonucu sekillendigine ve sekillenmekte olduguna, 1991 ve 2014’teki gelismelerin ve mevcut konjonkturun de bu baglamda incelenmesi gerektigine isaret ediyor. Bu zeminde, icerik, secilmis oniki konu uzerinden zengin bir degerlendirmeyle sunuluyor.
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