Articles by Erin Crandall
Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties
There has been no shortage of literature that has focused on the role of money in politics. While... more There has been no shortage of literature that has focused on the role of money in politics. While the majority has focused squarely on the fundraising activities and spending preferences of parties and candidates, far less has paid attention to the spending habits of corporations, unions and interests that often register as non-parties. Yet these actors have gained prominence across general elections and referendum campaigns in the past decade owing to the increase in funds spent to influence election outcomes. Little is known about what the public thinks about the participation of these actors in campaigns. Yet public opinion toward non-party campaign spending is important to the degree that it effects perceptions of electoral integrity and might compel policy change. This paper uses new survey data collected from Canada and the UK to answer questions about how citizens perceive non-party campaign spending and what informs attitudes toward non-parties. We find that the public in both countries have mixed views on the participation of non-parties, but that there is some evidence that core concerns about electoral interiority and perceptions toward the role of money in politics drives opinion.
Canadian Journal of Political Science, 2018
This article analyzes an important discretionary power of the Supreme Court of Canada, the abilit... more This article analyzes an important discretionary power of the Supreme Court of Canada, the ability to award costs. With the use of an original data set, we explore trends in costs awarding in public interest litigation at the Supreme Court from 1970 to 2012. Our findings suggest that, over time, the Court has tended to favour nongovernment parties over government parties where the former are less likely to pay costs when they lose and more likely to receive costs when they win. In these cases, costs orders were more likely to benefit public interest litigants, such as nongovernmental organizations, than individual litigants and businesses. Together, these findings suggest a sensitivity to access to justice concerns when making costs orders, though some may argue that this sensitivity by the Court does not extend far enough.
Third party campaigners are widely noted to have the power to change the landscape of an election... more Third party campaigners are widely noted to have the power to change the landscape of an election. Yet, in Canada, we know little about whether there is consistency behind third parties' motivations, expectations and strategies, or how these motivations parse with those of the legislators who are attempting to regulate their behaviour. This article explores these factors using data from Canadian federal elections from 2004 to 2015. Merging qualitative interviews and survey data of third parties with quantitative evaluations of third party and political party campaign spending, we assess whether the strategic motivations of third parties reflect the intentions and design of campaign policies that regulate their actions. The United Kingdom regulatory regime is briefly reviewed as an example of an alternative policy approach.
Deciding how to regulate money during elections is a critical policy choice faced by every democr... more Deciding how to regulate money during elections is a critical policy choice faced by every democracy. Over the last two decades, both the United Kingdom and Canada have implemented substantial revisions to their electoral laws, including policy measures designed to regulate third party spending. Despite similar policy objectives, the countries’ approaches to regulation differ, leaving the potential for significant variation in third party spending outcomes. These differences between countries, with otherwise very similar policy goals and systems of government, provide a unique opportunity to build and test a comparative policy evaluation framework for third party campaign spending. By examining these differences and similarities, this article builds a framework for election policy evaluation that can be adapted to serve as a template for future policy evaluation, facilitating comparative research.
Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue canadienne de science politique , 2017
The influence of party connection on the selection of judges has long been an issue in Canada Thi... more The influence of party connection on the selection of judges has long been an issue in Canada This article considers whether such connections adversely affect the appointment of women judges to federally appointed courts. The answer appears to be yes. Using political donations as a proxy for party connection, the data analyzed here suggest that as the number of appointees with connections to the government rises, the number of women appointees falls. However, for appointments to provincial courts by the government of Ontario, the prevalence of political connections among judicial appointees is less prominent, suggesting that different systems of judicial appointment may help to lessen these effects.
Queen's Law Journal, 2015
The more important a court, the more controversial its judicial selection system tends to be. Thi... more The more important a court, the more controversial its judicial selection system tends to be. This is especially true for Canada's Supreme Court. The prime minister's nearly unchecked power over judicial selection has been the focus of longstanding complaint. Yet, despite a general acceptance that change is needed, formal reform--either constitutional or statutory--has proven elusive. This article discusses the question of why Canada has been unsuccessful at reforming the Supreme Court's system of judicial selection. It analyzes the unsuccessful efforts at constitutional change undertaken from the 1970s to 1990s and compares these attempts at reform to the judicial selection system of the High Court of Australia over the same time period. This article also considers how the longstanding ambiguity concerning the Supreme Court's constitutional status has affected more recent efforts at reform, and the consequences for future reform after the Court's affirmation of its constitutional entrenchment in Reference re Supreme Court Act, ss 5 and 6.
In 2006, the Canadian government introduced a new component to its process of selecting Supreme C... more In 2006, the Canadian government introduced a new component to its process of selecting Supreme Court justices, a review committee composed of members of Parliament. Tasked with interviewing justices prior to their appointment to the bench, the committee met four times, interviewing only five of the eight judicial candidates appointed to the bench before the Conservative government announced the committee's termination in 2014. This study offers the first comprehensive analysis of the performance of this ad hoc judicial review committee. Using an original dataset, we find that MPs asked little by way of probing questions, such as those related to policy or a candidate's previous jurisprudence. However, we do find some evidence that the hearing process was used to further the political aims of the participating political parties.
In 2006, Canadians were introduced to a new ad hoc parliamentary process to review Supreme Court ... more In 2006, Canadians were introduced to a new ad hoc parliamentary process to review Supreme Court candidates prior to their appointment. This article explores how the English-language news media framed this appointment and review process. The authors note the media emphasized conflict surrounding the process over its scrutiny of the candidates themselves and conclude that it remains an open question whether the process of parliamentary vetting actually provided a meaningful educative function for Canadians.
Using an original dataset of appointments to Ontario’s provincial and superior courts from 1972 t... more Using an original dataset of appointments to Ontario’s provincial and superior courts from 1972 to 2012, this article explores whether the system of judicial appointment affects the representation of women on the bench. In addition to providing a comprehensive review of judicial appointments in Ontario, the article finds that since the introduction of new judicial appointments systems by the federal and Ontario governments in 1989, the provincial system appointed approximately 5 percent more women judges. The data also reveals that Conservative parties were less likely to appoint women to the bench than the Liberal Party and NDP over this forty-year period. If diversity on the bench is to be a serious policy objective for governments, this research indicates that certain approaches may prove more effective than others. In particular, Ontario’s provincial nominating committee system has been more successful in appointing women judges—especially in the years it actively recruited women applicants—than the federal government’s review committee system.
Election Law Journal, Dec 2014
Both the United Kingdom and Canada recently implemented substantial revisions to their electoral ... more Both the United Kingdom and Canada recently implemented substantial revisions to their electoral laws, including policy measures designed to regulate third parties. Despite similar policy objectives, the limits placed on third parties vary significantly between the two countries, leaving the potential for significant differences in practice. Using an original dataset, this article undertakes a comparative study of recent national elections in each country (UK: 2005, 2010; Canada: 2004, 2006, 2008) to evaluate policy outcomes. Our analysis finds that while there are differences in both the number of third parties and the range of spending in Canada and the UK, one commonality is apparent: there is no “typical” third party in either country. As anticipated, given differences in spending limits, UK third parties outspent their Canadian counterparts; however, in both countries third parties rarely came close to spending to their limits. Rather, third parties are found to play a limited role, at least as measured via absolute spending.
While Senate reform is a continual topic of interest for partisans, academics, and the media in C... more While Senate reform is a continual topic of interest for partisans, academics, and the media in Canada, the nature of the Senate's legislative activity is less widely reported. That the Senate provides sober, well-researched political advice through its committee work is the refuge of ardent Senate defenders. However, what type of policy work do Senate committees accomplish and in what volume? This paper investigates Senate committees' policy reports and legislative output with an original dataset covering the 34–40th parliaments (1988–2011). The findings highlight committees' contributions to the legislative process, empirically testing long-held hypotheses about the Senate's legislative behaviour.
For approximately two decades, the federal regulation for third-party election spending was the f... more For approximately two decades, the federal regulation for third-party election spending was the focus of repeated constitutional debate. However, with the 2004 Supreme Court decision in Harper v. Canada, a relative level of policy stability has been established. This stability permits us to evaluate the performance of spending limits according to the principles of the egalitarian model on which it is based. Using an original data set compiled from third-party election advertising reports from the 2004, 2006 and 2008 federal elections, this article offers the first empirical analysis of this important election policy. A number of observations can be offered. First, third parties are not spending large amounts relative to spending limits. Second, despite legislative changes in 2006 banning all federal party contributions except those from individuals, there appears little strategic action by third parties in spending “around” contribution limits. During this three-election cycle, third parties quite simply did not spend significant amounts. Current third-party spending limits therefore appear to be situated comfortably within the expectations of the egalitarian model, though why third parties of all types spend so little remains in question.
Chapters by Erin Crandall
Inside the Campaign: Managing Elections in Canada, 2019
Many things are needed for a successful election campaign, but arguably none is more essential th... more Many things are needed for a successful election campaign, but arguably none is more essential than money. Fundraising has always been a necessary feature of campaigning for votes. In this chapter, we explore the duties of party fundraisers. Changes to fundraising tools, communication technologies, and regulations have transformed the profile and skills of party fundraisers over the past half-century. Today’s party fundraisers are trained professionals with skills in direct marketing, brand positioning, and digital marketing who work to build and maintain relationships with donors across multiple fundraising channels.
Canadian Election Analysis 2015: Communication, Strategy, and Democracy, 2015
The Democratic Dilemma: Reforming Canada's Supreme Court, 2013
Other Publications by Erin Crandall
Governments should think carefully about how interest-group money influences politics both inside... more Governments should think carefully about how interest-group money influences politics both inside and outside the campaign.
The Washington Post (The Monkey Cage), Mar 22, 2014
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Articles by Erin Crandall
Chapters by Erin Crandall
Other Publications by Erin Crandall