New Historicism
New Historicism
New Historicism
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• Most of us raised to think about history in the traditional way would
read an account of a Revolutionary War battle written by an
American historian in 1944 and ask, if we asked anything at all,
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• In contrast, a new historicist would read the same account of that battle and
ask,
• 1.“What does this account tell us about the political agendas and ideological
conflicts of the culture that produced and read the account in 1944?”
• 2.“At the time in which it was fought, how was this battle represented (in
newspapers, magazines, tracts, government documents, stories, speeches,
drawings, and photographs) by the American colonies or by Britain (or by
European countries),
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• Traditional historians ask,
• 1.“What happened?”
• 2.and “What does the event tell us about history?”
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linear, causal, objective analysis
• For most traditional historians, history is a series of events that have a linear,
causal relationship: event A caused event B, event B caused event C, and so
on.
• spirit of the age, the world view held by the culture to which those facts refer.
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• Indeed, some of the most popular traditional historical accounts have
offered a key concept that would explain the worldview of a given historical
population, such as
• which has been used to argue that the guiding spirit of Elizabethan culture
was a belief in the importance of order in all domains of human life.
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• You can see this aspect of the traditional approach in history classes that study past events in terms
of the spirit of an age, such as the
• 1. Age of Reason or
• 2. the Age of Enlightenment,
• and you can see it in literature classes that study literary works in terms of historical periods, such as
• 1.the neoclassical,
• 2.romantic, or
• 3.modernist periods.
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history is progressive
• Finally, traditional historians generally believe that history is
progressive, that the human species is
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most basic facts of history
• New historicists, in contrast, don’t believe we have clear access to any but the
most basic facts of history. We can know, for example, that George Washington
was the first American president and that Napoleon was defeated at Waterloo.
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which facts are deemed important enough to report and which are left out
• Even when traditional historians believe they are sticking to the facts,
the way they contextualize those facts (including which facts are
deemed important enough to report and which are left out)
determines what story those facts will tell.
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• The first and most important reason for this difficulty, new historicists
believe, is the impossibility of objective analysis.
• Like all human beings, historians live in a particular time and place,
and their views of both current and past events are influenced in
innumerable conscious and unconscious ways by their own
experience within their own culture.
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• Historians may believe they’re being objective, but their own views of
what is right and wrong, what is civilized and uncivilized, what is
important and unimportant, and the like, will strongly influence the
ways in which they interpret events.
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• As a result, ancient cultures with highly developed art forms, ethical
codes, and spiritual philosophies, such as the tribal cultures of Native
Americans and Africans, were often misrepresented as lawless,
superstitious, and savage.
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• At any given point in history, any given culture may be progressing in
some areas and regressing in others. And any two historians may
disagree about what constitutes progress and what doesn’t, for these
terms are matters of definition. That is, history isn’t an orderly parade
into a continually improving future, as many traditional historians
have believed. It’s more like an improvised dance consisting of an
infinite variety of steps, following any new route at any given
moment, and having no particular goal or destination. Individuals and
groups of people may have goals, but human history does not.
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• Similarly, while events certainly have causes, new historicists argue
that those causes are usually multiple, complex, and difficult to
analyze. One cannot make simple causal statements with any
certainty. In addition, causality is not a oneway street from cause to
effect.
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• Any given event—whether it be a political election or a children’s
cartoon show—is a product of its culture, but it also affects that
culture in return. In other words, all events—including everything
from the creation of an art work, to a televised murder trial, to the
persistence of or change in the condition of the poor—are shaped by
and shape the culture in which they emerge.
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individual identity /society
• In a similar manner, our subjectivity, or selfhood, is shaped by and
shapes the culture into which we were born. For most new
historicists, our individual identity is not merely a product of society.
Neither is it merely a product of our own individual will and desire.
Instead, individual identity and its cultural milieu inhabit, reflect, and
define each other .
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• Their relationship is mutually constitutive (they create each other)
and dynamically unstable.
• Thus, the old argument between determinism and free will can’t be
settled because it rests on the wrong question: “Is human identity
socially determined or are human beings free agents?”
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• Rather, the proper question is, “What are the processes by which
individual identity and social formations—such as political,
educational, legal, and religious institutions and ideologies—create,
promote, or change each other?”
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• Our subjectivity, then, is a lifelong process of negotiating our way,
consciously and unconsciously, among the constraints and freedoms
offered at any given moment in time by the society in which we live.
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power does not emanate only from the top of
the political and socioeconomic structure
• Thus, according to new historicists, power does not emanate only
from the top of the political and socioeconomic structure. According
to French philosopher Michel Foucault, whose ideas have strongly
influenced the development of new historicism, power circulates in all
directions, to and from all social levels, at all times.
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• And the vehicle by which power circulates is a never-ending proliferation of
exchange:
• (1) the exchange of material goods through such practices as buying and
selling, bartering, gambling, taxation, charity, and various forms of theft;
• (3) the exchange of ideas through the various discourses a culture produces.
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• A discourse is a social language created by particular cultural conditions at a particular
time and place, and it expresses a particular way of understanding human experience.
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• And as you read the chapters of this textbook, you will become familiar with
• Although the word discourse has roughly the same meaning as the word
ideology, and the two terms are often used interchangeably, the word
discourse draws attention to the role of language as the vehicle of ideology.
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• From a new historical perspective, no discourse by itself can
adequately explain the complex cultural dynamics of social power.
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• There is, instead, a dynamic, unstable interplay among discourses:
• they are always in a state of flux, overlapping and competing with one
another (or, to use new historical terminology, negotiating exchanges
of power) in any number of ways at any given point in time.
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• This is one reason why new historicists believe that the relationship
between individual identity and society is mutually constitutive:
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• To maintain dominance, his power must circulate in numer‑ ous discourses, for example, in
• 1.the discourse of religion (which can promote belief in the “divine right” of kings or in God’s love
of hierarchical society),
• 2. in the discourse of science (which can support the reigning elite in terms of a theory of
Darwinian “survival of the fittest”),
• 3. in the discourse of fashion (which can promote the popularity of leaders by promoting copycat
attire, as we saw when Nehru jackets were popular and when the fashion world copied the style
of First Lady Jacqueline Kennedy),
• 4. in the discourse of the law (which can make it a treasonous offense to disagree with a ruler’s
decisions), and so on.
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matters of definition.
• As these examples suggest, what is “right,” “natural,” and “normal”
are matters of definition.
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• In fact, Michel Foucault has suggested that all definitions of
• “insanity,”
• “crime,”
• and sexual “perversion”
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• Just as definitions of social and antisocial behavior promote the
power of certain individuals and groups, so do particular versions of
historical events.
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• And that same whitewashing continued to serve the white American
power structure for many a decade beyond Custer’s time, for even
those who had knowledge of Custer’s misdeeds deemed it unwise to
air America’s dirty historical laundry, even in front of Americans.
• Analogously, had the Nazis won World War II, we would all be reading
a very different account of the war, and of the genocide of millions of
Jews, than the accounts we read in American history books today.
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Those biases are able to control their narratives.
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• So far, we’ve seen new historicism’s claims about what historical
analysis cannot do. Historical analysis
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• If you’ve read chapter 8, “Deconstructive Criticism,” you’re in a good
position to understand the answer to these questions because a good deal
of new historical practice incorporates deconstructive insights about
human language and experience.
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• By and large, we know history only in its textual form, that is, in the form of the
• documents,
• written statistics,
• legal codes,
• diaries,
• letters,
• speeches,
• tracts,
• news articles,
• and the like in which are recorded the attitudes, policies, procedures, and events that
occurred in a given time and place.
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• As such, they require the same kinds of analyses literary critics
perform on literary texts.
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• Indeed, we might say that in bringing to the foreground the suppressed historical narratives of
marginalized groups—
• such as women,
• people of color,
• the poor,
• the working class,
• gay men and lesbians,
• prisoners,
• the inhabitants of mental institutions, and so on—
• new historicism has deconstructed the white, male, Anglo-European historical narrative to
reveal its disturbing, hidden subtext: the experiences of those peoples it has oppressed in order
to maintain the dominance that allowed it to control what most Americans know about history.
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Master narrative, told from a single cultural point of view
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• And even as the historical narratives of some groups are becoming more
and more numerous, such as those of women and of people of color,
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• We can see how a plurality of historical voices tends to raise these kinds
of issues if we imagine the differences among the following hypothetical
college courses on the American Revolution:
• (2) a course that contrasts traditional American accounts of the war with
traditional British, French, Dutch, and Spanish accounts.
• (3) and a course that contrasts the above accounts with Native American
accounts of the war recorded from the oral histories of tribes that were
affected by it.
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• As we move, in our imagination, from the first course to the second
and then to the third, our focus moves farther away from the
“factual” content of historical accounts and foregrounds, instead,
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• In this context, new historicism might be defined as the history of
stories cultures tell themselves about themselves.
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• thick description, a term borrowed from anthropology.
• Thick description attempts, through close, detailed examination of a given cultural production—
such as
• 1. birthing practices,
• 2. ritual ceremonies,
• 3. games,
• 4. penal codes,
• 5. works of art,
• 6. copyright laws,
• to discover the meanings that particular cultural production had for the people in whose
community it occurred and to reveal the social conventions, cultural codes, and ways of seeing
the world that gave that production those meanings.
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Thick description is not a search for facts but a search for meanings
• It focuses on the personal side of history—
• —as much as or more than on such traditional historical topics as military campaigns
the passage of laws.
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• Let me summarize an example of thick description offered by anthropologist
Clifford Geertz in The Interpretation of Cultures.
• A thick description would attempt to find out what the wink meant in the
context in which it occurred.
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• If it was a wink,
• 1. was it a wink performing its usual activity of imparting a conspiratorial (plotting, scheming) signal?
• 2. Or was it a fake wink, intended to make others believe a conspiracy was underway when, in fact, it
was not? In this case, the wink would not mean conspiracy but deception.
• 3. was it a parody of the fake wink just described, intended to satirize the person who winked in
order to deceive? In this case, the wink would mean neither conspiracy nor deception, but ridicule.
• Now suppose that, in this last example, the would-be satirist is unsure of his ability: he doesn’t want
to be mistaken for someone merely twitching or winking; he wants his friends to know that he’s
mocking someone.
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• So to be sure he can do it properly, he practices his satirical
• wink in front of a mirror.
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• Finally, new historicism’s claim that historical analysis is unavoidably
subjective is not an attempt to legitimize a self-indulgent, “anything goes”
attitude toward the writing of history.
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• For example, near the end of Louis Montrose’s new historical essay,
“Professing the Renaissance: The Poetics and Politics of Culture,” he
announces his own biases, which include those produced by his role
as a Renaissance scholar and professor.
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• Furthermore, he writes about issues that are socially relevant today
because he wants to participate not only in the
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• Finally, Montrose admits that although his writing works to undermine
traditional historical approaches to literary scholarship
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key concepts of new historicism
• 2. History is neither linear (it does not proceed neatly from cause A to
effect B and from cause B to effect C) nor progressive (the human
species is not steadily improving over the course of time).
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• 3. Power is never wholly confined to a single person or a single level
of society. Rather, power circulates in a culture through exchanges of
material goods, exchanges of human beings, and, most important for
literary critics as we’ll see below, exchanges of ideas through the
various discourses a culture produces.
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• 4. There is no monolithic (single, unified, universal) spirit of an age,
and there is no adequate totalizing explanation of history (an
explanation that provides a single key to all aspects of a given
culture).
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• 5. Personal identity—like historical events, texts, and artifacts—is shaped
by and shapes the culture in which it emerges. Thus, cultural categories
such as normal and abnormal, sane and insane, are matters of definition.
• Put another way, our individual identity consists of the narratives we tell
• ourselves about ourselves, and we draw the material for our narratives
from the circulation of discourses that constitutes our culture.
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• 6. All historical analysis is unavoidably subjective. Historians must
therefore reveal the ways in which they know they have been
positioned, by their own cultural experience, to interpret history.
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New historicism and literature
• New historical criticism has little in common with traditional historical criticism.
The latter, which dominated literary studies in the 19th cen.and the early decades
of 20th cen, confined itself largely to
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• New Criticism dethroned traditional historical criticism and controlled literary
studies from the 1940s to the 1960s, rejected traditional historicism’s approach
to literature.
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• New historicism, which emerged in the late 1970s, rejects both traditional
historicism’s marginalization of literature and New Criticism’s enshrinement of
the literary text in a timeless dimension beyond history.
• For new historical critics, a literary text doesn’t embody the author’s intention or
illustrate the spirit of the age that produced it, as traditional literary historians
asserted.
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literary texts are cultural artifacts
• Rather, literary texts are cultural artifacts that can tell us something about the
interplay of discourses, the web of social meanings, operating in the time and
place in which the text was written.
• And they can do so because the literary text is itself part of the interplay of
discourses, a thread in the dynamic web of social meaning.
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Text/context…individual/society
• For new historicism, the literary text and the historical situation from
which it emerged are equally important because text (the literary
work) and context (the historical conditions that produced it) are
mutually constitutive: they create each other.
• Like the dynamic interplay between individual identity and society, literary
texts shape and are shaped by their historical contexts.
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Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness (1902)/ Toni Morrison’s Beloved (1987).
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• However, neither Conrad’s firsthand experience with his subject matter
nor Morrison’s temporal distance from hers means that either narrative
is necessarily more “accurate” than the other.
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• A traditional historical reading of Heart of Darkness might analyze, based on
historical accounts of European activities in the Congo during the 19th cent.,
• 3. What were the politics involved in the division of African territories among
various European powers and in the administration of those territories?
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biographical materials
• 5. To what extent does the novel depict events that Conrad saw or heard about
himself?
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C onr ad’s cr eat ive im ag inat ion
• 6. What was the influence on Conrad’s writing of his early interest in the great explorers of
the nineteenth century?
• 9. How did his experience in the Congo, including the permanent impairment of his health
that resulted therefrom, affect his artistic production?
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• Similarly, a traditional historical reading of Beloved might analyze—
based on historical accounts of nineteenth-century American slaves,
slaveholders, and former slaves—whether or not Morrison’s depiction
of this aspect of American experience is faithful to historical reality.
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• Do her portraits of the Garners, their neighbors, Schoolteacher, and
the Bodwins accurately represent the range of values held by slave
owners and abolitionists at that time?
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• For example, to what extent was Sethe’s story modeled on that
• of runaway slave Margaret Garner, who, like Sethe, killed her baby
daughter to save her from being returned to her master’s plantation?
• What other characters and events in the novel are based on actual
historical figures and events?
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• What specific historical sources—newspaper accounts, slave
narratives, legal documents, records of the Middle Passage, history
books, and the like—did Morrison draw on?
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two conflicting discourses: anticolonialism and Eurocentrism
• a new historical analysis of Heart of Darkness might examine the ways in which
Conrad’s narrative embodies two conflicting discourses present in his own
culture: anticolonialism and Eurocentrism.
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Europeans as savage as “savage” as the African peoples
• However, as Chinua Achebe observes, the novel nevertheless speaks from an
(apparently unconscious) Euro‐centric perspective:
• as “savage” as the African peoples they intend to subdue, which means that African
tribal culture is held to epitomize “savagery.”
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• Or, despite the novel’s Eurocentric bias, a new historical critic might
analyze the text as a kind of prototype, or early embodiment, of new
historical analysis.
• and its narrative structure, which obscures plot events behind a hazy
veil of subjective description, implies that we do not have access to a
clear, unbiased view of the past.
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• Finally, a new historical analysis of Heart of Darkness might examine
the history of the novel’s reception by critics and the reading public to
discover how the novel shaped and was shaped by discourses
circulating at its point of origin (the time and place in which the book
was written and published) and over the passage of time, including
speculations about its relationship to possible future audiences.
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• For example, how might the novel’s reception over time reveal the
• ways in which interpretations of the text shaped and have been shaped by the
discourses of
• 1. historical progressivism,
• 2. social Darwinism,
• 3. white supremacy,
• 4. Afro‐centrism,
• 5. multiculturalism,
• 6. new historicism, and so on?
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• Social Darwinism refers to various societal practices around the world and
defined by scholars in Western Europe and North America in the 1870s that
applied biological concepts of natural selection and survival of the fittest to
sociology, economics and politics.
• Social Darwinism posits that the strong see their wealth and power increase
while the weak see their wealth and power decrease.
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• Similarly, a new historical analysis of Beloved might examine how the
novel’s departures from the historical accounts on which it is based
constitute a revision of those accounts, that is, an interpretation of the
history it represents.
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Was shaped by and has shaped
• how Beloved was shaped by and has shaped the modern debate between
two conflicting views of slavery:
• (1) that slaves were, for the most part, reduced to a childlike dependency on their
masters and
• (2) that slaves managed, much more thoroughly and consistently than has been
reported by traditional white historians, to build a coherent system of resistance
through the creation of their own coded forms of communication, the
establishment of their own communal ties, and the strategic use of personae
(such as the “happy slave” or the “dim-wit‐ted slave”/foolish) as camouflage for
their opinions, intentions, and subversive activities.
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• Finally, a new historical reading might investigate the circulation of mid-nineteenth
century discourses with which specific elements of the plot interact.
• For
• example, how do the various views of Sethe depicted in the novel—such as those
• of Schoolteacher, Mrs. Garner, Amy Denver, Mr. Bodwin, Stamp Paid, Ella,
• Beloved, and Paul D—reinforce or undermine the mid-nineteenth century dis‐
• courses of white supremacy, abolitionism, male supremacy, and motherly
love?
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• As you may have noticed, in all of the above examples of traditional
historical criticism, history—
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• In contrast, in the new historical examples, the focus is on how the
literary text itself functions as a historical discourse interacting with
other historical discourses:
• those circulating at the time and place in which the text is set, at the
• time the text was published, or at later points in the history of the
text’s reception.
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• For new historicism is concerned not with historical events as events,
but with the ways in which events are interpreted, with historical
discourses, with ways of seeing the world and modes of meaning.
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• We can’t really know exactly what happened at any given point in history, but we can know what the people
involved believed happened—we can know from their own accounts the various ways in which they
interpreted their experience—and we can interpret those interpretations.
• For new historical literary critics, then, the literary text, through its representation of human experience at a
given time and place, is an interpretation of history.
• As such, the literary text maps the discourses circulating at the time it was written and is itself one
of those discourses. That is, the literary text shaped and was shaped by the discourses circulating in the
culture in which it was produced.
• Likewise, our interpretations of literature shape and are shaped by the culture
• in which we live.
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