John William Draper - History of America Civil War (Vol I)
John William Draper - History of America Civil War (Vol I)
John William Draper - History of America Civil War (Vol I)
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$mith.
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HISTORY
OF THE
M.D., LL.D.,
NEW YORK
;
AUTHOR OF "A TREATISE ON HUMAN PHYSIOLOGY," "a HISTORY OF THE INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT OF EUROPE," ETC., ETC.
IN
THREE VOLUMES.
Vol.
I.
CONTAINING THE CAUSES OF THE WAR, AND THE EVENTS PREPARATORY TO UP TO THE CLOSE OF PRESIDENT BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION.
IT,
NEW YORK:
HARPER
&
BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS,
1868.
FRANKLIN SQUARE.
'
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year one thousand eight hundred
and sixty-seven, by
HARPER
& BROTHERS,
New
York.
PREFACE.
This work is intended to be a history of the causes which led to the civil war, and of the events connected with it, considered not in a partisan, but in a philosophical and impartial spirit.
was writing a History of the Intellectual Development my attention was often drawn to facts illustrating how much the national life of the American people had been influenced by uncontrollable causes, and how strikingly it exemplified the great truth that societies advance in a preordained and inevitable
I
While
of Europe,
course.
would
de-
vote myself to the study of the subject, and was confirmed in this resolution by the favor which was accorded to my work above
Meantime the mentioned, both here and in Europe. broke out, and added a new incentive to my intention.
For
I
civil
war
in the
men were
accusing one another with bitterness, each throwing the odium of responsibility on his antagonist, as if the war had not
been connected with past influences and had no past history, but was the sudden result of the passions and fanaticism of the hour.
There seemed to be a forgetfulness of the fact that its origin dates before any of those who have been the chief actors in it were born. It came upon us in an unavoidable and irresistible way.
Now when we
trolled
by
appreciate how much the actions of men are conthe deeds of their predecessors, and are determined by
climate and other natural circumstances, our animosities lose of their asperity, and the return of kind feelings is hastened.
much
when peace
is raging, such ideas can not secure atsucceeds, the voice of philosophy is heard
PREFACE.
calming our passions, suggesting new views of the things about which we contended, whispering excuses for our antagonist, and
persuading us thai there
;u
:i
is
in frater-
there
lie
any
tiling
more
al ile
such
fect,
result?
ill, 1
am
Attempts of this kind, though they may be impersure, for the sake of their object, find a warm welheart.
come
in
the
American
Buch resistless energy and such rapidity docs the Republic march to imperial power, that social changes take place among u< in a manner unexampled in the more stationary populations of
\\"\\\\
Europe.
cient
in little
There, public calamities are long remembered, and anHere, perhaps estrangements are nourished for centuries.
more than a single generation, our agony will have been forgotten in the busy industry of a hundred millions of people, animated by new
intentions, developing wealth
mind the
In writing this book I have endeavored to bear continually in rules which Cicero prescribes for those who venture on
historical
compositions: "It
is
the
first
history that it should neither dare to say any thing that is false, nor fear to say any thing that is true, nor give any just suspicion either of favor or disaffection; that, in the relation of things, the
tion of places
writer should observe the order of time, and add also the descripthat in all great and memorable transactions he
;
explain the counsels, then the acts, lastly the events ; that in the counsels he should interpose his own judgment on the merit of them ; in the acts he should relate not only what was
first
should
done, but
in the events
chance, or rashness, or prudence had in them that in regard to persons he should describe not only their particular actions, but the lives and characters of all those who bear an eminent part in the
story."
It Avill
pages with
be remarked that I have refrained from burdening my many facts of American history, which, though they
PREFACE.
may abound
it
object in view.
When I have
know
many
readers in
Europe, who are, perhaps, not perfectly familiar with the details of our affairs. I have endeavored to present such incidents in a con-
most
densed manner, restricting myself to those points which seemed essential to a clear comprehension of the subject, and have
placed them in such a position and with such a frugality of words as not to be unnecessarily obtrusive on the American Avho knows well his own national annals.
ily as I can.
The remaining two volumes of the work I shall publish as speedThe portion now offered to the public may, however,
in itself, its object
be considered as complete
the causes of the war.
condensing and compressing what he has. Owing partly to the inquisitive genius of our people, which searches into the details of
and partly to the omnipresent espionage of American journalism, the secret history of these events has been laid bare in a
affairs,
Eu-
rope. however, here to acknowledge the obligations I am under to officers both of the army and navy, and also to civilians
in
furnished
eminent stations, who have sent me important documents, and me with other valuable information. I would asl^ for a
Washington Square,
New
March, 1S6T.
York*
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.
The
Subject proposed, 17. Contemporary History, 18, 19. The Union and the Nation, 21. of American Life, 20.
fied, 24.
Her ascendency in the Union, 23. The North becomes dissatis Political Force of Ideas, 25. Anti-slavery Ideas and Relation of the Constitution to Slavery, 26. Growth of the Slave Interest, 27. Opposition to in the North, 28. Secession, 29. Opinions of Mr. Webster and Mr. Seward, 30. Avoidance of natural Influences, 31, 32. Necessity of a Study of Nature, 33.
Virginia, 22.
this
SECTION
CHAPTER
American Rivers,
cific
I.
I.
The Mississippi Valley, 42. The Atlantic Border, 42. Columbia Basin, 44. Section across the Continent, 46. Actual Atlantic and PaRegions, 45. Configuration of the Continent, 47. The Rains of the United 48. Rains of the Atlantic Course of the great Rivers, 50. The American Winds, 51. Winds Region, 49. of Texas and the Pacific, 52. Climate of the Mississippi Valley, 53. Distribution of Heat, 54. Isothermal Lines, 55. Their present Imperfections, 56. Heat in the Pacific Region, 58. Aspect of the Eastern States, 59. Aspect of the Southern States, 60. Importance of the Mississippi, 60. Columbia River Terri40, 41.
States,
tory,
61.The
Pacific States,
62.Political Future
CHAPTER
The
first
II.
Length
of Time required, 65. The First Age, 6G. The Second and Third Ages, 67.Formation of Coal, 68. Climate in those Times, 69.The Fourth Age, 70,
63.
Successive Epochs
of Formation, 64.
71.The Fifth Age, 72, 73.The Sixth and present Age, 74.Man in North America, 75. Extinct Indians, 75, 76. Peru the primary American Centre, 76. Survey of the Continent, 77. There have been gradual Successions of Climate, Those Successions of Climate have modified every living Thing, 79. 78.
jjj
CONTENTS.
CHAPTEB
,.s
rili:
III.
Climate defined, 80.Possibility of modifying Plants ami Animals, 81. The TowExterer of gradual Disturbance, 82j and tbe Response of Organic Forms, 83. ModificaModifications of Indian Com, 85. mination and Transformation, 8-4. Case of the Cereal Grains, and partictions of the Sugar-cane and Cotton, 86. Each Zone of Life has two Sides, 88. All European Plants ularly of Barley, <s7.
CHAPTER
Till:
IV.
Man
The Inca
Effect on American Indians, 90. bis Place of Residence, 89. JanuInfluence of Race as an historical Element, 92. Indians, 91. ary Isothermal of 41, Type differences in America East and West, North and Smith. 98. Grouping of the States, disturbing Effect of Locomotion, 94. The Bame Type tends to Think and Act alike, 95. Report of the Sanitary Commis-
changes with
sion, 90.
Death Rate in the North and South, 97. Acclimatization in England, Contrast of Character in the North and South, 100, 101. 98,99. Prance, Law of Human Character, 102. Modifications of Men in Western Geographical
etc.,
America, 103.
CHAPTER
V.
CHAPTER
VI.
CONTENTS.
SECTION
WESTWARD.
II.
CHAPTER
The
VII.
The Nations that colonized America, 127. Spanish Colonial Period, 126. Colonization, 128. Discovery of Florida, 129. Spanish Exploring Expeditions, Commencement of the Slave-trade, 131. Dis130. Cruelties to Indians, 130. turbance in the Values of Gold and Silver, 132. Distribution of the Indian PopSpanish Organization of Indian Labor, 134, 135. French Coloniulation, 133.
zation of America, 136. Discovery of the Mississippi, 137. Its Course ascerFrench Exploring Expeditions, 139. Characteristics of Indian Poltained, 138.
ity,
140.
Centralization
in
Mexico, 141.
Indian Life
VIII.
and Individualism,
142.
CHAPTER
The London and Plymouth Companies, Principles of English Colonization, 146. Settlement of Virginia, 148. InColonization of North Carolina, 147. 147. The Tobacco Trade, 149. Settlement of Marytroduction of Negro Slaves, 148. Settlement of South Carolina, 150. Effect of former English Civil land, 149. Wars, 151. Northern Colonization inspired by Ideas, 152. Influence of the
Reformation, 152. Puritan Colonization, 153. The Puritans and the Church, 154. The Pilgrim Fathers, 155. Colonization of Rhode Island, Roger WilIsothermal Zone of Puritanism, 157 corresponds to the Teutonic liams, 156. Zone in Europe, 157. Extent of that Zone in Asia, 158.
;
CHAPTER
IX.
tempts to Form an American Union, 162. The Albany Plan, 163,164. Life Services of the Royal Society, 169. of Franklin, 165 to 168. Advantages of the
CHAPTER
GROWTH OF THE ENGLISH SETTLEMENTS.
N.
PROGRESS
Emigration to the line of the Mississippi, 171. Effect of Race Intermixture, Ancestral Influence, 172. Swedes, Spaniards, French, Dutch, 173. Immigration to Relative InfluMachiavelli's Social Divisions, 175. the Northern States, 174. ence of his three Grades, 176. Effect of Emigration on the Atlantic States, 177. Rate of Western Diffusion, 178.Rural Economy of the North, 179.The Northwest Territory, 180. Ordinance of 1787, 181. Impression made by Irish
Immigrants, 182; and by the German, 183. Slavery in New England, 1S4. Anti-slavery Clause in the DeclaraSlavery among the Puritans, 1S5 to 188.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTEB
.
XI.
09
Tin:
v.i
i.-n
SI
mi STB.
Till.
TION TO
KX8SI88IPPI.
Introduction of Negro Slaves, 101, 192. Habits of the Negro, Character of the American Negro, 19G, African Civilization, 195. '.:. 194. [97.Progress of the Southern Population to the West, 198. Centres of Population and Wealth, 198. Original Equality of the North and South; eventual
190. Negro-land,
r ponderance of the former, L99. Rural Economy of the South, 200. Question Adams's Account of that Dispute, 202. of the Navigation of the Mississippi, 201. Washington's Views respecting it, 203. Jefferson's Views, 204. The Navigation acquired, 206. Race-purity in the South. 20G. Distinctions between the North and South, 207. Individualism, 208. Plantation Life, 209. Relative Morality, 209. Divergence of the North and South, 210.
CHAPTER
DIGRESSION*
XII.
NORMAN RACE.
Importance of English History to Americans, 211. tional Life, 212. Society in the Middle Ages, 213. Gradual Amelioration, 215. That change 214.
Two Periods in English NaCondition of the Peasantry, indicated by Architecture, Individualism among the Normans, 218. They seek to perpetuate 216, 217. Personal History, 219. Individual Romantic Stories, 220. Physical Condition in the Middle Ages, 221. Personal Adventure among the Normans, 222. Origin of the English, 223. Their Struggle against Ecclesiasticism, 224. They acquire Ameliorated Political Condition, 227. DisReligious Independence, 224, 225. Development of Commerce, 229. Henry VII. procovery of America, 228. motes Individualism, 230. His Trade Laws, 231, 232. Changes since his Reign,
is
233, 234. Maritime Activity, 235. Expeditions for Colonization, 236. The Insular and Continental English, 237, 238, 239. Effects of Individualism, 240.
Its
SECTION
GROWTH OF SLAVERY.
III.
TENDENCY TO ANTAGONISM IMPRESSED ON THE AMERICAN POPULATION BY CLIMATE AND OTHER CAUSES. -DEVELOPMENT OF UNIONISM AND
CHAPTER
XIII.
Newspapers, Libraries, Colleges, Schools, 244. Education in the North and South, 245. The Church in Virginia, 246. Favorite Pursuits North and South, 247. Colleges of the Middle Colonies, 248. Imitation of Europe, 249. Domestic Habits, Philosophical Societies, 250. The Voluntary Church, Study of Theology in the North, and of Law in the South, 252.
Communication
of Intelligence, 243.
251.
CONTENTS.
x[
CHAPTEE
XIV.
CONSOLIDATION OF THE DISCONNECTED COLONIES INTO A NATION. DEVELOPMENT OF UNIONISM. ADOPTION OF THE CONFEDERATION.
Influence of the Southern Tendency against Centralization in the South, 253. Influence of Negro Slavery, 255. Unionism in the North, 256. Eivers, 254. The First and Second Congresses, 257. Franklin's Plan of Confederation, 258, 259.The Confederation, 260. Opposition of Maryland, 261, 262, 263. Pro-
THE
CON-
evitable Progress of Centralization, 286. Illustrated by Plants, 287. Illustrated by Animals, 288. Centralization in Man, 289 in Nature, 290 in Society, 291.
;
;
Washington's Views respecting it, 267 to 270. Hamilton's Views respecting it, 271 to 276. Proposed revision of the ConfederaPatrick Henry on the proposed Constitution, 278,279. Mr. Webster tion, 277. on the Nature of the Constitution, 280. Adoption of the Constitution, 281. Life of Washington, 2S2, 283, 284. Surrender of State Sovereignty, 285.The In-
CHAPTEE
Influence of the Slave Power, 292.
ton,
XVI.
294. Cotton
Statistics,
295.More
Preponderance of Southern Influences in the Nation, 308. Power, 309. Its Tyranny, 310.
Policy of the
Slave
SECTION IV. THE ANTAGONISM BETWEEN THE NORTH AND SOUTH ASSUMES THE CHARACTER OF A SOCIAL CONTEST.
CHAPTEE
XVII.
RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY IDEA.
Expectation that Slavery would come to an End, 311. Slavery at the Eevolution, 312. Attitude of South Carolina and Georgia, 313. Anti-slavery Operations in Massachusetts, 314. Slavery in MassachuEarly Abolition Movements, 315. The Massachusetts SlaveAbolition in Massachusetts, 318, 319. setts, 316, 317. trade, 320. Its Prohibition, 321. The Puritans and Slavery, 322. Abolition in England, 323. Abolition of English Colonial Slavery, 324. Slavery in the United States, 325. Distribution of American Slaves, 326. Abolition of the African Slave-trade, 327. Slavery in ceded Territories, 328. Anti-slavery Societies, 329. Nullification of the Fugitive Slave Law, 330. Colonization, 331. Life of Lundy, the Abolitionist, 332, 333. Abolitionists in the North, 334.
x jj
1
CONTENTS.
M.~i.n of Mr. 1. :\r to Charleston, 335. Anti-slavery Petitions in Congress; '' Died B< Helper's Impending Crisis; John Brown, 337. Won, 886. Disintegration of the Democracy, 888.
CHAPTER
DIOR]
l
XVIII.
influence or the nokman invasion in producing the IN LOB IN ENGI VNI>. \n\. ii. in OF VII. REFLECTIONS ON THE OVERTHROW wikv r.v ai;i;imi:\t ani> hv FORCE. or
UlOi OH
i
Tin:
1.
Mode of the Propagation of Difference of Views in the North and South, 339. The Norman Ideas, 840.Application in the Case of American Slavery, 341. He Conciliatory Policy of the Conqueror, 343. Conquest of England, 842.
Changes
his Policy
quest, 845.
Influences
SECTION
CHAPTER
TIIE MISSOURI QUESTION
V.
CONFLICT OF TIIE FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES FOR SUPREMACY IN THE UNION.
XIX.
ITS
AND
COMPROMISE.
Phases of the Contest between the Free and Slave States, 349.
striction, 350.
The Missouri ReThe Missouri Compromise, 351. Interpretation of the Missouri It was not a Moral, but a Political Struggle, 353. Jefferson's Question, 352. 354. Decline of Federalism, 355. The Federalists and the RepubViews of 350. Jefferson's Policy, 357. The Purchase of Louisiana, 358. The
it,
licans,
CHAPTER XX.
THE TARIFF QUESTION.
The
Tariff of 181G,
300. The
of Clay
Tariff
a Southern
301.Views
ex-
position of the Tariff, 304, 305. Mr. McDuffie's Speech, 300, ster's Defense of New England respecting the Tariffs, 308, 309.
CHAPTER
XXI.
Nullification in South Carolina, 371. The two Addresses of South Carolina, 372. President Jackson's Proclamation, 373, 374, Secret History, 377, 378. Abandon375. Mr. Clay's Compromise, 370.
Its
ment
of Nullification,
379.Life
CHAPTER
XXII.
CONTENTS.
388, 389.
x [{[
Annexation Opposition to Annexation by Adams and others, 390. disapproved of by Mr. Van Buren and Mr. Clay, 391, 392. Mr. Calhoun's French Dispatch ; Texas Annexed, 393, 394.
CHAPTER
Declaration of
XXIII.
War
by the United
States, 395.
Invasion
of Mexico, 396.
Scott's
Campaign, 397, 398.Fall of Mexico, 399.Treaty of Peace, 399.The Wilmot Proviso, 400. California, 401. Settlement of California, 402, 403. Decline in The Fugitive Slave Law, the Value of Gold, 404. Compromise of 1850, 405. 400. Dred Scott Case, 407.The Supreme Court, 408.
CHAPTER XXTV.
THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA STRUGGLE.
The Country
is
Its Flora, Fauna, and Scenery, 410. It of Kansas; Nebraska, 409. unsuited to Slavery, 411. Influence of Nature on Human Disposition, 412.
The Emigrant Aid Societies and Lecompton Constitutions, 416. Effect of the Repeal of the Missouri Compromise, 417. 416.
CHAPTER XXV.
ON THE CONTEMPLATED RESTORATION OF THE AFRICAN SLAVE-TRADE.
The Population
Slavery, 419.
North and South, 418. The Mistake of the South Supplies of the North on the Conscience of the South, 420. UnAssaults
as to
cle Tom's Cabin, 420. Retaliation of the South, 421. Abstract of the Montgomery Report on the Renewal of the African Slave-trade, 423 to 432. Debate on the Montgomery Report, 433. Resistance of the Slave-selling States, 434. Probable result of a Southern Confederacy, 435. The Border States would be and the Cotton States Impoverished, 437. Northernized, 436
SECTION
VI.
438. Conduct of the North as to Northern Sacrifices made by thePolicy, 440. The ungrateful Return South, of the North, 441. The Missouri Question and Compromise, 442. Motives the Advantages of the Mexifor Texas Annexation, 443. The North grasps can War, 444. It secures Oregon and California, 445. impossible for the Northern Immigration, 440. Power of the Paupers of the North, South to 447. Social Demoralization of the North, 448. The National Prosperity Conduct of the North as to Burdens, 450. The Tariff Question, 450. sory, 449. Mr. Calhoun's Protest against the Force 451. Conduct of the North on the Importation of Slaves, and the California Mines, 452. The Fugitive Slave Law, and Raid of John Brown, 453. The South flooded with Incendiary Publications, 454. Senatorial Representation of New England, 455, 450.
its
all
It is
resist
illu-
Bill,
x v
;
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXVII.
UtCBMIOS \m>
lis
i>ki:am
of EMPIRE.
Soutli Carolina requests a Conference with Virginia, 157. Radical Difference betwoeo the North and South, 168. Effects of Individualism, 159. Corruption The North on the Brink of Perdition, 401. of the Northern Democracy. 400. \ uiiaii Demoralisation, 462. Licentiousness of the Rich, 403. The rule of
The Constitution lias become Worthless, 465. AlarmThe North is delivered up to Individualism, ing Progress of Abolitionism, 466. 167; and must come to a Military Despotism, 408. Necessity for Secession,
Foreign Vagrants, 464.
469.
Power and Character of the new Confederacy, 470. There will be no Rea,
sistance to v
471.
The
ami
'
so likewise will
Mercantile Classes will favor Secession, 472; Adoption of the Views of South
<
CHAPTER
SECESSION
XXVIII.
ITS PERILS.
The South
is occupied with the single Idea of Slavery, 475. She fears that StateVice-President Stephens exposes the unjustifiablerights will be Ruined, 470. ness and Perils of Secession, 477. The Government has invaded no Southern
Rights it conceded the Slave and Fugitive Slave Law, 478. The South has had n preponderance of Places and Profits, 479. The North has been Taxed for its The American Government the best and most just ever instituBenefit, 4s0. the Wickedness of assaulting it, 481. ted Fulfillment of Mr. Stephens's Proph:
ecy, 481.
CHAPTER XXIX.
REPLT OF THE NORTH TO THE ACCUSATIONS OF THE SOUTH.
True Statement as
to the Territories, 482. Explanation of the three-fifths Slave Dishonorable Conduct of the South in that Matter; the Computation, 483. South creates Tariffs for her own ends, 484. It is she, and not the North, that has changed on the Slave Question, 485. Her rapid Decline in Wealth and Power, 480. Her Helplessness and Dependence on the North, 487. Her own Confessions of her deplorable Condition, 488. Her Curse is her Slaveholding Demagogues, 489. The Slave System is an Imposture, 490. The true Value of Immigration to the North, 491. No Terrorism in Northern Society, no Espionage a better domestic Life than in the South, 492.
CHAPTER XXX.
ELECTION OF
SIR.
LINCOLN.
The
the North, 493. Illogical Position of the Democratic Partv, 494. Impolicy of the Repeal of the Missouri Compromise; Squatter SovereignJefferson Davis's Resolutions, 490. The Charleston Convention, 497. ty, 495. The Policy it adopts Withdrawal of the Alabama Delegation, 498. Disruption of the Democratic Party, 498. Plea for the Reopening of the African SlavePolitical
Power of
for the
is
South
it
Union, 501. The Baltimore Confor the Presidency, 503. Platform of the Republican Party. 504. The Elections of 1800, 505. Mr. Lincoln elected President of the United States his Biography, 500, 507.
to sustain the
CONTENTS.
xy
CHAPTER XXXI.
SECESSION OF SOUTH CAROLINA.
ommends General Scott's Views Establishment Co-operationists and Disunionists, 512. of Terrorism, 513. The Ordinance of Secession passed, 514. Enthusiastic De Organization of the State as a Sovereign Power, light of the Carolinians, 515. 516. Astonishment in the North and Disapproval in the West, 517. The meetPresident Buchanan's 519. ing of Congress, 518. unsatisfactory Speech of Mr. Hale, 521. Message, proposed, 522. Mr. Concessions Character, 520. Crittenden's Compromise, 523. Withdrawal of Senators and Representatives
sachusetts, Virginia,
Influence of South Carolina, 508. Relative Position of MasSouth Carolina, 509. The Governor of South Carolina recthe calling of a Convention, 510. Action of the Legislature, 511.
;
Its
from Congress
Address of Mr. Davis, 524. Old John Brown, 525, 526, 527.
CHAPTER
XXXII.
CHAPTER
The North
XXXIII.
The Secessionists demand the Benefits of the Major Anderson moves from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, Constitution, 541. 542. Exasperation in Charleston; Resignation of Mr. Floyd, the Secretary of War, 543. The Transfer of Arms from the Northern to the Southern Arsenals, 544. General Twiggs dismissed from the Army for Treachery, 544. Letter of the South Carolina Commissioners to the President, 545, 546. Reply of President Buchanan, 547, 548. Rejoinder of the Commissioners, 549. They accuse him of Vacillation, Deception, Breach of Promise, 550. He has been spared by farther Negotiations with him, South Carolina generosity, 551. They close 552. Prejudicial Effect of these Letters on South Carolina, 553. Apology around him, Mr. Buchanan's Conduct, 554. He appalled at the European Opinions on these Transactions, 557. Changes in the Cab555,556. Seizure of National 558. the Seceding inet Stanton, 558. Attempt at the Relief of Fort Sumter; Property by the West States, 559. the Star of Arming of the South, 560. Treachery in the Navy; Dix's Dispatch, 561. Abortive Peace Proceedings, 562. Southern Journalism Firing of the Southern Heart, 563. Enthusiasm of Charleston at the Opening of the War; ConDesolated Condition of the Seceding States, 565. Retdition at Close, 564. ribution on the North and South, 566. The Lesson to be learned from the War,
;
it
can
all
for
is
difficulties
fired at,
its
567.
THE AMERICAN
CIVIL
WAR.
INTRODUCTORY.
The
Its Difficulties. Subject proposed. In the course of American National Life three distinct Periods may be perceived. The first was characterized by an earnest acceptance of the Idea of Political Unity the second manifested itself by the Decomposition of the Nation that
;
had arisen from that Idea into two geographical and opposing Political Powers and the South, or the Free and the Slave the third exhibits the Conflict of those Powers for Supremacy. Since the production of Geographical Parties is due to Climate, the possibility of avoiding such Influences is considered, and the necessity of their Study by the Statesman insisted on. Statement of the Topics treated of in the six Sections of this Volume.
the North
I
The
pcepose in these volumes to treat of the Origin and of the Civil War which has so lately subject pro- History
'
and desolated the American nait, and consider in what manner they acted to show how division and antagonism have arisen among a people once thought to be homogeneous and to present a narrative of enthusiastic exertion and defeat on one side, of invincible perseverance and victory on the other. I shall have to describe military operations eclipsing in magnitude and splen o o
distracted
tion
;
posed
The
civil
war.
J.
a revolution
steam-
engine, the locomotive, the electric telegraph, rifled ordnance, iron-clad shij)s, and other inventions of this scientific age, sustained by the development and use of financial resources
on a
LB
WAR
midsi of a free people armies emerged, which, in spite of for years appalling disasters and Losses, were maintained commissions and priaj a million of men; how sanitary
Bnpported ami, indeed, excelled the of the government, depriving the battle-field providence and hospital of half their terrors. Inadequately as I may
vate
benevolence
no imperfection of mine can ever conceal result, recognized with transport by true men all over the world, that a republic, resting on free institutions and universal education, can maintain itself undismaved in the shock of war, and calm in the hour of triumph. Not without the conscious pride of patriotism I shall have to tell, that the conquering soldiers of Getty sburg and Richmond, recalling the example of their anrelate tie story,
the
-iv.it
cestors the conquerors of Yorktown, went back when their work was done to the farm, the workshop), or to
trade
that an assaulted but victorious government disdained the cruel retributions of the scaffold, and acted
;
with security on the principle that the causes of political crimes must be remedied, but the crimes themselves not avenged. The narrative of this great civil war abounds in lessons that will be of use to the descendants of those
who participated in its sufferings and glory. Of us it may be said, as Pericles said of his Athenian countrymen, that we are the only people of our times who
have been found to be greater by experience than by reits effect upon P 01^- If we have suddenly become a portent in the eyes of foreign nations, and have risen to a height of glory and of power, let us not forget that it is through those who have fallen on our battlefields
of illustrious men.
Perhaps, however, it may be thought that the time has not yet come to deal with these events impossibility of considering it impartially. that we are too near then* occurpartially
The
CONTEMPORARY HISTORY.
rence.
^g
two
conditions, fullness of information as to the facts, and freedom from bias as to persons. But there never was a war in the course of which publicity was so freely per-
and the interior causes of movements so completeunderstood. As to bias, it is a mistake to suppose ly that time is any remedy for it. The life of Caesar might have been written in the reign of Augustus not less impartially than nineteen centuries subsequently.
mitted,
Even
if
The advantages
the historian of contemporary events does la^or under these disadvantages to the extent
s
o? contemporarf
commonly supposed, he
without compensating
is
not
altogether
benefits.
The
appre-
an eye-witness must necessarily be more vivid than that of a remote inquirer. The motives of men are better interpreted by those who have known them personally than by those who must trust to tradition. It is
ciation of
for these reasons that there is so
much
significance in the
the great acts of Grecian War was the most immortal, antiquity the Peloponnesian because it was described by Thucydides, who served in
all
and kept a journal of its events. Such reflections have led me to suppose that, if it be not intrinsically impossible to relate with truth and impartiality the momentous events that have taken place in the nation and age in which I live, I might devote my
it,
Aj^preciadeclining years to this work of useful labor. ting the difficulty of the task, in view of the mass of ma-
be considered, the interests that have been disthe passions that have been excited, the hopes turbed, that remain unsatisfied, I submit these pages to the genterial to
na-
.,,
i
Till.
LIFE.
1st
which in time withered strength sufficient to , convert a train of feeble colonies scattered a great and powerful nation. along the Atlantic coast into 2d. The separation or differentiation of that nation,
through the agency of climate, into two sections, conveniently known as the North and the South, or the
chiefly
tree
3d,
The
conflict of those
powers
for supremacy.
:
The
tic
From
a nearly homogeneous English stock, the Atlancoast of North America received two immigrations.
That which
Chnracter of the Ant American im-
,
settled in the
t
,
sons devoted to material objects, and appreciating ease and pleasure. That which found
i_
home
in the
its
moving
influ-
ence was moral and religious ideas. In one sense these two colonial bodies were not
similar, since
dis-
home.
they had come from a common ancestral In another they showed diversity, for they were
of different social grades that had been sorted and parted from each other by antecedent English civil wars.
to
These immigrating bodies were affected by the climate which they had come. It happened or j)erhaps it was the result of prior and purposed selection that there was a congeniality in each case between the temperament of the colonist and the place of his abode. The man of enjoyment found an acceptable home in the winterless fertile South the man of reflection amid the austerities of the North. Climate thus augmented and perpetuated the initial
differences
of character.
It
England
ex-
21
still later,
both
felt
mother country. A sentiment that it such feeble communities as they were to unite
protection gradually gained strength.
It
mutual
first
appeared
more than two hundred years ago (1643), among the New England colonies. The establishment of the Union was the final embodiment of that sentiment. Unionism implied a single nation. Development of unionism and na1 hough there was thus an initial race-difference between the North and the South, since they were respectively offshoots from different grades of English society, we must not give too much im.-,-,,
,
^yc
portance to that difference. In the scientific treatment of American history it can not be overlooked, but the
it
was very
feeble
so feeble, in-
deed, as scarcely to retard the progress of Unionism. The differentiation or separation of the American peoThe effect of cii- pie, though it had its beginning in English
in pre colon i al times, may, without much error, be considered as having been substantially produced by the climate of this continent. The Teutonic
life
.
and
characteristics
;
of the Northern people were rendered the Southern people assumed those qualito the nations of the southern border
A
n
self-conscious democracy,
si'
SS5
to!ffiS!S
oVdlmowac'y and
an aristocracy.
the South
an
animated by ideas of inwas the climate issue in the dividualism, North; an aristocracy, produced by sentiments of personal independence and based % upon human slavery, was the climate issue in
-
.).)
of Hercules to the banks of extending from the Pillars its friends, ferocious to its enethe Indus, imperious to mies and rapidly Losing the capacity of vividly compre-
hending European
Let as
political
ideas.
now
Union
as a power.
In a hot climate
,
lf:1
hfit
cli .
m:l!r,m,na "
necessity compels; they instinctively look with favor on There had always been that slave labor.
Accidental circum-
At
ginia was the most powerful of the colonies she occupied a central position, and had in Norfolk one of the best harbors on the Atlantic. She had a vast western an imposing commerce, and in the production territory, and export of tobacco not only a source of wealth, but,
gave her in Europe, a means of refinement. It was through this Political position . of Virginia among circumstance that so many 01 her youno; men o the colonies. were educated abroad. When i;he epoch of separation from the mother country had come, and the cpiestion of confederation arose, she might have asserted her colonial sujn'emacy she might have been the central power. Many of her ablest men subsequently thought that, in her voluntary equalization with the feeblest colit
.-,
.
onies, the
spontaneous surrender of her vast domain, the self-abnegation with which she laid all her privileges on
the altar of the Union, she had made a fatal mistake. In her action there was something very noble.
w ealth
T
of Vir-
in Europe,
art,
and
many admirable
inventions of industrial
created in
demand
23
which experience proved could be more advantageouslyproduced in the Southern states than any where else, but produced in them only by slaves. Hence, very soon, the whole economy of the South cenThat system gave to the tred on slavery. Growth of the n slave interest in master wealth, and, what was oi equal 1111x
.
-i
-,
the South.
portance,
it
leisure.
His thoughts naturally reverted to the management of public affairs his material prosperity and ease of circum;
stances led
him
In a
few years the South had possession of all the departments of the Union government. It dominated in the
nation.
In maintaining this supremacy, doubtless the intrinsic political power of Virginia, and the moral "Pol icil ispp nflfii of Virginia in force arising from the acknowledged sacricy
i
the Union.
fices
degree.
The
she had made, contributed no small first President of the United States was a
tit
-,
The second was from Virginian, and he was re-elected. the North, perhaps a fraternal concession due to revolutionary recollections; but he was not re-elected. The third President was a Virginian, and he was re-elected.
The
was a Virginian, and he was re-elected. The No small fifth was a Virginian, and he was re-elected. of the profits of place and power poured into proportion the South. Was there ever to be an end of this ?
fourth
be seen on subsequent pages that, from the first at confederation, the smaller states Alarm of the smaii attempt were in mortal terror of being overwhelmed thedocMneofsta^ by the greater. Maryland, Rhode Island, Delaware were full of apprehension as to what Virginia might do. Their protection consisted in asserting and upholding their rights as original and equal elements in
It will
the association
selves.
sovereigns,
It
._
of Btate-rights would always be upheld by the smaller states against the greater, l>y the weaker against the stronger, by the stationary against the progressive, and
trine
therefore, eventually, by the South against the North. from the South let us turn to the North, and ob-
Now
Berve
there.
In a cold climate
Efiv,
t
man
of a
cow
ch-
and with competing men he is forced to make good his own every Hence he becomes self-reliant, and is perpetuwilih nature
moment
own
intentions.
With
his
own
fortune.
The
self-work-
The
idealistic
South
there
it
[inurioxdusfon
the y stand in presence of one another. The former asks herself what it is that has given her companion paramount control in their
common
association
their Union.
She
sees that
is
the very institution of which her conscience disapproves. I shall relate in this volume how, during the administration of Mr. Monroe, the North, then become rich, prosperous, intelligent, and determined to end this unfair ex-
blow at the vital part the labor system of the South it was the Missouri struggle. I shall relate how that was in due time retaliated by a counterclusion, struck a
:
by the South
J-
at the industry
Antagonisra arises
11 "
mate^haLged
fom'hem pojuia-
Meantime climate kept up its disseverAlienation was passing into influence. antagonism. It became evident that there would be a struggle for the mastery.
JL
mg
and the
vari-
ous fortunes
all
it exhibited. history of the civil war has the grand features of an epic poem. It is the story
IDEAS.
25
;
of contending powers for empire the free and the slave it is a record of the victory of an idea.
There
The
is
political force
a political force in ideas which silently renders protestations, promises and guarantees,
no matter in what good faith they may have been given, of no avail, and which makes constitutions obsolete. Against the uncontrollable growth of the antislavery idea the South was forced to contend.
It is interesting to observe the history of that idea in America. The early colo*nists were all on an equality. Their language, their occupations, their hardships were all the same. They had the same relations with the
mother country they had endured at her hands the same wrongs they rejoiced in the same victories, and were saddened by the same defeats; their hopes of future prosIn their festivities they sang perity were in common. the same songs in their devotions they knelt before the same God.
; ;
When,
Independence
as-
serted the equality of all men, it met with a willing asIn the thin strand of country that lay along the sent. Atlantic, the differentiation of society into orders had
Among
no concern. The was thought that, from uncongeniality of climate and other causes, it would die out of itself. But when the Revolutionary War was fairly comIt
No
menced, and the negro, both in the North and the South, was seen fig-hting by the side ~ J idea. of his master, thoughtful men began to perIn Massachuceive that they were committing a wrong. setts the Africans respectfully represented to the Honorof the ami- slavery
'
,
"
cheerfully encause,"
common
>,;
and asked
reward that their children might be free The moderation with at the age of fcwenty-one years. which these persons lore themselves in the matter made
them many
friends,
in
human
j.
rights,
it-
practical
which had been jr promulgated and upheld by j o French writers of those times, found |] ie great exemplification in America.
it
At
w as
r
also be-
would in like manner die in was dying in the North. Without serious opposition from any quarter, three very important
lieved that African slavery
it
the South as
points were introduced into that instrument. The first of these was equality of state representation in the United States Senate this, in the sub:
sequent course ot events, led to the doctrine " slavery. of the balance of power between the North and the South, its inevitable result being a rivalry in territorial expansion. The second was the three-fifths slave
-,
-,
-.
-,
computation in the apportionment of federal numbers, which at once tended to enhance the political value of
the negro, and to exclude all other forms of labor and the use of machinery. The third was the contingent stop-
page of the African trade, the emigrant supply for the North being unchecked. The South would never have consented to this had its operation been foreseen. It Avas
this that eventually
overwhelmed her. While things were in this position at the close of the last century, and good men all over the republic were expecting that an institution which, perhaps not altogether correctly, they affirmed had been forced upon them by the mother country, would presently pass away, a new r influence destined to disappoint their hopes w as coming
into operation.
BUT
IT
of
The physical
unexpectedgrowm
of the slave interest.
sciences
and
industrial arts
*%
advancing in England.
g me j^d -^^ i nvented, and machinery for spinning and weaving greatly improved. An increasing demand for cotton had arisen. It was discovered that the Gulf States could supply it more advantageously than any other part of the world, but, under the circumstances of the times, it could only be secured in them by the labor of African slaves. The slave therefore "brought his master gold from abroad, and gave him political power
in Congress at home.
It
It
mant
becomes predomin
From
.,
southern
beginning it had not been unacceptable to the climate-changed people, who, little distlie
had decomposed the American peoin climate sections north and south. ple, Unforeseen circumstances that were happening in Europe had given to each its special interests, and those interests were hourly becoming more and more antagonistic. In the competition that ensued there was an unlimited foreign labor supply for the one that for the other was cut off. When the competition rose to a struggle, and the struggle became an exasperated conflict, it was not difficult to see what must be the inevitable result of this disparity. In the contest for territory, which politically meant a
cold
Warmth and
ed States Senate, the North could solidly stoppai oTlMcan make good her ground; as her expansion went on, she could put her voting emigrants on every acre;
but. the South,
territory,
had not
the means of
filling
Her
ed
itself.
28
Iii
IT
two
disadvantage.
which was momentarily increasing in force the wrongShe was also contending with a mofulness of slavery. mentarily increasing material force arising from the physical
The
struggle
Itouto
growth of the North. first clear view of the position of affairs in the ^public was had, as I have already remarkbetween
during the presidency of Mr. Monroe, by Federalists. In their meditations t an exclusion from place and power, forced upon during them for twenty years by the allied Democratic and
1
iiu'
1*.
ed,
bar qaeetion.
^ ^^
had detected the weak point of movement they initiated in the Missouri struggle was sure in the end, though party names might change, to be crowned with success. The blow thus aimed against the industry of the South was retaliated by Nullification, a blow aimed ress.Qftbe anflagainst the industry of the North, and from * slavery idea. 1833 to I860 attacks and compromises were
slavery influences, they The their adversaries.
' .
But, at the time of the election of Mr. Lincoln, it was not possible to compose the differences any more.
made.
to Mr.
had been given in 1856 Fremont was the sound of a death-knell. It was plain that power was slipping forever away from the hands that had hitherto held it. In their judgment, the choice lay between the destruction of slavery and the dethe slaveholders the vote that
struction of the Union.
To
From being
c Secession, or sepa.
the chiefs of a political party, the leaders of the South had become, by insensible " ^ J
J
thesouthasarel^
degrees, conspirators against the republic. They resolved to attempt the perpetuation
of slavery
by
how much
kind
;
separating from the North. History shows easier it is to deceive than to undeceive man-
29
them that the Depeople to take that fatal step, assuring of the North would, as heretofore, be their ally, mocracy
and that
secession, so far
knew that if that step peaceably accomplished. They once taken, a military enthusiasm would arise which were
would justify any thing, and accordingly so it proved. The South was brought to the belief that she was right in her revolt, the conspiracy became an armed insurrecof all kinds were openly cartion, warlike preparations ried on, forts, custom-houses, post-offices, navy yards were was blockseized, mints were plundered, the Mississippi aded, and the few who had misgivings as to what was taking place were awed into muteness. For us who are contemporaries of this struggle, and
The North
Surt
carnage, it becomes a solemn duty to raise up a voice to posterity, causes. The conditions that brought on this conflict exist in other directions, and will in due time exert their deleterious power. Though in one sense slavery was an
resists,
thsSs
con "
ephemeral incident, arid abolition an ephemeral instinct of our national life, they will have future equivalents under other forms. Varied climate and opposing intera . ests will tend to renew these contests hereSuch conflicts will recur If this has been the issue between after. Atlantic and the Gulf States, what may not the North
.
be expected from the rivalries of the dwellers in the Great Basin, those of the Pacific slope, those of the Columbian Northwest the Germany of America ? The imperial republic shortly to be made manifest has a To Persia, an India, a Palestine, a Tartary of its own. bind together so many diverse people to co-ordinate
their conflicting rights; to concentrate into one nation men who, though all of American birth, are in one place
representatives of the fair European, in another of the turbaned Asiatic, in another of the dusky African, will
;;,,
statesmanship that recognizes as its animating On that alone can the vast all. principle justice to structure of the future republic solidly stand. Contemplating such various and colossal interests, each of which must be satisfied, we can not fail to remark how
demand
transitory all constitutional forms are liable to be, except in so far as they are pervaded by that immortal principle.
political
work of our
forefathers, it is
outgrown.
compromised proved to be
justice for the sake of exjoediency, it has an insufficient guide. great nation must
recognize principle, and not form, as its rule of life as it gathers knowledge, it must not hesitate to modify its
;
its
improving
light.
Nature will dominate over man, and will constrain his _ illustrate actions. We need not flatter ourselves that . the They The laws of teeTver maf' we are to be any exception. the world are unswerving, unvarying in their wSeTandMr. There is nothing privileged in operation.
the universe.
It
w as
T
a law superior to those of the republic, a law settling things forever with a strength beyond all terms of human enactment the law of Nature. " I would not take
is
pains uselessly to reaffirm an ordinance of Nature, nor to re-enact the will of God." Impressed with the events of
the eight following years (1858), Mr. Seward, referring to the threatening antagonism of the times, declared, " Shall
I tell
it
you what
this collision
means
work
of interested or fanat-
ical
31
It is an irrepressible conflict between opposand enduring forces." ing Then must we submit ourselves unresistingly to the tyranny of Nature, and accept things as they Of come with stoical indifference, or Mohammedra ph!g from thr e this Union such Kd fuflu- an resignation? Shall we give up
altogether.
because
we
see that
it is
threatened in
all
Has not
we may
repressible even turn into blessings. numerous are the historical incidents to
;
which we can not directly resist Opwe may reconcile conflicts that are irwe may manage disasters we may avert, or
?
;
How
which
we might
refer in proof of our capability of delivering ourselves from the action of natural laws, though we can not modify their character nor arrest their operation. No
portion of the annals of humanity is more melancholy than the records of great famines and pescf
pe from fam"
Fne s !
tilences.
meteorological or other natural causes When or wet weather, or vegetable disease. droughts, so dire was the we read that in the famine A.D. 1030, distress in Europe that cannibalism was resorted to, and
human
flesh
sold, shall
we
affirm that
our forefathers were thus chastened by the Almighty for their sins, and considering that such inflictions have in
modern
is more society for the most part ceased, that merciful to us ? Or shall we not rather concede the inva-
He
riability of
our
own
and attribute our deliverance to industry, which, having developed modern com-
His
decrees,
merce, compensates for the scarcity of one country the plenty of another ?
by
32
On*- of
against
famine in Irebeen the last in modern civilization illustrates these principles. land There instructively who had earnestly remonstrated were far-seeing men the improvidence of so numerous a community
the
it
ought to have
relying for support on the production of only one escuThe disease that struck the potato left all the celent.
reals untouched.
It
kin-
died against a people who, perhaps, were not more meet for the Destroyer than many others of our sinful race
vicious system of agriculture that permitted the catastrophe and whose fault was that?
it
was a
history of great pestilences teaches us the same lesson with equal emphasis. The league at Escape from pesti-
The
Athens raged so frightfully that it absoluteThe plague ly broke the spirit and power of that capital. that was brought to Rome by the army of Verus gave a death-blow to literature and art the ancient world never recovered from it. Five thousand people died in one day in Rome it destroyed many of the most illustrious men in the empire. A century later, half the population were
;
by the plague of Gallienus. The Latin lanwas corrupted. In the plague of Justinian, guage so awful was the devastation that the Greek pronunciaIt was estimated tion, and even the writing, changed.
carried off
itself
that one third of the population of France died of the plague of 1348.
Do
Even in antiquity there were learnpalling visitations ? ed men, far in advance of their age, who anticipated what slow experience has taught us, who serenely encountered a storm of misrepresentation and odium from their
ignorant, interested, and superstitious contemporaries. Four hundred years before the birth of Christ, the Greek
may
33
be prevented by rigorous cleanliness, fresh air, light, and other sanitary means that they are not punishments inflicted by the vengeful gods, but incidents of Nature that
;
men may
If,
SS
avoid.
then,
y
we
calamities as famine
stucf of Naturl y to the statesman.
not hope *
may we
but not
us.
We have
The progress
of civilization are proceeding with an equal step; but for full fruition we must wait for the noontide of science
which
is yet to come. Let us trust, then, that the assertion of the irrepressible nature of our political conflict is not altogether correct.
that can be understood, the difficulty may come within the reach of human control. Especially is this to be
hoped
which personal freedom prevails, power of a community increases with American civilization, operating through eduits liberty. cational means, rests all its hopes on the development of It trusts itself, without reserve, to what every reason. tendday is making more and more apparent, that the
for in a nation in
is to produce unison of opinion by nearer and nearer to the truth. In the dobringing: mains of science that are most advanced there is no disIn mathematics and astronomy there are neither sent.
ency of knowledge
men
mant,
may be
it
dissipated
by
light converging
upon
it,
though
by blows, no matter
how
We
powerful they
may
be.
may,
then, trust for a solution of our future political difficulties in a philosophical study of
^eir
causeg>
A^
I. C
^ eep insight
into this
tmth
34
led Mr.
political problems,
And when we
on the
comparatively isolated position of the republic, having no conterminous political rival, and in that respect differfrom European powers, which are unceasingly ing widely
pressing on each other, we may perceive that statesmanship here must necessarily assume a simple and yet a higher form, since it must deal more with Nature and
with humanity.
We
condii
that influi i
Americans.
ences have been in operation which have dex composed us into at least two separate peo,
-i
ples
and that
peated.
tion
this process of segmentation will be reIn vain shall we seek to recombine or to pro-
duce homogeneousness again. All efforts in that direcwould be only time and labor wasted. are constrained to accept this as an accomplished fact, and seek to produce concord out of the antagonism. In the social as in a physical machine, wheels that are engaged with one another may run with .an opposing motion to their
We
common
harmonious
To retard the future tendency to race-variety, or, if that be impossible, to bring into unison race -diversities, such is the problem for the American statesman to solve. Mr.
Lincoln, in his inaugural address, forcibly pointed out the stern necessity of our position. can not separate, we can not remove our respective sections from each
"We
other.
We
can not build an impassable wall between husband and a wife may be diand go out of the presence and bevorced, yond the reach of each other, but the differ-
them.
35
ent parts of our country can not do this. They can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or
must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more sathostile,
Can aliens make isfactory after separation than before ? treaties better than friends can make laws ? Can treaties
be more
friends
?
faithfully enforced
always
among aliens than laws among do go to war, you can not fight Suppose you and when, after much loss on both sides and no
gain to either, you cease fighting, the identical questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you."
In the following pages I shall endeavor to elucidate General principles the principles here set forth; to show how,
a necessjty for union, race-diversity has arisen, and endeavor to identify the influIn the solution ences that have produced this result.
| of this book.
^e
ace
of political problems
we must handle
es, comparing one generation with another, and determI consider American hisining their mental differences. tory as divisible into arbitrary periods, each answering to one generation. The three groups, occurring between 1775 and 1865 offer very striking contrasts when com-
pared together.
The
first
was engaged
in forming
and
developing the idea of Unionism. During the second, differentiation, or a partition into political segments, was
in a conflict. Such be understood, are only for divisions, must, however, Time does not measure the length of life, convenience. either personal or national. We live, on different occa-
taking
effect.
it
The
third
was engaged
sions, at
are greatly affected by those rates. In times of stagnawe look to the past ; in times of activity to the future. Happiness, both of the individual and of the comtion
munity, increases
w ith
r
the intensity of
life.
36
his-
shall, therefore,
In
which
description physical peculiarities of the United , , \ . 1 Mates, deducing tllC necessity OI national
commence with a
.
l>rief
of
tlic
"-'
>
unity.
of the past teaches us to interpret correctly the present. The influences of climate and topographical conditions are strikingly manifested in the past history of the North American continent. To that history I shall
therefore turn, with a view of illustrating the causes of the increasing tendency to a production of race- varieties
conflicts.
all
A Btudy
which has lain at the basis of our disastrous disputes and Those causes have been in operation through
time
long before
;
their influence
tury or two
is
human being was submitted to and what they have done in the last cenno more than a continuation of what they
a
When once accomplished in countless preceding ages. we have learned the surprising results to wdiich they have
given birth in old times, we shall be prepared to appreciate the impression* they are making upon us now. In
the hand of Nature,
potter.
man
is
hand of the
society of men, is, as it a living mirror reflecting surrounding nature from were, its own point of view, and representing the influences of
Hence any living exposed. could reveal not only its own being, thoroughly studied, history, but the past history of the whole world.
every thing to which
it is
Peculiarities once impressed on plastic humanity are not instantaneously abolished, though the circumstances of life may change. The inevitable modification that
must at last take place is only accomplished by degrees. Hence the race-peculiarities of the first settlers, as well as of the present immigrants of the United States, are an his-
-*
37
constitution like effects, I shall, produce on the without hesitation, refer to what has taken place in coras illusresponding climate-zones elsewhere on the earth
trations of
human
here.
To
scientific his-
tory foreknowledge is not impossible. But to those natural causes of disturbance must be
or incidental ones, arising from the circumstances of our national life. Among them is
added certain
especially to
artificial
institution of slavery. study of these prepares the way for understanding the conflict in which we have been engaged.
be mentioned the
In the history of that conflict I shall write in no partisan strain, endeavoring as earnestly as I can to ascertain
the truth, and weigh the facts with impartiality, impassively relating how, after many sacrifices, victory was vouchsafed to the free and loyal North, and how, after a struggle of transcendent energy, the South had to accept
a lost cause.
my
readers' thoughts to the influence exerted by Nature on the constitution and actions of man. In a general man-
ner that influence had long been recognized, but I am persuaded that it plays a far more important part than is commonly supposed. Estimating rightly these things,
we
are led to entertain more philosophical, more enlarged, more enlightened, and, in truth, more benevolent views of each other's proceedings. Estrangements subside when men mutually begin to inquire into the philosophical causes of each other's obliquities wdien they comprehend
;
many
ry actions, a necessary, an unavoidable constraint. The springs of history are not, as was for a long time imagined, the machinations of statesmen or the ambition of
kings.
Nature.
They are to be found in the silent influences of The philosopher will often detect the true causes
3g
of great political and social convulsions, of sectional hatreds and national attachments, in the shining of the sun
and
The points which therefore present themselves for consideration in this volume are,
Section
Physical characteristics of North America; the topography and meteorology of the republic.
I.
II.
colonial
ulation.
The tendency to antagonism impressed upon that population by climate and other causes. IV. The gradual development of two geographical parIII.
ties,
V. Their struggles for supremacy in the Union. VI. The rupture between them.
SECTION
I.
CHAPTER
I.
topographical construction of North America fits ^ ^ ^ e ^ ne political home of one people The rivers of
A
tencuo
e eTt
The
oue nation. Its rivers show by their course tliat tllis con tinent is concave toward the sky; Europe and Asia, on the contrary, are convex. Their rivers flow away in every direction from a central elevaab^h
political unity.
It necessarily foltion; ours seek a central depression. lows that their populations tend to diffusion, and along
With
every great system of streams distinct nations exist. us there is a tendency to intercommunication, to It is not a poetical metaphor, concentration, to union.
but an historical fact, that they have derived the ideas that have served as a guide to their life from the sky; ours, it may be unfortunately, but not the less irresistThey have been under the ibly, tend toward the earth. influence of religious sentiment we shall be controlled by In Europe, spiritual aspirations preindustrial pursuits. dominate in America, physical. Each follows a predes;
;
o M
W
fa
J
,o
Chap.
I.]
4^
tined course, determined by the configuration and relations of the continent on which Providence has cast its lot.
That portion of the continent known as the United States consists, for the most part, of a vast Three planes form .n n .-,.. the Mississippi vaivalley formed by three inclining planes. The first plane gently slopes from the Rocky Mountains on the west until it reaches the bed of the Mississippi. The second descends from the Appalachians in the east, and intersects the first along the line of that
-,
-.
-.
two
Mississippi Valley.
conjointly forming the sides of the This valley is shut in by the third
In the crevice great plane descending from the north. of intersection between the first and third planes flows
the majestic Missouri; in the crevice of intersection be-
tween the third and the second flows the Ohio. The first plane bears on its surface the Red River and Arkansas, with their vast systems of suborscendiug those
dinate streams.
Gn
waters.
nessee and Cumberland, with their affiliated Along the third descends the Mississippi itself,
flowing gently to the south, and, receiving in succession all the others, the gigantic resulting trunk discharges itself into the Gulf of Mexico. The three planes are not
of equal age; that inclining from the north is the oldest, that from the Appalachians to the Mississippi the next, that from the Rocky Mountains the most recent.
equal in surface to all Eurojie except Russia, Norway, and Sweden. It has no topoMississippi Valley
is
The
graphical obstructions.
rivers,
e
and
is
It contains immense navigable connected with vast inland seas. Three gateways open from it to the outer world.
1st. The Mississippi itself, leading to the West India seas in the south. 2d. The St.
ope mn g from me
Lawrence, leading to the Atlantic on the east, and having lake expansions extending to the very heart of the valley,
40
[Sect.
I.
thousand miles, and the shoreOn the line of the St. Lawrence three thousand more. south of the St. Lawrence there is a postern, New York. 3d. The western gateway is through the south pass of the Rocky Mountains, toward the Pacific. The rivers
their Bhore-line being six
Sufh
The
is
centre of the
No foreign intruder the Mississippi Valley. can ever disturb the inaccessible security of
^g
inhabitants.
Its
aippi vaiiey.
geographical, perhaps
also its future political centre, is marked out by the confluence of its three chief streams the Mississippi, the
Ocean on the
is
east,
and the
Pacific
the east there descends from the Alleghanies the Atlantic border, a slope which does not terstructure of the
Atiantic border.
On
m inate
miles.
at the shore,
Atlantic Ocean.
clines
New
Jersey
is
it
in-
sea-
ward eighty
At
a sud-
den dip, at a steep angle, constituting a profound abyss, the proper trough of the Atlantic Ocean. The Atlantic border turns the north and south flanks of the
ridge, in the latter direction gradually merging in the Mississippi Valley. Its rivers are, for the most Its mountain ridges are not high part, short and rapid.
Alleghany
enough to give contrasts of climate on their opposite sides; both are equally watered and wooded; nor have
they influence enough to disturb the general climate, or to impress any marked effect on the quantity of rain. This border is memorable in American history as containing the original states, and as being: the theatre of the events of the Revolutionary War.
Chap.
I.]
43
Beyond the
Structure of the great basm of the West.
Mississippi Valley on the Avest there are lofty plateaus and arid basins not inferior
to those oi
.
.,-1'
Asia
^
.
itself:
able saline j3lains, with a surface like that of the Caspian territory regions having no exterior drainage to the sea. The chief topographical feature may be
described as a subordinate valley, running nearly parallel to that of the Mississippi, and known as the Great Basin.
between the Kocky Mountains on one side and the Sierra Nevada on the other. It is a valley of high elevation, being 4000 or 5000 feet above that of the
It is included
Mississippi
a gallery
in that
grand
theatre.
The
Salt
at its northeast has already attained singular political significance. It is in a direct line between the South
Lake
Pass in the mountains and San Francisco, the chief harbor of the Pacific. The Mormons, an enterprising communi-
growing in wealth and power, but devoted to a base superstition, and practicing the Asiatic custom of polygamy, have made this basin their abode.
ty, daily
climate
is
Asiatic.
It is
Often for days together there is a difference of twenty degrees between the dry and the wet bull) thermometer. It is affirmed that in
ure
rain
is
when
not
falling.
j_"i
when
the temperature
is 95,
is
and
in the desert
.
the heat is sometimes 120. Owing to this singular dryness buffalo-meat does not putrefy, and the grasses cure on the ground as they stand into hay without losing their nutritive portions. For the same reason the soil abounds
in alkaline salts, which, arising
de-
44
[Skct.
I.
away. The cactus and artcmisia plants dryness delight give the landscape an aspect of desolate The mountain range toward the coast \ation third the lower portion of the shut out
that in
to
sterility.
lias sufficient ele-
tb
<>ne
atmosphere, repelling the sea-climate of the Pacific, and producing over a long zone a frightful desert, or weari-
some sandy plains like those of Central Asia. The thermometer in these regions shows an extensive diurnal range of temperature at midday it may be 80, and at sunrise 24, the pellucid and cloudless atmosphere radiOffering but little obstruction to the absorption and In the Atlantic regions of the United ation of heat.
;
States the surface configuration exerts scarcely any perceptible influence in the Pacific regions it is very differ;
ent.
The mountain
and determine the aspect of the landscape. Beyond the snowy range of the Sierra Nevada, another slope, interrupted by the Coast Range, descends to the Pacific Ocean. Its rivers are short and rapid. To this
there
is but one exception the Columbia of which the head waters are in the Rocky chain, and which forces its
way through
Phvsicul olinrjictGr of the Columbia
There
is
a succession
of these depressions from Fort Colville to the latitude of the southern part of the Cali-
fornian peninsula. The gorge in the Cascades, through which the river delivers its drainage from a surface of
300,000 square miles, is marked by a succession of terraces, indicating the subsidence of what was once a vast inland sea. The interior rocky table -lands are covered with rich grasses, the valley streams prairies
being fringed with cotton-wood, alder, and willow. the elevation approaches 2500 feet, the mountains
As
as-
Chap.
I.].
45
simie a clothing of timber. The country, as far north as Vancou58, is the American counterpart of Germany.
ver's Island,
its
on the
;
coast,
warm winters, and descent through British and Russian America toward the Arctic Sea is an American Simeteorology a moist climate.
it
The
beria.
is
full of picturesque
and
its
sublime scenery. It towers above the Rocky Mountains, culminating peaks rivaling in grandeur the most celebrated mountains in the world. Mount Hood, covered
its
with
dense
firs, its
pyramid
feet.
Though
climate
is
being in that respect like Utah, the very mild, in the open lands the winter snows
rarely lasting
From
the beginning
to the beginning of March, the chinook wind, intermittently blowing from the southwest, and as warm as the south wind of the Atlantic in May, clears
of
December
off the
snow.
sky with
brown and
fiery-looking clouds.
shall, for
the United States as o e;eodivided into two regions. nc u to twore? graphically gl0us line running north and south along the eastern edge of the great interior plains separates the whole country into two natural divisions, contrasting strikingly
ience, consider
"
ub "
'
with, each other in their physical aspect and meteorology. coincides sufficiently since the meridian of 100
And
W.
with that line, I shall regard it as the separating limit, and speak of all that lies to the east of it as the Atlantic region of the United States, and all to the west as the
Pacific region.
4(3
[Sect.
I.
sippi Valley
states.
It has
the
ain ranges,
coast.
Western
A
section
traveler pursuing his way across the continent on across the TUC fortieth parallel of north latitude would
New
Jersey and Eastern Pennsylvania, and reach the summit of the Alleghany Ridge. He would descend in succession through Western Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, IlliHe would nois, to the bottom of the Mississippi Valley.
now
climb through Missouri, and, traveling along viding line between Kansas and Nebraska, would in the middle of Colorado, the heights of the Mountains. Descending their western flank, he
the
di-
attain,
Rocky would
pass in Utah through the great basin, that valley of elevation or gallery in which is situated the Mormon Lake.
Another ascent through Nevada would carry him to the heights of the Sierra of that name and now, finally de;
scending,
cisco.
if
little to
Ocean
at the city of
successively pass through a wooded strand, the noble forests of which are now fast disappearing un-
He would
a strand of
soil saline
treeless prairies
an
an
ern aspect a forbidding desert, its western Asiatic, prefiguring the continent toward which it looks. Down the rapid incline to the Pacific Ocean he would find the moist and genial atmosphere of Ireland and Spain a succes-
and
des-
Chap.
I.]
47
modified men.
section of tlie
tlie
Atlantic to
:
the Pacific exhibits clearly these topographical features a is the Atlantic Ocean b, the Alleghany Ridge <?, the
;
;
Mississippi River from b to d, the Mississipjn Valley d, the Rocky Mountains; e,f, the great elevated basin;/, the Sierra Nevada g, the Coast Mountains h, the Pacific Ocean. It must, however, be understood that such a section presents the facts in an exaggerated manner Actual topograph1 x xl x' T. 1.x i xl kai configuration as respects the relative height oi the mount*
; ; ; ;
i.
of the continent.
am
ranges.
correctly a broad and gentle swell of the surface, with a base of a thousand miles, its eastern slope continuing for six hundred miles, its western four or five hund-
more
being on an average ten feet to a mile. The passes on the summit have a height of from six to ten thousand feet, the ridges carrying the elevation more
red, the inclination
abruptly to twelve or fourteen thousand. Fremont describes the ascent through the South Pass as not unlike that of the hill of the Capitol at Washington. Grand as
these mountain regions may be to the eye of an artist, they are to the geologist nothing more than corrugated
flexures of the general surface.
4s
[Skct.
I.
the continent
would be
alto-
gether imperceptible
A correct estimate
of their actual
proportions is essentially necessary to a just conception of the manner in which they have been formed.
coast from
.
Maine
to Florida, the
annual quantity of rain decreases as the place , .. n ,-it t -.o~rv In 18o9 ot observation is more southerly. there fell in Maine 49 inches of rain in Flor;
ida,
is
intermediate, 48.
But the
States, Mississippi and Alabama, owing to their proximity to the West India Sea, were still more abund-
Gulf
antly supplied
latter 59.
in the former there fell 53 inches, in the These copious rains exert no little influence
:
on the production of the cotton crop. In that year, of the second tier of Atlantic States, Tennessee had 45 inches Ohio, 44. Kentucky, 4G Passing from Ohio there was a rapid diminution. Indiana had westwardly, 30 Illinois, 32 Iowa, 33 Nebraska, 21. In a genonly
; ; ;
;
therefore be affirmed that the quanof rain diminishes as the Rocky Mountains are ap tity proached, and that in Nebraska not half as much falls as
eral
it
manner
may
If not directly
These estimates include the water descending as snow. measured by melting, its quantity is com-
puted upon the admission that ten inches of snow will I have employed the meteorologicyield one t>f water. made under the direction of the United al observations States Patent Office and the Smithsonian Institution, and published by Congress. I am also much indebted to Blodget's Climatology of the United States. The annual rain maps of the United States show three In places of maximum of the first order.
munTand
mum
S-
these the
rain.
63 inches for the year. Two of them are areas of about one hundred miles
fall is
*/
Chap. L]
49
in diameter, the centre of one being Lake Okeechobee, in Florida that of the second being about fifty miles north
;
of Mobile
the third is a long strip upon the Pacific coast, from Cape Orford northward beyond Vancoustretching
;
The point of minimum is at the junction of the great Colorado and Gila Rivers, where the yearly depth is only 3 inches the general average in the basin
ver's Island.
;
of the interior
the interior,
is
about 10 inches, and on the plains of through almost twenty degrees of latitude, it
is
about
15.
Leaving out of consideration minor and limited variations, it may be said that in all regions east uniformit in the
Kl?c?
iu
the amount
the distinguishing feature is the symmetry and uniformity in of rain over large areas. It has rarely any
of the
Rocky Mountains,
On the configuration of the country. Atlantic border, and in the Central States, it would yield a surface stratum about 3| feet deep. The district of
relation to the
west of the Rocky Mountain plateau, except in New Mexico, whence it extends eastward into Texas, and there the autumnal rainy season is well markThe uniformity and symmetry above referred to ed. shows that the supply comes from remote sources, and that the causes inducing such a constant precipitation are not to be found in the configuration of the country. In a rude manner, the shadings of the rain maps correspond to the isothermal lines, indicating that there is a relation between the quantity of water precipitated and the temperiodic rains
is
perature.
The
Draina
great American valley is drained, for the most part, by the Mississippi and its tributaries. e of the
vaiiey.
MissLW
Q tk ese tiie Missouri, coming through Dacotah, brings down about one seventh of the water furnished to its territory by the rains. The Ohio brings down one fourth of its supply the Mississippi itself also
;
L D
5Q
one fourth.
THE AMERICAN
1UVE11S.
[Sect.
I.
The average annual discharge into the Gulf of Mexico, as shown by Humphreys and Abbot, in their and Report on the Mississippi River, based upon surveys made under acts of Congress, is nearly investigations The twenty trillions of cubic feet (19,500,000,000,000).
solid material
annually brought
down by
in suspension as silt, or pushed on bodily before it, is and 268 feet equal to a mass one square mile in surface thick.
or
its loss
by denuding
causes.
Missouri, descending from its sources in the Rocky Mountains, foils about 6800 feet, that is, about 28 inches
The
per mile. The Mississippi, coming down the face of the lower old northern incline, has a less fall to make on the
passage from its head waters in Minnesota to its junction with the Missouri, the fall per mile being about llf From that point to the Gulf of Mexico it follows inches.
incline in the trough of the valley, averbut little more than 5 inches j>er mile. aging In the earlier parts of its course the Missouri suffers so much from evaporation that it gains nothing in volume for hundreds of miles below the Yellowstone River, a striking illustration of the difference of climate on the op-
more gentle
The atmospheric dryposite sides of the Oregon basin. ness is, however, still greater in the basin itself. From
the point where the Rocky Mountains and Coast Range mers;e into one in British America, southward to near the
latitude of the city of Mexico, a region extending through seventeen degrees of latitude and ten of longitude, there is an area of deficient rain, drained only by two rivers,
the Columbia and the Colorado; and since they receive their volume mostly from the mountains, it may be said
that there are 400,000 square miles of sending no rivers to the sea.
American
surface
Chap.
I.]
5^
dryness are thus encountered as we pass from the Atlantic sea-board to the great coast ranges of
DowuiLiVraiiiin
the Pacific region.
the West.
year diminishes. An impression must inevbe made on the physical constitution and domestic itably manners of the bands of population that in future times will live upon those zones. Nor must we overlook the
-....,
singular condition of the Pacific coast itself. In the Sacfalls but three or four months in the
year; the total depth in California in 1859 was only twenty-one inches but, passing northward, the quantity
most extraordinary manner. After reaching the bend of the coast at Cape Mendocino, we apincreases in a
proach the region of maximum heretofore referred to, the quantity steadily increasing, until, as the Russian authorities report, the depth at Sitka is actually 90 inches in the year.
In the infancy of physical knowledge it was supposed The winds of North * na* ^he winds are the causes of the weather, America. one w i n(i bringing a clear sky, another clouds
and rain. They were imagined to be in some mysterious manner a propulsion of air. Classical mythology feigned that each wind was due to a personified being thus Zephyrus impelled the west wind by the fanning motion
of his silken butterfly wings or that they escaped from a cave in the land of storms, where King JEolus kept them
confined.
But winds
are not the causes of atmospheric Nor are they produced effects. in aspiration.
Over
a, large
part of British America, and all the United States except the most southerly districts, at
feet,
wind
is
perpetually blowing.
It
moves
in the
52
AM
1 ;
H A\
'
LOCAL WINDS.
[Sect.
I.
and, there is reason to believe, passes all round the globe. It is not due to local, but rather to astronomical causes.
The lower
is
ation, and the uniform rains of the Atlantic region of the continent come from this source. The stratum beneath this westerly zone is for the most part occupied by local and irregular winds , , _ . Local winds proT the great and calms. duced by In soine places, however, there
arid desert.
,
a preponderating direction throughout the cm the Gulf coast, a sea-breeze prevails. It is year. Thus, The lines of direction especially well marked in Texas.
is
of these inland winds point to the hot and arid desert interior. The heat of the Plains gives rise to a draft
from the Gulf up the gentle incline of Texas, a predominating southeasterly current. The surface winds of Texas, therefore, offer
mode
of
es-
tablishment of atmospheric currents. They are not propelled from the Gulf of Mexico, but aspired by the northwesterly plains. These winds affect the meteorology of
the cotton states, and, indeed, of the whole Mississippi Valley south of the fortieth parallel.
all
rest-
and establishing an upward movement, draws ing upon the passes of the Sierra Nevada cool winds from through
the Pacific, thus moderating the climate of those passes It is affirmed that these to the fervid interior basin.
before
rocks.
I
winds blow with so much force that the sands they drive them streak with parallel lines the surfaces of the
have already remarked
is
how little
by topographical configThe Alleghany chain makes hardly any impresBut it is altogether different in the Pacific region
;
affected
culminating ridges and elevated table-lands control the climate and determine the aspect of nature.
Chap.
I.]
53
inferior atmospheric stratum to the height of six or seven thousand feet is, therefore, the domain of irregu-
The
larity
all
and intermittence. In a general manner, however, our atmospheric disturbances move from the west to the east. Many of the surface winds depend upon the Some rains descending from the higher strata of clouds.
of those rains
may be
traced
two
across the continent, from the Plains to the Atlantic Ocean. But far above this region of apparently fortuitous vicissitudes sweeps the eternal west wind, silently
its
resistless
progress
The
sissippi vaiiey.
its
sources
its
mean
yearly temperature at
mouth
is 72.
the successive"
Between these points the temperature of states past which it flows is as follows
:
Wisconsin, 45 Iowa, 48; Illinois, 49; Missouri, 55; That Tennessee, 56 Arkansas, 63 Mississippi, 63. the heat increases from 40 to 72, as the point of obis, servation is more southerly along a line of about twelve
;
;
;
hundred
miles.
With the
fetation vaiiey.
of the
climate through which the Mississippi passes, tlie vegetable product varies. In the upper
corn
portion as far as the Hatchee, it is chiefly thence to the Red River, cotton thence, sugar.
;
its
mouth.
The
North
America, when they assume their autumnal splendor, display a magnificence of color altogether unknown in Europe, and add a melancholy glory to the departing year.
54
DISTRIBUTION OF HEAT.
[Sect.
I.
Such are the variations of temperature in the north much leSS Ut] dil ectiou ThG Y aiul Dtetritmtlanofliett f \ t:1M " u1 "' M striking if the observations bo made from
'
the Atlantic coast westwardly across the eastern half of the continent. Thus New Jersey has a mean yearly temperature of 51; Pennsylvania, 51; Ohio, 51; Indiana, 54; Illinois, 49 Iowa, 48, and Nebraska, 47.
;
The
distribution of heat
is
comparatively symmetrical
in the old settled states of the East, but it is very different in the West. In the valley of the Colorado the mean
across the mountains, on the In places but an insignificant distance apart, there are the most violent contrasts. Thus, in the San Joaquin Valley, the mean heat for June, 1852, at 3 P.M., was 108.4, while at Monterey, on the Pacific, 150 miles distant, the corresponding mean heat was 63.2,
heat of
summer
rises to 90
.
coast, it is
only GO
a difference of 45.
modifies
men
few generations Climate irresistibly and here are the most extraordinary dif!
If climate impressions ferences in very restricted areas. are at the bottom of the dreadful civil collision between
the southern and northern sections of the Atlantic region through which we have so recently passed, what is the
must be prognosticated for the inhabitants of the Pacific, where such impressions must be much more abrupt and much more profound ? In view of the serious political import of these facts, I make no apology for now entering on a brief digression,
future that
Humboldt first
Of isothermal
lines.
al lines, or lines of
equal heat. There had ^ been a division oi the surface oi the earth
>.
Chap.
I.]
ISOTHERMAL LINES.
classical antiquity
55
delivered
of zones the
down from
still
an arrangement
Those
terms are
usefully employed in their popular signifthe facts they were supposed to embody have
zones
exist.
The heat of
their latitude.
points on the surface of each hemisphere of the earth of which the mean yearly temperature is the same. He gave to the lines so running from point to point the des-
Thus, as an example, Vancouver's Island, Salt Lake City, Santa Fe in New Mexico, Fort Laramie, Council
Bluffs,
Kock
tucket,
line
have all a mean yearly temperature of 50. A drawn upon the map, running through these places, and continued through Europe" and Asia, through places
is
Island, Pittsburg,
New
therefore
known
particular temperor rather lines, for there is one for the northern and one for the southern hemisphere,
Each
its
own
line,
and indeed often more than one for each. Inspecting a map on which such lines are drawn, we Thus are forcibly struck with their irregular course. the isothermal of 50, to which I have alluded, as seen in
the map, page 57, commencing at Vancouver's Island, runs down southeastwardly, through more than 15 of latitude,
to
New Mexico
and
it
than
strikes across the continent nearly due east 5, The isothermal lines bear, thereto the Atlantic Ocean.
fore,
no relation to the parallels of latitude. Subsequently this conception of graphically defining the distribution of heat was greatly enlarged and to
;
maps
5(3
ISOTHERMAL LINES.
for the successive seasons
[Sect.
I.
it
spring, summer, autumn, and winter and, indeed, for the successive months, were added. These maps have become of the utmost importance in all inquiries relating to climate and its effects.
as
inadequate number of observations on which they rest, but also in another far more important They indicate only the intensity of the heat particular.
in specified places, but not its quantity. It is requisite to know not merely what
lar degree at
is
^g
the particu-
absolute quantity of heat furnished to different places in a given period of time, as a year, a month, a day. consider the case of rain, any obscurity in these remarks will be removed. It is one thing to measure the
If
we
mechanical force with which the rain has come down, it is another to measure the quantity which in a given time
certain
measure of heat
for its
An
ex-
or tobacco, sugar-
cane or corn, into more northerly regions, depends on the principles here involved, and on the possibility of such extension social and political consequences of the
greatest
moment depend.
From this digression I now return to the consideration of the climate of the Pacific coast, as manifested by its
isothermal lines, directing the reader's attention to the
map
That map
most extraordinary
dif-
5S
HEAT
ference
.
IN
[Sbct.L
fifteen
between the Pacific and Atlantic re, i i mons. Durmj* the snmnier season the neat , y ., -.. is the former through equally distributed hundred miles of latitude; the line of G0 runs
different would every thing parallel to the coast. in the old colonial settlements on the Atlantic have been
How
had no
difference
St.
foundland and
Moreover, we perceive that the general course of the isothermals in California and Oregon is more nearly north
and south;
east.
in the Atlantic States they range west and Hence, in the former countries, there is a compres-
sion of climates into closely juxtaposed and exceedingly narrow strands. If we desire to prognosticate the political results
strange state of things, we must study Peruvian history ; for in Peru the same physical conditions occur. The of summer temperature, which, as we shall see uniformity
in the next chapter, once existed over the American continent, has now receded to a
upon the Pacific coast. The winter isothermal line of 55, beyond which the negro never voluntarily advances,
runs to the south end of our Pacific coast, so that, bearing in mind the great waterless portion of the interior
might have been anticipated that African slavery, without political protection, could never exist in the West.
basin,
which
it skirts, it
this
it necessary, to continue examination of the distribution of heat in North America. In place of that uniform temperature which zoological and botanical facts assure us once obtained all
we have now
is
There
Chap.
I.]
59
West India
Sea, of
annual temperature is 79.6, at the south there is the Atlantic coast, with its inert topographical configuration on the east, and the Rocky Mountain region, where vertical altitudes and massive elevation control the seasons and dominate over the forms of life, on the west. It will take
many years and the patient toil of many laborious men to map out all the climate-details of so wonderfully modified
a continent.
In closing this imperfect description of it, I may be excused if I cast a parting glance over its greater divisions, the Eastern and Southern Atlantic States, the Mississippi Valley, the territory of the
Pacific countries.
Columbia River, the rich So rapid has been the progress mining of the whole continent in material prosperity and civilization, that, like a garden of Adonis, it has blossomed on one day, and borne its fruit on the next. For a large portion of the year the Eastern States, even
physical aspect of the Eastern States.
^ ^^
those bordering
upon the
&
rj^ f^^
murky
desolate landscape of snow. Except the pine-trees and their evergreen kindred, the forests exchange their leaves The oak, birch, swampfor glittering and brittle icicles.
^^
up
a
maple, willow, bend beneath their white load. More stunted plants, such as whortleberry bushes and the cranberry vines, are buried out of sight.
How
different in the
i
South
-i
When
Ponce de Leon
discovered Florida, its charming landscapes n l l j_i and perpetual verdure seemed to give truth to the legend that in its dark and leafy evj_
erglades
was
to
be found a
gushed a fountain the Elixir of Life. The River of May was more beautiful than even his native GuadalThere were the palmetto, the cypress, the magquivir.
nolia filling the
ah*
cleft in
with
its
perfume.
Gray Spanish
(30
[Sect.
I.
by
jessamines with their golden burden, and pet-flower. Along the sedgy banks the yellow-crowned heron stalked intent on his nocturnal prey, the oriole
the scarlet trum-
hung
were
There a pensile nest from his favorite tulip-tree. bounding deer and flocks of wild turkeys in the
;
w< >ods
muddy and
mail-clad
alligator, half swimming, half sleeping, dozed in the noontide sun. So overpowering are the heats in the South,
is a midday as well as a midnight silence. Animated nature reposes nor is it until the warmth declines and evening begins to approach that the multi-
that there
life recur,
melancholy echoing
murmur
The
by
its
grandly coursing
forty or fifty miles in breadth, its spring-flood below the junction of the Ohio rising sometimes to a height of fifty
overflow on the western side covering an area fifty miles wide, throws into insignificance the far-famed Egyptian Nile. It rudely separates the two
feet, its
from ten to
Political importsippi.
great industrial divisions of the United States from each other separates them geographically, but x
;
binds
...
rrn
I he
With some
sin, all
exceptions in Indiana, Illinois, and Wisconthe continental surface between the Mississippi
is
Chap.
I.]
Q\
-i->
-.
westwardly, conies the prairie zone, with its luxuriant annual grasses; and still farther, bounded by a line parallel to the timber region, the rains cease. In this rainless tract the buffalo grass yields support to herds of aboriginal cattle. At the South Pass, the outlet It is to the Pacific Ocean, there is neither rain nor dew.
in the valley itself there are 1^ fifths of of prairie, and 2 fifths of desolate plains. Boundforest, 1^ less stores of iron and coal are ready to supply motive
this, more
computed that
power
and where sterility begins, the of gold and silver. country To the inestimable metal wealth of California and its
to civilization
is full
;
The
...
territory of the
Columbia River.
Y^
vicinage is added a o golden circle from the O Q f tbe g ai t L a^ e B asm to the frozen re-
It ranges through 12 of latitude. gions of the North. In years not very distant, It likewise abounds in silver.
Columbia River, which possesses miles of grazing land, will be filled with 200,000 square The magnificent water power of Oreflocks and herds.
this territory of the
gon will manufacture woolen goods for the world. The in the British territory of that state, and its appendages Possessions, present an area equal to the United States
east of the Mississippi River.
In climate
lines
it is
the Ger-
many
of America.
The isothermal
rise
maps
boldly into
it.
grassed and
well- watered
herds of buffalo all winter in the woodlands that skirt the savannas of the Upper Athabasca. All the grains and grasses of Euof rope here grow in profusion. The American Teuton the Northwest, a republican and monogamist by nature,
;
meadows of its eastern division and horses roam they hide themselves
man in Europe, will in future have controversies with the American Tartar generations
as is the corresponding
62
of the Great
[Sect.
I.
Sandy Plains, and with the American theoand polygamist of the Great Basin. crat The Pacific countries, rich in mineral and abounding in agricultural resources, must imitate the industrial art dest roved by the Spaniards in Peru. There the mountain had become gardens, irrigated by gigantic canals slopes and aqueducts and in strands of climate compressed closely together, an agriculture more varied than any where else in the world was prosecuted. Into the lap of San Francisco will be poured the riches of Asia, and from that port along the great interoceanic railroad will be borne the ever-increasing commerce of the South Sea. With such a varied and splendid entourage an inrperm cor d n of states nothing can prevent TheMississi the Mississippi Valley from becoming, in less Centre SliSian
;
^-
power.
ahaOn.
human
power.
CHAPTER
II.
inhabitants.
is a general view of the topography and meteorof the territory of the United States, a grand theaology tre of human life. may now profitably turn to its
Such
We
past history, for it has slowly grown from a geological centre it has been conquered and won from the sea.
The study
of North America.
is
k ave supposed
facts
of
also
not
full of sci-
For the
now
to
the various geological surveys instituted by, several of the states, to the explorations of individual geologists which no American can read without pride, and to the
publications of the United States Coast Survey. The oldest regions of North America extend from Lab-
through Canada in a southwesterly direct i on parau e i to the present St. Lawrence, and on the north side of that river. Gaining the Lakes Huron and Superior, their course changes to the northwest, and continues to the Arctic Ocean. They are crysThe
oldest regions
ra(lor
f the continent.
Subordinate
areas of similar character, but of restricted extent, are elsewhere met with, as in Northern New York, on the south
Superior, and here and there in the West. Negthe consideration of these, it may be understood lecting
of
Lake
^4
that the
[Sbot.l
main mass presented two southerly fronts, one to what is now the Atlantic, the other to the Looking These rocks offer such sparse and doubtPacific Ocean.
commonly affirm there was neither plant nor animal upon them, nor any sound save that of the breakers at their base. Gray and grim this primeval germ of the continent lay in silence along
the sea.
Around
these
these azoic rocks, strata were dein succession, in some places the acposited
lifeless,
of
its
cumul a tion submerging perhaps by reason weight, in others being raised perhaps by the con-
tinuing action of the force that had uplifted the original In a lapse of gray, germinal, and doubly fronted mass. to be appreciated, the whole contitime too prodigious
it now is was separated from the sea, but so slowthat of the surrounding thousands of miles only a few ly inches were gained in the course of each century.
nent as
er
But this continuous growth of the continent was by -. _ forty-six no means homogeneous. Limestones, and D The epochs. sandstones, and clay-beds follow one anothSuch transitions indicate that in varied succession.
>
there were changes occurring in surrounding conditions. They mark off this history of continental development
into epochs.
Of
have been already recognized. The progress of science will doubtless add to this number, but the facts with which it is connected will remain unchanged. For the sake of perspicuity, these epochs have been grouped into more general divisions, approranfid through- priately designated ages. These maybe Charout eternity.
actenzed either numerically or according to the predominant type of life they present thus, age of For there has been an orderly sucfishes, age of reptiles. cession of animated beings types of life in a long series
;
;
*!
'11
Chap.
II.]
THE LENGTH OF
TIME.
have disappeared, and have been replaced by others, which in their turn have become extinct. Not that they
mark
introduced a
the culmination of a
'
new
sudden and arbitrary thought of God since the beginning of each age is but, dimly traced in the midst of a preceding, and its end imperceptibly fades
in the midst of a succeeding one, all, taken in the aggregate, indicate that they are the continuous issue
away
of primordial and unchangeable law that in a necessary succession the aspect of nature has changed, physical events succeeding one another in an unavoidable way,
;
those mutations having impressed their influence on all the forms of life. portentous fact, on which the phi-
losopher
sidered,
I
may as we
well ponder
shall in
fact, its
due time
see,
to the statesman.
am
here speaking of vast lapses of time, which our finite faculties vainly try to grasp. In this of
irreversible operation 01
persistence of de-
issue
...
.,
,
law
,-,.
this
this neces-
this
persistence of plan, there is something majestic and solemn. The scheme that the Sovereign Creator has ordained goes forward with grand severity in its evolve-
ment.
enacted
His primitive
fiat is
it
in motion,
is
He
touches
ever unchanging.
or his finite
with
whom
In presence of this irresistand worlds, what is man measures of time in that dread presence a day is as a thousand years, a thousand
years are only as a day Variations of climate and of the aspect of nature in North America have occasioned successions of life. Cli!
mate determines the distribution of animals and climate controls the thoughts and actions of man.
j)lants
IE
(3(3
[Sect.
I.
about to give of the development of the American continent, I have not space for the consideration of the numerous epochs referred to, and
the brief sketch I
limit myself to the greater groups the But, in truth, they furnish, a sufficient opportunity ages. for placing in a clear light the points it is desirable to
am
must therefore
bring into strong relief. Let us now look rapidly at the six ages, ascertaining in each instance how much the continent had grown, and
especially
plants.
and
Of the
First Age.
to the original con-
At
first
its close
there
long and narrow peninsula lay somewhat to the east of the Appalachian region, acting as a partial breakwater to the Atlantic.
York.
ill
ripple marks, wave lines, and traces of ebbing and flowing tides show that these deposits were made in shal-
The
low waters, on the north and also on the east. The thickness of the strata in the Appalachian region proves that already subsidence was occurring. There is reason to believe, judging from the habits of the animals that formed the limestones, that this subsidence did not exceed half an inch a year, and yet it attained, during the Trenton period, nearly 6000 feet. At the close of the Niagara period there had been deposited along the Appalachians a thickness of 12,660 feet of rock. It is not to be understood, however, that these deposits only formed a mere fringe to the growing continent.
They reached
an accumula-
Chap.IL]
Q^
The dominant type of was molluscous, and the climate was uniform through the whole range from north to south.
animal
life
on the continental
level, resulting, in
great advance
nature.
andlbSlKthe
second, ci^e.
Land plants and fishes had been introduced. Of the former the first-comers were of two
groups, one exhibiting the lowest of flower-
other the highest of flowerless plants. There ing, and the no grasses. Of fishes there were also two groups, were
and 'a&ofthe
third a"e
Tennessee, Illinois, Missouri, Kansas, portions of the Eocky Mountain slopes, Utah, North
.
The western development had California, and Texas. led to the production of an interior sea, the American
Mediterranean, an arm of the Gulf of Mexico. From the rank vegetation of the forests, jungles, and marshes, the great Appalachian coal-field, which now presents a
was formed.
workable area of sixty thousand square miles, The Illinois and Missouri field is estimated
(3S
FORMATION OF COAL.
*
[Sect.
I.
to have the
same extent. Simultaneously, in the far north and northeast, similar events were occurring, giving rise to the Arctic coal-field and that of New Brunswick.
strata deposited
during
thousand
In the Appalachian region there had accumulated feet. at the close of this age counting in the preceding dea thickness of nearly seven miles. posits
During the coal period, all the parts of the United States from Canada to Alabama, and from Western Iowa, Missouri, and Arkansas to Eastern Virginia, were above the water. It was not until its close that the Alleghanies were forced up; and as yet there were no Rocky Mountains. The Gulf of Mexico extended to the mouth of the Ohio the coral-building workers had not yet made Florida. These portions were never submerged again, but, as they
;
kept sinking by their own weight, fresh surface-material was added, the accumulations being, therefore, by superposition. The coal area of Great Britain is estimated at 12,000 that of the United States at The formation and square miles
;
quantity of coai'.
130;000
that of
t]ae
British Provinces in
consist of
al-
America at 18,000.
ternations of layers of coal, shales, sandstones, limestones, etc. It is commonly estimated that there are fifty feet of
mammoth
In
Sydney coal-field seventy-six fossil coal forests occur in superposition, the total thickness of the coal-bearing strata in Nova Scotia being 14,570 feet.
As is well known, all coal originated from the decay It is estimated that 100 lbs. of plants beneath water. of wood will yield 16 lbs. of anthracite, or. 25 lbs. of bitu-
Chap.
II.]
59
the necessary reduction of volume arising through compression, it is computed that a thickness of eio;ht feet of vegetable material will make one
urinous coal.
foot of bituminous coal, and that twelve feet are required In the Ohio coal-field there to make one of anthracite.
From
and three
feet in
A direct
relation exists
table matter
of time and the quantity of light that produces it. It is not possible that such enormous quantities of coal as are
here considered could have been formed except in very long periods of time.
were land plants. They constituted a forest vegetation. There was a sameness among them over areas of great extent. The same genera occur in Europe and America, and many of the species are identical. Sigillaria, and Lepidodendra, and tree-ferns abound, but no palms or other endogens. The animals were all of low types. In
the prodigious luxuriance of those grotesque forests there was not a bird.
As
to the climate
below 66. Mackenzie's River flowed through verdant banks into a sea in which coral reefs not icebergs, as in modern times were forming. Within ten degrees of the pole there was the same mean temperature as in the re-
moist, a heavy, a stifling, perhaps a comparatively stagnant atmosphere rested upon what in future times was to be British America and the United
gions of Texas.
States.
So great was the volume of carbonic acid in the no hot-blooded animal could live. The living beings were all necessarily slow-respiring and cold-bloodair that
70
ed,
[Sect.
I.
tliat age tlie growth of went on. There were no periods of plants continuously torpor in the forests no trees could have annual rings.
;
Of At
the
Fourth Age.
the close of this age, large tracts had been added to the South and West. The coast-line passed
andanimkiaofthe
fourth age.
from the southeast of New York city across ^ New Jersey to the Delaware River, which
.
emptied into the Atlantic at Trenton. The region of Chesapeake Bay was under the sea. The sea-line ran within about sixty miles inland of the present coast, the distance increasing to one hundred in Georgia, and then, turning westwardly, it kept about two hundred miles from the Gulf shore in Alabama. The Alleghanies were From about one hundred feet lower than at present. Alabama the line made its way northward to the mouth of the Ohio, receiving that river. The Gulf of Mexico,
therefore, still protruded a great
the continent
a Mediterranean
arm
as
it
though slowly diminishing in size. The western shore of that gulf came up from Texas, making a deep bay toward the region of the Rocky Mountains those mountains themselves did not yet exist. It extended perhaps as far as the sources of the Yellowstone and Missouri. These rivers are among the later-formed American streams. They can not compete in age with the primaeval St. Lawrence and Hudson. The Pacific shore-line ran in a general manner parallel to the present coast, but at a distance of several hundred miles interiorly.
;
The charts of the Coast Survey give reason to suppose that in the earlier periods of this age the coast-line of New York and New Jersey extended far out to sea.
outlines of the
Bay
of
New York
Chap.
II.]
CHARACTERIZED BY REPTILE
LIFE.
h-^
As respects the life of this age, it was ushered in by a total extinction of all pre-existing forms. The characanimals are completely reptilian, due, undoubtedly, to the constitution of the atmosphere. There were reptiles in the sea, reptiles in the predominance or reptile rivers, reptiles on the land, reptiles in the air.
teristic features of its
life.
In the midst of these base animal forms, as if struggling to gain existence, are inferior species of mammals and birds.
be remarked that the characteristic the Coal Age having altowere replaced by cycads, and many gether disappeared, new forms of conifers and ferns. Toward the close of the
plants,
it is
Of
to
observed.
With
of the palms.
The
was
this: the
ferns had long previously passed their culmination, and were dying out; the conifers were in their dawn; the cycads attained their climax. It has, therefore, been sometimes characterized as the Reptilian and Cycadean Age. For a long portion of it the climate was apparently uniform from the Arctic Ocean to the Mexican Gulf. There does not appear to have been any thing answering to climate zones. Judging from the facts presented by
the coral reefs, the lowest temperature was 68. Toward the close of the age there are indications of true climates, the evidence being a difference in the species of the north-
ern and southern parts of the United States. Previously to this event there could have been nothing answering to
the great ocean currents or to the trade winds. The appearance of climates marks out a grand physical epoch in the history of the globe.
;-)
[Secx.
I.
Of the
In
tliis
Fifth Age.
age a well-marked extension of the continent continued along the Atlantic and the Gnlf. ..-.-. Territory, plants, m, an,i animals oiihe luere was still a narrow sea-arm runnmofifth age.
.
it
was gradually
filling up.
by the
great western mountain chains were upheaved. They are higher than all their predecessors because of the greater resistance of the thicker consolidated crust of the earth. By degrees, contemporaneously with the growth
The
of the peninsula of Florida, the mouth of the Mississippi was carried from the mouth of the Ohio to near the present shore-line of the Gulf of Mexico.
eral
For, though Genin his Report to the War Department Humphreys, (1861), shows that the bed of the river is not formed by
recent deposits from its waters, but is in a stratum of blue clay, belonging to the eocene or to the cretaceous formations
from
this,
and
also
sec-
tion of the river, inferring that the alleged arm of the Gulf of Mexico had no existence, the facts connected with
the general geological development of the continent seem to admit of no other interpretation. The upward move-
ment
in the trans-Mississippi region along the Rocky chain amounted to nearly 7000 feet. This greatly devel-
oped the Missouri, heretofore an insignificant stream, and extended its vast system of affiliated waters, such as the Yellowstone, the Platte, and the Kansas Rivers. While on the Gulf border the land-rise was not more than 100 at Pike's feet, at the mouth of the Ohio it was about 275 Peak, 4500 at the Big-horn Mountains more than 6000 feet in the Wind River chain, 6800. More Westwardly, toward the Pacific, the elevation gradually declined. This rise of the land, previously spoken of as a corrugation of the continent, must not, however, be regarded
; ;
Chap.
II.]
PRODUCTION OF MAMMALS.
f3
as a
Every thing indicates that it was exceedingly gradual. North America was not the only scene of such a grand elevation. During the same age the Pyrenees, Alps, and
Apennines emerged in Europe, the Himalayas in Asia, the Andes in South America. At the close of this age our continent may be considered as having completed
westerly,
its
had gained subsystem had also a remark likewise apreached its present development plying to other continents. Africa had gained its Nile, Asia its Indus and Ganges, South America its Amazon. But toward the north there is well-marked evidence
and southerly
stantially its
directions, and present aspect. Its river
that in the closing period, the post tertiary, a depression took place. Along lower New England it amounted to 30 feet it was somewhat more in Connecticut as much as 170 in Massachusetts from that to 200 in New Hampshire and on the north shore of Lake Superior, 330 feet.
; ;
St. Lawrence, far inland, became arms of the sea. This depression was subsequently followed by elevation, and those regions brought to their present level. Geologists have surmised that this transfer of oscillation from the south to the north was due to the stiffening and strengthening of the crust in the for-
mer by the accumulating masses, the latter becoming the weaker area, and less able to resist the pressures bearing
upon it. The reptilian
The predominance of mammals.
type, that
had
so strikingly
marked the
to
heretofore
A complete extermination
struggling
the herbivora predomgenera disappeared. inated at first. On the sandy plains of North America
Of mammals
74
[Sect.
I.
were at least camelus), and four the mastodon and All over the world
there
of horse.
elephant, reached a prodigious size. the culmination of this mammal type of life took place in the post tertiary period. There is a well-marked order of succession in the appearance of the
Thus, among familiar examples, the the dogs, the cats, the antelopes, the oxen, at long bears, intervals arose, in the order in which they are here named.
different groups.
now
The
species liv-
plants of the Mammalian Age approximated in oaks, pojdars, dogspecies those of the present time woods, magnolias, figs, conifers, palms. The climate in-
The
mean annual temperature of North America was about 60. The decline of ten^erature in the centre of the continent was abruj)t when compared
dicated
is
:
warm
the
with that of Europe, which passed in slow succession through a tropical and subtropical to a temperate condition. This difference is probably correctly attributed to
the contemporaneous increase of polar lands in the former continent.
Of the
In
many places
still
"ixlh?or"present
the protrusion of the coast into the sea continues shoals are D gradually coming; J O to the surface at the mouths of rivers del;
In the
interior, allu-
lakes
The
of
increasing distinctness of climate during the age mammals, and the diversities of topography, permitted
Chap.
II.]
f5
a vast multiplication of the species of plants and animals. It is supposed that the existing species of the former are
not fewer than 100,000, and of the latter 350,000. Already the great mammals have passed their culmination, and are in their decline. The climax for insects and birds
probably reached. Of insects, the latest comers are the Hymenoptera bees and ants they are endowed with
is
Even in insect life there instincts of a very high order. has been an upward march of intelligence. As respects the distribution of man on the North AmerThe
man
distribution of in North
America.
ican continent, the geographical centre at the n , -r\ time ot the discovery by Europeans was on
.
.
-, -i
the Mexican plateau. The human population in that region was variously estimated at from ten to fifteen milIt had attained a high state of civilization. Elsewhere over the continent were sparsely scattered wandering and savage tribes, insignificant in numbers and low
lions.
in intellectual grade. They probably did not exceed souls a mere fringe around the central Mexican 300,000
mass.
That mass was connected with the dense population of South America through the isthmus that O Past civilization in central America. \[ n ]^ s the two continents together, and which, though now in desolation, was once a scene of human acIn Yucatan and elsewhere in that region, there tivity. are many ruined and mysterious cities, or rather the remains of cities -palaces, temples, public works, obelisks, Such sepulchral vaults, and subterraneous labyrinths.
_
.
.
...
..
Uxmal, Chichen. Mr. Stephens, in his admirable descriptions of these ruins, speaks of them as
are Palenque,
There are grand and lowering mournfully beautiful. temple walls, on the tops of which trees of an immense age are growing, and these by no means of the first generation
;
there are
figures cut in stone, grotesque others whose plaintive, upturned faces ex-
human
5f0
[Sect.
I.
human Buffering and agony; there are apartments whose walls were once frescoed; arched ceilings, and floors laid in cement. There are subterranean ponds, and immense and elaborate tanks, some of them containing There are water deposits forty or fifty separate wells. of artificial construction nearly 500 feet beneath the surface, to which access is had down inclined pathways, iu some cases 1400 feet long, the precipitous points bepress
by ladders of osiers occasionally 80 feet in There are subterraneous chambers with domelike ceilings of vast size; they are made water-tight with cement, and were probably used as granaries. On the North American continent innumerable earthworks give evidence of the activity of races men ami their that have Ions; afro disappeared. In MissiSing passed
length.
sippi there are mounds covering six acres; in Missouri, inclosures of six hundred acres it has been affirmed that in Ohio there are more than ten thousand
;
tumuli.
trees
On many
as
many as eight hundred annual rings showing have been cut down, and these not original, but subsequent growths. There has been much discussion as to
The
scientific
treatment of
ac-
curate information
given respecting the progress and of human life in South America. There the distribution And though the Spancentre was in Peru.
human
life.
firsuemreoflmerican
ish conquerors affirmed that the Mexicans i t e l i t and Peruvians were ignorant oi each other s
.
be no doubt that a
line of civilized
nent through Central America, as the architectural ruins to which we have just referred abundantly prove. Moreover, there can be no doubt that the Peruvian empire
antedates that of Mexico.
It is therefore
not impossible
Chap.
II.]
ff
that the progress of life on this continent from the south to the north.
geo,
One surface -belt after anSurvey of the topo-i-it ,i other has been laid down the continent, in graphical changes of the continent. the lapse 01 ages, has been won from the sea; the maximum gains are to the south, southwest,
-,
,
'
west.
oscillated.
In the
Appalachian region there have been vast subsidences, in the Rocky Mountains vast elevations, and toward the Arctic Sea similar changes have occurred. These movements have not been of a paroxysmal kind, or attended by sudden catastrophes. Every thing proclaims that they were of slow execution so slow that they might be
sj)oken of as almost imperceptible. Geological revolutions are not ephemeral chances, but the inevitable effects
of great and general causes. In the grandeur of the result subsidences of seven miles at one point, elevations
of half that magnitude elsewhere we recognize the almost limitless periods of time consumed in these slow
swayings of the crust of the earth upon its molten nucleus below. We see, too, how the most magnificent features of this great theatre of life have been gradually develoj^ed. The Rocky Mountains are, in a scientific sense, only of The rivers were not all born at once they yesterday. have an order of succession. These daughters of the sun
;
family. The primaeval St. Lawrence found its way to the sea, the Hudson silently flowed countless ages before the Ohio was born. Still later came the Missouri, with its
endless ramifications
still
later,
Lower
now
;>
[Sect.
I.
nation
of a continent, these gentle but vast varia, ji tions in its mountains and valleys, these reg"
.
in
been surprising changes in the climate. We have seen that, during immeasurable ages, there was a common mean
temperature over this continent.
ulated productions of its rivers topographthere have also ical alterations of supreme importance
From
the borders of
the iceless Arctic Ocean, as far south as there was any The seasons, spring, land, there was a uniform warmth.
summer, autumn, and winter, with their pleasant vicissiThere were variations of light, tudes, had no existence. but not of heat. The monotony of animal life was broken only by a grateful recurrence of night and day. Not but that the astronomical causes of climates and seasons were in operation their effects were masked by the predom;
inating intrinsic heat of the srlobe. There was a time when there was no Gulf Stream, no Labrador current. Such ocean currents are due to differ-
ence of tenrperature in the tropical and polar regions. sameness of temperature in different latitudes far apart
With such profound differences implies a stagnant sea. in the physical phenomena of the ocean are indissolubly
connected equally profound differences in the physical phenomena of the atmosphere. stagnant air, with its deathlike tropical calms, was succeeded by an air of
breezes. and of winds, the prevalent force and prevalent direction of which changed with variations in the topog-
raphy of the growing land. I have represented the climate of North America as
And the occurrence
of secular seasons,
^^
pious evidence that there were included in this, grand diminution subordinate variations secular seasons, as
Chap.
II.]
GRADUAL SUCCESSION OF
LIFE.
fg
or ice period,
are
when inuch
ice, is
as ours the lapse of three o r four months, but seasons by whose measures are almost eternities. If we accept the
vaded by polar
one
of the
zone was
in-
opinion of some great modern astronomers, that these subordinate secular epochs of maximum and minimum tem-
perature are due to the periodical variation in the eccentricity of the earth's orbit, the origin and times of which
are completely understood, their duration corresponds to Is there not scores of thousands of years. something un-
speakably grand in vicissitudes on a scale so vast ? But, more than all and this is a lesson of profound with import to the reader of this book
modified every
living thing.
these mutations in the land, and sea, and air, there was an orderly succession of life.
. .
Countless species of animals and plants in succession in succession they suffered extermination. emerged
;
From
and
the azoic rocks each of the succeeding 46 epochs had its own Fauna and Flora, its characteristic animals
In the times included by the Potsdam, Trenand Hudson periods, the first three of that long catton, alogue, not fewer than 850 species are known to have become extinct, and who shall say how many more that
plants.
are
unknown ?
extinc-
What was the cause of those variations and What was the cause of these wonderful tions ?
modifi-
cations in the realm of plants and animals ? Can the same influences and all-powerful as they everlasting
thus seem to
CHAPTER
From
the succession of
III.
life.
By
climate I understand the aggregate of all the conditions, natural and artificial, in which we
live.
The former
;
are enumerated
by
Ca-
banis as chiefly, 1. Latitude; 2. Topographical elevation; 4. Vicinity of mountains, sands, seas, 8. Local inclination rivers 5. Nature of the soil 6. Prevalent winds lakes,
; ;
Ocean currents 8. Forests. More generally, but perhaps with sufficient correctness, it may be stated that climate is determined by heat.
7.
;
Geologists estimate that nearly half a million of different species of animals have successively appeared and become extinct during the progress of life upon the globe.
They
also suppose that, in like manner, not less than fifty thousand different species of plants have passed away. To what shall we attribute these grand extermina, , Effects of variation of climate.
tions
Universal observation proves that for eveiy species of animal and plant there
?
-l
are certain conditions that suit its well-being best. Thus, of aquatic animals, there are some that delight to be near
Of others prefer its depths. there are some, such as the palm and banana, that plants reach their utmost luxuriance in the torrid zone others,
; ;
as the pine,
Now
if,
come
Chap.
III.]
g;j_
waters should invade fresh, or fresh waters should invade in like manner, the sea should deepen or become salt if,
shallower,
fore
what must become of those tribes that heretohave found a congenial residence in the places thus
?
disturbed
If,
through meteorological or other natural changes, the temperature of the West India Islands should decline to that now prevailing in Oregon, or if, conversely, the temperature of Oregon should rise to that of the West Indies, what, in the one case, would become of the palms ? what,
in the other, of the pines
ble.
?
Under such circumstances two events only are possiThe species whose place of abode has been dis-
turbed
may undergo
if
that be impos-
Thus, in the winter of 1835, the cold in the Southern States was so severe that tropical plants which had been In flourishing more than half a century were cut off.
1766 a similar season had destroyed all tropical fruits, except oranges, in Northern Florida. But is there any evidence that an organic being is so plastic as to admit of modification ? or must we conclude that its structure can not be varied ?
Is it not the
amusement of the
horticulturist to prot
duce such changes in plants ? He skillfully Possibility of artii n i i ticiaiiy modifying turns single nowers into double ones vanes living beings. , their color, their size. He produces all our prized varieties of garden and orchard fruits from those
;
-.
when
wild.
He agriculturist does the same with animals. modifies his sheep, his horses, his oxen, his dogs, his birds,
The
to suit the purposes he has in view. His predecessors in the old times commenced modifying the wild individuals
of these species.
I.F
go
[Sect.
I.
arrived
at,
there
is
a great difference.
The Shetland pony and the race-horse came from one The terrier, the greyhound, the mastiff original stock. had a common parentage. But it is sometimes said that these modifications are
and ephemeral they are, as it were, only skin deep they do not prove that species are capable of transsuperficial
;
;
Are not the animals sculptured the Egyptians three or four thousand years by But that aero the same that we are familiar with now ? no more than that the climate of Egypt has not proves
mutation.
It is also said,
or painted
Cuvier asserted the permanence of recently changed. species for two reasons 1st. The unchanged condition of
:
the oldest
to change.
known
2d.
The
Physiologically, however, the problem involved in these considerations is not one of quantity, but of quality. The
point
is,
not
how much
or
how
far
change, but whether it can change at all. The possibility of modification, be it ever so small, once established,
the extent to which
it
may go
will obviously
depend on
application.
Pre-eminent
Effect of gradual disturbance.
among
those conditions
is
time.
if its
As
sP
rm g
that
ends
were abruptly brought together may be sucbent if the force be more gently, more gradually cessfully applied, so a being that would at once be exterminated by too violent, too sudden a disturbance, may gradually accommodate itself to a new order of things, if that order
come on by imperceptible degrees. There was a time when upon what was the North American continent there were none but salt waters. By degrees, little rills that were fresh made their appearance
;
they grew with the growth of the land into larger streams.
Chap.
III.]
33
In the course of ages a grand river and lake system was completed. At first, fresh- water fishes were an impossibility finally, they might abound. There was a time it was of long; duration in which a uniform tropical temperature obtained from the shores of the Arctic Ocean to the Gulf of Mexico. There was no
;
organic
succession of seasons it was an unending summer. By slow degrees, as the temperature went down, winter settled at the pole. At first, those animals and plants that can live only in a cool, bracing air, were an impossibility; the sultry landscape was covered with a torrid foliage. At last the white bear was seen on the iceberg, and the reindeer moss grew underneath the snow. Chladni has shown that if some sand be scattered on a drum, or other elastic surface, whenever a forms anangewit
made, the dry grains start anc^ entering on a choral dance, spontathemselves in symmetrical and exquisiteneously arrange
cSronsS c them.
suitable sound
is
If disturbed
by another
sound, they forthwith rearrange themselves in some other beautiful figure, and, answering to the voice that speaks
to them, form after form in wonderful perfection comes forth. Thus, also, do organic beings answer to the voice
of Nature, sympathetically responding to her call. The plants and animals pertaining to those six periods that have passed under consideration in the last chapter
were simply those that could under the prevailing conThere were impossibilities in the way of ditions exist.
others.
It
was not
animals could live before the coal deposits had been separated from the air. It was not possible that the primaeval vegetation should exist after that great event. If the Genii of the successive geological ages could
All things that are possible exist.
... ..
.
..
have found a voice, this is what they, one J anci ap^ Would have proclaimed an ominous
'
[Sect.L
What
"
can be,
is.
The vital possible was present. dreams in the animal, wakes in that sleeps in the stone, man," was pressing forward to produce new organisms. All nature is ever ready to burst into life.
Whatever was
continent implied a continuous change in organic
force
culminated when
underwent
ex-
life.
the surrounding conditions were most favorable to its Then, as those conditions became less and less type.
consonant with
termination.
it, it
utterly discordant,
From was by
was but one escape. It But transformation could not transformation. take place at random. Its possible direction was predetermined, and depended on past events. The prophetic,
that extermination there
or foreshadowing types, as they are called by naturalists, that were being incessantly introduced, are illustrations
By such types we mean those which embrace with the characteristics of the group to which they along pertain, others of another group not yet in existence. They not only indicate that a passage to a new form is about to be made, they also foretell what the completed result is about to be. What has been said respecting the North American continent applies to the whole globe. Through Illustrated by oraii over its climate, its atslow secular changes game
of
this.
-, -.
-.
life
the world.
m
.
mosphere,
its sea, it
outgrew
tribes, species,
genera of life. So irresistible was the progress, so vast the changes, that not a single sjDecies has lived throughout the whole time few have endured through so little as two successive out of forty-six recognized epochs. At
;
Chap.
III.]
its first
group to which it belonged, fremiddle then forthwith a quently descent to those that were lower, and an ascent to those that were higher of the same type of construction ensued an exhibition of all possible diversities. Could we have a more imposing proof of the absolute control of natural influences over the world of life than
tom of the
was nearer
to the
that thus grandly furnished to us by our own continent ? No species has yet come into existence that could with-
stand the dominating influence of climate, and of changes in the physical condition of its place of abode.
Of the cultivated staple plants of the United States, one of the most valuable is maize, or Indian corn. This plant is originally a tropical grass of singularly elastic disposition. In certain localities of
more than a dozen feet, elsewhere it is dwarfed to a stature of two. The color of its grain varies it may be In some places chocolate -tinted, red, yellow, or white. the buttery and bland oil contained in its seed rises to
Acatious of indian corn.
the South
it
attains a height of
t
twelve per cent, of the seed-weight in others it diminishes to four. One form of it abounds in sugar, another
;
a long season to ripen their grain, in others perfection in eight or ten weeks.
caused to grow in a region of high and steady temperature, it tends to revert to its original form of a succulent grass. In the Pacific valleys opening to
When
maize
is
the sea
slender,
it
reaches
its full
is little
and there
It gains its
maximum
S(}
[Sect.
I.
the South, the seed-yield is said to be a much larger proportion of the whole weight. Climate differences therefore produce singular transformations in this plant, and give rise to many varieties
than
of
it.
growth
into a smaller
creases its
rapid increase of temperature compresses its number of days, and greatly invalue by increasing its nutritive yield. The
sudden access of heat needful for this favorable result The northmust, however, be of a tropical character. ward limit at which it will grow is marked by the isothermal of 67 for July. For that reason it can not be brought to perfection in England. It has, however, been
acclimated in California.
Analogous to maize in many of its habitudes is the sugar-cane, though thus far inferior in the ciimate-modiflcatkms of sugar-cane. ran g e of its modification. Doubtless by care and patience its cultivation may be carried much farther
to the north than is at present the case; its period of growth has already been compressed from the sixteen
Louisiana.
The
therefore be broken
value.
up
But of these
ciimate-modincations of cotton.
staple plants cotton displays the most valuable disposition to modification. In its
native tropical home it is a perennial tree; extreme limit of northerly growth, an annual herbaceous plant. Without difficulty it passes from the to the herbaceous, or from the herbaceous back woody again to the woody form as the climate changes. In the steady tropical heats of India it is with difficulty detained in the herbaceous state. The annual fibre produce on which its economical value depends is greater up to a certain point the more moderate the temperature, and in this respect, therefore, it resembles maize, which reaches
at its
Chap.
III.]
g7
growth.
maximum
To
such as that known as produce the most perfect staple, Sea Island, the humidity supplied must be moderate the
and uniform. For its successful cultivation, its growth must take place between the frosts of spring and those of autumn; and hence, the farther it is carried to the north, the more hastily must it be compelled to run through its
cycle of
life.
is
the cause of a diminution in size. The small cereal grains of the United States
Climate -modiAcations of ce-
rye, etc. . ..
though
. .
wheat,
it?
all
perhaps remotely of
-,
Asiatic origin, have come to us through H(Urope, and therefore bear with them the cli-
mate impress of that continent. It is for this reason that the Pacific coast suits them so much better than the AtNo country in the world is superior to California lantic. With most of these grains, in the production of wheat. as with cotton and corn, the maximum value is near the cold limit of their growth, and all of them readily submit
to climate-modification.
principles involved in producing modification are, perhaps, best seen from the consideration of a special ex-
The
ample. If, therefore, we take the case of barley, we find that if the mean temperature sinks below 36^, or rises
above 714, the plant will no longer succeed. There are, therefore, two limits, a low and a high one, within which In Egypt, on the banks of its growth must take place. the Nile, barley is sown at the end of November, and harvested at the end of February; it runs through its entire c yl e of life, therefore, in about 90 days. At illustration m the case of barley. Santa Fe cle Bogota, the length between seedtime and harvest
122 days; in other localities it is known to be as long as 168 days. The plant requires a
is
certain quantity of heat for its development, and will come to perfection whether that heat is distributed over
[Skct.
I.
a longer or shorter period of time but, with such changes in the mode of application of the heat, transformation occurs, and a new variety of the plant arises.
Such
.
is
zone of Growth has two sides, one of ,. Each zone of life every has two sides. hich i s hot, the other cold, and beyond these the plant does not transgress. In the interior of the zone
7
JO
all alike
; .
but modified varieties are arranged in bands, running parallel with the warm and the
Heat, light, humidity, and the chemical composition of the soil, are the leading conditions productare modified piante in America.
Of the
three forin-
mode
not only the absolute amount, but the of distribution that is effective. Thus, in the Ater, it is
United States, the special climate condition is a rapid increase of heat and moisture for the summer there is no true spring. European plant, which would develop in its native home more gradually,
is
here pushed precipitantly forward. Even in the forAnd hence it is ests the leafing takes place abruptly. that any such stranger imported here must undergo modification.
CHAPTER
IV.
MAIST.
In the same manner that climate affects plants, it likewise affects human beings, producing modified men. It controls their complexion, their bodily construction, It has given rise in the Attheir duration of life, their actions, their thoughts. and in the Pacific region lantic region to two distinctly marked populations
;
many
now
occurring
Not without
Climate acts on man as powerfully
-,
special intention have I in this History drawn reader into a of the Civil
War
.
my
digression on things that seem to relate to the peaceful affairs of Rural Economy, and considered how corn and sugar, cotton and wheat, and grasses, brought from other regions, undergo modification here. Much more, abounding in interest, might have been said, but what has been offered is enough. There is nothing privileged in Nature. High or low, all must submit to an impartial, an unchangeable rule. If grasses, and grains, and all -vegetable productions of other countries can not be perpetuated in America with-
men
of foreign
Brought
Man
changes with
his place of residcncc.
here,
both begin slowly to change. The habitudes that have been impressed upon them .. -,, n .,-,. j i j_i their native place linger with tliem tor a time, but modification beginning, goes on by
-,
imperceptible degrees, until, in a few generations, t*hey are no longer what they were. They come at length into physiological accordance with their new abodes, re-
[Sect.
I.
former special peculiarities that tabling those only of their are consistent therewith.
The
uncivilized aboriginal
American Indians
illustrate
caBeoftheAmeri.
the physiological influence of heat. The Esquimaux at the north, and the Fuegians at
the south, are light, the tint of the native races deepening as the equator is approached. This gradis much more strongly South than in North America New Granada, Venezuela, and Guiana being the hotter parts of the conFor a similar reason, it is more strongly marked tinent. on the Pacific than on the Atlantic slope. It is sufficient
marked
in
compare Catlin's portraits of the Indians east of the Rocky Mountains with those of the west, as figured in the Voyage Pittoresque of Choris, to appreciate how great a
to
difference exists.
cific
But the
and their noses fiat, slope, though have lank and not woolly hair. In South America, the so-called red race, as we have just observed, is deeper in complexion as we pass from Terra del Fuego northward toward the line. The Chilians are darker than the FuAs efnans, the Peruvians are darker than the Chilians.
their lips are thick
the topographical construction of that continent would lead us to infer, there is an analogous distribution from The east to west, crossing the preceding at right angles.
Inca race, who inhabit the plateaux of the Andes, because of the comparative elevation and coldness of those regions,
are lighter than corresponds to the latitude. But, passing from these to the east, the Brazilio-Guarani are darker as
we approach
the Atlantic Ocean, their tint changing in It may with correspondence to the isothermal lines.
truth be said that the intervention of the Gulf of Mexico
and the Caribbean Sea has lightened the complexion of the aboriginal tribes of North and South America.
The
is
Chap. IV.]
HIS COMPLEXION
establishment of variations in the complex, ,, -^.^ , , SK1I1. M. ~ (JrOlffUy, 1U illS report of the dissections of the Inca Indians
.
10U OI the
-.
'
who
tween the
inhabit the plateaux of the Andes, comprized belimits of 7500 and 15,000 feet above the level
the length of their trunk and that of other Americans depends altogether on the extraordinary disproportion
of the chest consequent
ment of
their lungs.
man
a given weight of air shall be supplied to the system of in a given period of time. These Indians, breathing an atmosj^here which, by reason of the altitude of their
is
make up
capacity in the lungs is demanded, and, consequently, increased size of the chest. In the dissections that were
made
at the hospital of the city of La Paz, upward of 11,000 feet above the level of the ocean, of Indians from
the populous plateaux still more elevated, it was ascertained that the cells of the lungs were not only very much more numerous, but likewise larger than in the case
of individuals living near the level of the sea. The chest had become out of harmony with the length of the limbs, which remained the same as under ordinary circumstances.
Climate and place of abode, therefore, not only in a superficial, but also in a profound manner, can change the constitution and construction of man.
Such physical
Human equilibrium
agents, continuing their unceasing operation for many centuries, bring the system
of man into
with themselves.
arisen.
When
attained a
new
race has
(>o
[Sect.
I.
If they vary, it, like the sand-grains of Chladni, commences to do so too, slowly answering by its modifications to their modifications.
Slowly
be too rapid, the physiological change can not keep pace with it discordancy arises enfeeblement, perhaps even
extermination, follows.
colonization of the
element.
Southern Atlantic States, the French who settled alon; the St. Lawrence and threaded , the Mississippi Valley, the English who held
,
the intermediate regions, furnish illustrations of men who, in the lapse of many centuries, had undergone so much
modification in
tinct.
Europe as to have become ethnically disEach of these nations had its own physiological
;
characteristics
quence, had
is the necessary conseof thought. In the time that intervenes between the first coming
its
own modes
attain-
ing a physiological harmony with it, they will manifest, though in a declining manner, the attributes they had for-
merly acquired, and of those attributes such as are not discordant with the new state will continue. If he were
transplanted suddenly to a cold abode, the Spaniard would not forget his superstition. The influence of race
is
therefore felt in newly-colonized countries, and in the discussion of political problems relating to tbem twr o conditions
must ever be kept' in view the persistent influence of climate, and the ephemeral influence of race.
Nature over modes of thought. The January isothermal line of 41 marks out in a general manner the final
Chap. IV.]
93
boundary between the Catholic and Protestant peoples of Europe. To those living on the south of it an embellishment of worship is acceptable to those on the north, a more simple or austere form. The recognition of such
;
work,
"
De
;
Re-
publica," three
clare that
government must
hundred years
force is best resorted to for northern nations, reason for the middle, and superstition for the southern. Carrying
out the principles involved in these conclusions, he insisted that liberty of conscience ought to be granted to sectarians, and freedom of thought to all.
Applying the foregoing principles to the case of the Atlantic region of the American republic, and recollecting that the mean annual temperature of Maine, on the north,
is 42,
New
while that of Florida, on the south, is 75, and that Jersey, at the east, has a mean annual temperature
of 51, while Nebraska, at the west, is 47, it follows that the differences of climate north and south are very much Between Maine and greater than those east and west. Florida the difference is 33 between New Jersey and
;
Nebraska only
.
4.
Type
In the republic, therefore, the type variations due to this natural cause will be most strongly , o J variations of
(
.
Muto
a in the repubrt
marked in the north and south direction. East and west the differences are insignifi-
cant.
Supposing the whole community at rest, and time coming into harmony with the climate afforded, there would eventually be found strands of popsufficient for its
ulation arranged across the Atlantic region of the continent almost in parallel zones. The antagonism of habit
there will be
and thought must be between the north and the south harmony between the east and the west. If we collect into groups those states of which the
;
i)
[Sect.
I.
Grouping or the
below
50,
and
above G0, this antagonism will be correctly recognized. In the former group we shall find Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut,
York, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Illinois, Wisconsin, Iowa, Minnesota, Nebraska. In the latter are arranged North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas. But this antagonism is based upon the motionless condition of the community.
It is disturbed at
New
once
by
mi-
gration, and the more thoroughly the more active the locomotion. If by any means an incessant and complete intermingling could be accomplished, it would not exist
at
all.
Moreover,
by
the creation of
be presently explained, the Northern man makes his physical condition approach that of the Southern. By his various resorts to clothing, food, habitation, fire, he raises
the
mean annual temperature of his abode. The political antagonism between the North and the
from the uncompensated residue. no means so great as it might be. Civilized life by
results, therefore,
it.
South
It is
diminishes
At
Disturbing locomotion.
the breaking out of the civil war, of the eight milli DS of white inhabitants of the slave states, effect of
probably not two hundred thousand had ever been in the North, and they, at the best, had only been transient visitors. Of the poor whites hardly any had made that journey. Of Northern families settled in the South the number was very insignificant. Legislation,
such as
it
was
Southern society regarded the intruder with suspicion, impatience, dislike. In each section intercommunication with the other became yearly more reof immigration.
Chap. IV.]
95
The catastrophe that ensued would not have strained. occurred had a wise legislation promoted intercourse. In this we see an illustration of that profound remark
which Quetelet makes respecting malefactors in Europe
"
:
Society prepares the crime, the culprit only executes There is, therefore, a tendency to disintegration or
variations
r
J.
it."
dis-
Type
u
11C '
ruption of the republic arising: from climate. o Communities sej)arated by many degrees of
latitude
become in the course of time antagonistic in their feelings and thoughts. This antagonism is more dangerous when either or each of the opposing communities is consolidated by some com-
Gulf communities
i
a united,
.
it
might be to
.
said,
'.
almost a single
.
.
i_
interest, increasing
their
predisposition to
the same way. But the growth of cotton and the perpetuation of slavery were both connected with the cause that
was
establishing physiological distinction in the Gulf communities, that is to say, with climate.
Antagonisms thus re-enforced can readily find political expression and when in action, will manifest unanimity and surprising power, as was shown by the cotton states
;
Such
Process of
,
is
,.
accli-
the condition of things between the two sections north and south of the Atlantic region. o
Northland In the
facts are
developed
if
South having the greater departure from the typical standard of Western Europe to make.
[Sect.
I.
A
will
tistical
discussion of the observations published by the StaBureau of the United States Sanitary Commission
in the
show in what manner that progress of acclimatization two cases proceeds. Taking ten thousand white
men
of eighteen years of age, it will be found that in the slave states one half are dead before the age of thirty-
seven
is
attained
diminution
is
not
reached until nearly forty-three. The waste of life in the former is, therefore, excessively rapid it keeps increasing until the thirty-second year is attained, when it reaches its
;
maximum.
lost of its
that epoch the Southern population has original number upward of fifteen hundred
At
more than the Northern. Subsequently the death-rate of the North gains relatively upon the death-rate of the
South, so that by the time the fiftieth year is attained, the difference between the two is less than four hundred
individuals in favor of the North.
be regretted that we have not the necobservations for determining the life-curves of the essary strands of population on the successive isothermal lines.
It is greatly to
One
to scientific medicine
of the most important services that can be rendered is such a determination for the two
Undoubtedly it would
am
impressive manner.
When we
propensity of individual man is at its maximum in his eighteenth year, that propensity being equally displayed
toward each of the three arms of the service infantry, cavalry, and artillery, and having no exception in the free states save in New York and Pennsylvania, in which the
existence of great cities postpones the maximum to the twenty-first year, it is obvious that the military strength of the North must, from mere physical causes, preponderate over that of the South, since for every ten thousand men capable of entering on military life at eighteen, there
Chap. IV.]
97
will be at its close, or when forty-five years are attained, a balance in favor of the North of more than eight hund-
red men.
hesitation impute to climate influences, illustrateg ttie difficulty with which men of Eu-
ropean origin become acclimatized, or attain a concordance with the country into which they have come. The same thing is shown, if possible, in a still more striking
manner, when
the population of the entire United States, North and South, with those of England and France. In a million of people at the epoch 1830,
the births in the United States were nearly double what they were in France, this depending, I presume, on the general material prosperity of the country, which gives But the population of the rise to precocious marriages.
we compare
United
States, still partially retaining its European racepeculiarities, and indeed having, so far as the North is
with the
new
France
number of those that could reach year was only half of what it was in
The amount
e
th^Arne?ican
ul&tioii
pop-
States cen-
sus of 1830 with that of 1860; the waste of infant and adolescent life had greatly diminished, and the
life
of the whole American people had made no insignificant approach toward the typical standard. This, of course, is not attributable to any corresponding improve-
I G
98
[Sect.
I.
ruent in the medical art, but to the physiological impression that had been made upon the whole community. It
still
it
not
The population
Comparison of the
...
/
much more
ErSSkCJe^oun /
6
nearly to the theoretical type of life than J1 But in either that of England or America.
the thirty years ending in 1860, the United States had made a rapid advance. The in;
fant mortality in France is comparatively very low the total population exhibits a very great gain over that of
at all ages subsequently to twenty-eight years. In the equation (N=a sin n h B) indicated by the Statistical Bureau of the Sanitary Commission, there are
England
11
two constants (h and 0) characteristic of each particular population under examination. The constituent elements
entering into these constants represent, therefore, many different conditions, such as religious influence, the value of practical medicine, and, above
ligious influence,
it
all,
climate.
As
to re-
manifestly operates in a signal manner, inducing sobriety, temperance, and a tendency to tranquillity of life. In like manner, the value of practical
medicine
expressed in its directly curative results and consequent saving of life. Doubtless before long the mathematical value of these, and other such elements,
is
will
Of
be much more clearly understood. these two constants (Jc and 0) the value has
last four decennial census
changed in the
as follows
examinations
Date.
Chap. IV.]
99
The curious fact thus is evident that our population has been, during the last forty years or more, gradually assimilating itself to the normal type (&=1)."
.
"
It is instructive to
compare
this
Wales.
Date.
100
[Sect.
I;
Iu a general manner, life-insnranee tables prove that people live longer now than they did a century ago. The rich, and those who are surrounded with the comforts of
life,
have greater longevity than the poor. In France the It has life has doubled since the 14th century. one third since 1781. gained
value of
In concluding this comparison of the inhabitants of the Atlantic region of the United States, I make the following extract from my work on the Civil Policy of America. a nation emigrates to a new country, the climate of which differs from that of the country J Contrast of charac-
"When
slowly passes through modifications, attempting, as it were, to adapt itself to the changed circumstances under which it has now
s.ut'h'Jroduced by',
it
nas
left>
may be consumed before a between its physiological condicomplete correspondence tion and the climate to which it is exposed is attained. " Its different classes will not make this movement with equal facility. Some will accomplish it more quickly, others more slowly. Even when an equilibrium has been reached as completely as possible, there will still be disto live.
Many
generations
tinct orders plainly enough perceptible among them. These orders depend on a difference in individual intel-
lectual development.
"Uniformity of climate makes people homogeneous; they will necessarily think alike, and inevitably act alike. " In the North the alternation of winter and summer allots to the life of man distinct and different duties. Summer is the season of outdoor labor winter is spent in the dwelling. In the South labor may be continuous, it may 'vary. The Northern man must do to-day though that which the Southern man may put off till to-morrow. For this reason, the Northern man must be industrious the Southern may be indolent, having less foresight, and
; ;
The
cold, bringing
Chap. IV.]
IQI
from labor, affords also an opand reflection, and hence the Northern man acquires a habit of not acting without consideration, and is slower in the initiation of his movements. The Southern man is prone to act without reflection; he does not fairly weigh the last consequences of what he is about to do. The one is cautious, the other impulsive. Winter, with its cheerlessness and discomit forts, gives to the Northern man his richest blessing teaches him to cling to his hearthstone and family. In times of war, that blessing proves to be his weakness he is vanquished if his dwelling be seized. The Southern man cares nothing for that. Cut off from the promptings of Nature for so long a portion of the year, the mind in the North becomes self-occupied it contents itself with but few ideas, which it considers from many points of view. It is apt to fasten itself intently on one, and pursue it with fanatical perseverance. Southern nation, which is continually under the influence of the sky which is continually prompted to varying thought, will indulge in a superfluity of ideas, and deal with them all superficially more volatile than reflective, it can never have a constant love for a fixed constitution. Once rewith, it a partial cessation portunity for forethought
the intention of the North, sustained by reason alone, will outlast the enthusiasm of the South. In physical courage the two are equal, but the North will
solved to
act,
prevail through its habits of labor, of method, and its inexorable perseverance. Long ago, writers who have
South will fight for the benefit of its leaders, but the North will conquer for the benefit of all. To convince the man who lives under a roof, an appeal must be made to his understanding; to convince him who lives under the sky, the appeal must be to his feelings." The nations of men are arranged by climate on the sur-
Id-)
GEOGRAPHICAL
'
LAW
OF HUMAN CHARACTER.
[Sect.
I.
LawB of human
t&^MtwtS
^ K e f the earth in bands that have a most important physiological relation. In the tor-
rid zone, intellectual development does not advance beyond the stage of childhood; all the ideas correspond to those of early individual life. In the warmer portions of the temperate zone, the stage of youth and
commencing manhood is reached. A critical observer can not fail to be interested with the tone of thought and manner of action of these populations their old men are
:
only overgrown youths. Along the cooler portions of that zone, the character attained is that of individual maturity, staid sobriety of demeanor, reflective habits, tardy action. Fire, vivacity, brilliancy, enthusiasm, are here ex-
Present
of ease, a putting aside of care, are the characteristics of the southern edge of this zone content-
ment
in the anticipation of a happier future, even though that happier future should imply a life of unremitting The former toil, is the characteristic of the northern.
its pleasures from the unrequited toil of can compel; the latter aims at the same those whom result by securing the equally reluctantly-rendered gains
seeks to secure
it
answers to the
old
human
.
aeres ^
geographical distribution a reflected picture of the beings, n -,..-, -^-jyoi lndrvidual man. We need not ^ 20
us, in the
beyond the precincts of our own republic to that truth. recognize I have now to turn from the Atlantic to the Pacific
region of the United States. In this, considering the recentness of its settlement, our thoughts must be directed,
Chap. IV.]
103
not so
much
what
is
as to
what
therefore,
Such
this point can be said. a sameness of climate as that between the Atlanit is little
that
upon
tic States
The wonderful
p
va-
,-t
ate
many
modifica-
tionsofmen.
here no longer perceived. There are no longer the equally disJ. o tributed heats or the symmetrical rains. On
latitudes of
i
-r
is
ox
/
we have to deal with a region of the most and violent meteorological contrasts of a most abrupt versatile capacity for animal and vegetable life in all their possible modifications. In localities no very great distance apart there are scorching heats and eternal snows, sandy deserts sterile for want of rain, and districts marked by a perpetual humidity. That wonderful region has the
the contrary,
capacity for acclimating all kinds of tropical, subtropical, and temperate forms of both realms, animal and vegetable.
interminable plains and basin-like areas, in its mountain heights and on their rapid inclines, new forms
In
its
of organization will be developed. From such areas in Asia came most of our domesticated animals, our cereals and fruits. In the Pacific region there is an American
Arabia, Persia, Palestine, Tartary. For a million of square miles the aspect of nature is altogether Asiatic, and then, on the coast, it abruptly approximates the European.
contact.
Man
, Asiatic
.
also, in these varied abodes, will undergo modifica, in tion; and since, under like circumstances, kulife
.
'
'
'
America.
man
lla t ure
is
a]
W ays
The
arts of Eastern
life,
Arabia, will
be reproduced in our
sandy
desert,
the love-songs of Persia in the dells and glades of Sonora, and the religious aspirations of Palestine in the similar
scenery of
New
Mexico.
CHAPTER
ON
TIIE
V.
Iu determining the operation of climate on nations, it must be borne in mind that man, to a certain extent, can control natural influences by producing artificial and though climates. This is done by the use of fire, food, clothing, houses, etc. these compensations can never be complete, they tend to produce unity of char;
acter iu civilized
life.
Considered as a mere member of animated nature, man mus t submit to the universal, the imperious control over mate b y man. domination of physical agents but considered as endowed with reason, he exhibits a great, a conspicuous advantage. He can create artificial climates, and
cii;
He
has, there-
fore, within certain limits, a power of antagonizing nature, and of resisting the physical agents that tend to his deFor this he resorts to the use of clothing, to struction.
fire,
He
adapts external conditions to himself, and himself to them, and hence is only slowly modified when other animals
adequately
.
clad, imperfectly
-,
sheltered
,
in
,i
-i
wigwams, knowing nothing management of fire beyond the rude method of kindling a few sticks and exposing themselves to the heat and smoke together, restrained in their migration to a narrow territorial range through incessant tribe warof diet to suit the warmth or fare, using no adaptation
the cold, with difficulty maintained themselves through
their
oi
the
Chap. V.]
^Q5
life
of hardship.
ber down.
world tributary to his purposes, in furnishing him the warmest woven fabrics and furs for winter clothing, and light and cool articles He lives in houses heated by fireplaces, for the summer.
stoves, furnaces, steam, or
many other
contrivances contin-
He
He lays verandas, and apartments skillfully ventilated. all countries under tribute to furnish him articles of food
can abate the heat of summer and moderate the rigors of winter. He can equalize the temperature to which he is exj3osed, and create a new and ficti-
and luxury.
He
tion give him a ready access, as occasion requires, to the cool sea-shore or the mountains, or to the warmth and mild seasons of the South.
In the creation of a fictitious climate, the man of the North has been more successful than the
Contrast between the North and South.
man
,i
,t
temperature of an abode from a low degree it froni one that is In the infancy of high. cold was man's antagonist his more j)erfect humanity, civilization struggles less successfully with heat. It is interesting to observe what an impress this has
than to cool
The man of the North has character. learned that he can resist natural influences destructive to his comfort, or injurious to his well-being. He becomes provident,
self-reliant, active.
of the South, oppressed with the heat that he can not combat, and from which he can not escape, queru-
The man
what he thinks is unavoidable, and can not be overcome. Inactivity is his only refuge. He submits to what he considers to be his fate.
lously resigns himself to
10(3
[Sect.
I.
mean annual
heat
is
much below
much
below that of the body of man. There are but few summer days in which the thermometer rises as high as 95:
hence there ensues a physiological necessity for the development of heat in the system, to keep the temperature up
to its standard point.
"
neces-
sarily engendered must obviously be greater as the externa^ an * s co l ei an(l civilized man meets the controi throu-h selection of fooS.
variable
demand by
Of articles
by undergoing
oxidation in the
amount of heat
system, liberate or engender a less others, such as oils, fats, and animal
Guided, as greater quantity. the inhabitant of a tropical climate say, by instinct, prefers a light and watery diet, finding a grateful repast
meats, produce a
much
we
in vegetable products. He says, what that they are less heating to his system.
is
strictly true,
On
the contra-
He
satisfies his
with more
the Laplander, tallow and train oil, things to the last decree revolting to the West Indian, furnish an acceptable repast. The Esquimaux delights in
by
oxidation.
To
much
food as the various oils degree, such highly heat-yielding and fats must be resorted to. Where, on the contrary,
by reason
of the exterior warmth, as in tropical countries, from the body is less, there is a less de-
mand
and watery
articles of
food, such as
Now it
likes
and
fruits, are preferred. is often said that instinct guides us in these our dislikes, but we find that they depend on a pro-
Char V.]
^Q^
found
We
also see
portance of the study of these things to the philosophical that the habits and mode of life of communihistorian
ties
exposed.
will
One people
by
adjust-
ments in
.
f00([
is
man. Not unfrequently it implies a moral restraint, such as the barbarian is little likely to impose upon himself. However, in the first advances of
pletely
by
civilized
humanity, food-adjustments are often displayed. Thus it was remarked by the early European voyagers that the North American Indians who lived near the Mexican
Gulf were much more disposed to agricultural pursuits than those of Canada. They had gardens in which melons, squashes, and pumpkins were raised, and, though wild animals were very abundant, relied much less on
the chase.
thus availing himself of his perfect control over fire h J changing his clothing to suit the control of doth-
By
seasons
that shelter
f the year by constructing houses him from the weather; by regulating the
;
food he uses, civilized man creates artificial climates for himself, no matter in what part of the world he may happen to be. In this respect he therefore tends to emancipate himself partially from the climate influences that have acted so disastrously on former inhabitants of the
world, and led to their repeated exterminations. The European type of man, introduced on this continent, and obliged to submit to the exposures and mode of life of the Indian, would, in the lapse of time, approach
the Indian complexion, configuration, characteristics. But living, as it does, in a climate artificially created, and sub-
IDs
jci'tod to
[Sect.
I.
that otherwise
parts
would bear
so prejudicially
upon
it, it
de-
truth, its
rection.
The general
is,
that the inhabitants of a country, far and t near, are brought more closely to an average,
-i -i i
or
mean
5\ condition,
/.
perature, particularly of temperatures that are low, are reduced, and men are made more homogeneous, more like
one another.
We
stances under
are less
an approximate sameness in the circumwhich life is carried on is approached men modified than they were when exposed to the
; ;
;
undisturbed natural conditions their race-diversities become less they consequently think and act more nearly
Every passing year brings the population of that continent into a more homogeneous state it tends to diminish physical and intellectual diversities, and prepare
alike.
;
the
way for unity in political institutions. This approximation in corporeal and intellectual concause of the desire dition is the true cause of that passionate
for
politic unity.
many modern
ica, is
longing for po ii t ical unity exhibited by so Unionism, if fought for in Amerpeople. for in Italy and Germany. Statesmen who sighed
justly comprehend the irrepressible nature of national instincts thus rooted in the very constitution of man, know
well that, whatever the political cost or it is .the part of wisdom to gratify them.
I
sacrifice
may
be,
easy, by food, clothing, houses, the management of fire, to raise temperatures that are low than to diminish those that
it is
much more
are high.
suit-
Chap. V.]
mean point is 62. Practically we can more readily ascend from wintry temperatures to that point, than descend to it from the warmth of summer. Hence it comes
able
to pass that, our creation of artificial climates is, for the most part, equivalent to living in a more southerly region.
city of
New York
about 50, that of the city of Washington about 55. There is, therefore, a difference of five degrees in the mean
annual temperature of these two towns
natural conditions are concerned.
that
is,
so far as
in all those classes of society which can command we speak of as the comforts of life, this difference is
what
great-
ly diminished,
York
is
and the mean artificial temperature of New brought more closely to apj)roach the natural
artificial cli-
compen-
mate-compensations are only ,partial; they , can never establish between places that are
-, -,
far apart a true identity and, since such residual variations, no matter how insignificant they may be, make an inevitable impression on the constitution and
;
construction of man, different communities will ever present the spectacle of variously-modified men. must not forget that of the two sexes, considering
We
much
climates.
more influenced by the creation of artificial This arises from their sedentary or domestic
pursuits in the interior of houses as compared with the outdoor life of men. They impress, however, upon their
capable of hereditary transpeculiarities thus imposed upon themselves, though perhaps in a diminished degree. On the whole, the Northern woman is, in civilized life, much more Southchildren
for
effects are
CHAPTER
VI.
CLI-
Since every climate has an answering type of humanity, it is possible to anticipate national character and national action by an identification of a. corresponding
climate-zone, and its historical study. These principles are illustrated by the climate-zone of the Southern States, by the non-existence of the indigenous negro in America, and by the intellectual defi-
fects is
similar causes will always produce similar efmaxim wliicli holds good as perfectly in physiology as in the purely physical sciences.
That
Man is
e
a plastic organism.
chang-
iJ t7pe
ing influences to which he is exposed. Like df humanclay in the hand of the potter, he may be
modeled
into
many
different
but
suc-
cessive portions of clay forced into the yield casts that are all alike.
So
An
intruder placed under such influences forthwith commences to undergo a corresponding modeling, which, though race-peculiarities may retard, does not cease until
the proper type is assumed. With the assumption of that typical form come habWith a its and interests that pertain to it.
And
each type
its
special
mode
of
thought.
1*1
The a disposition for a determinate course of thought. of man will always gather a tincture from the thoughts
circumstances and scenery amid which he
lives.
Chap. VI.]
POLITICAL FOREKNOWLEDGE.
be two localities in which the aspect of nature other physical influences are precisely alike, we may be sure that there will be a close correspondence in the habits and thoughts of their inhabitants.
If there
all
and
Hence
liticai
political
-.
-.
foreknowledge is based upon a study of nature. If we wish to ascertain the prob.. ... n ., able action oi a erven existing community,
.
seek for some former community which has been placed under similar natural conditious.
Its life will
we must
foreshadow the
life
of that in which
we
are
taking an
interest.
however, expect to find conditions of abwe can only detect an approximation. Yet from the recognition of such an approximation the most valuable suggestions may be extracted. The doings of the past, but analogous or parallel community, will be to us prophetic. Hereafter it will be one of the most interesting; and
not,
;
We
must
solute identity
at best
valuable studies of the American statesman to determine in the Old World the counterparts of proposed geo-
New. His expectations will be guided by their history, and in this manner will history most truly discharge its proper function, and be phigraphical localities in the
Some
in the
by
writers
on meteorology between certain localities in North America and others in the Old World. World. Thus the Atlantic region in many important respects corresponds to China, the Gulf of California to
New and oid
Red Sea, Sonora to Persia, the Great Basin to the basin of the Caspian, the Sandy Desert to Arabia, New Mexico to Palestine, British America on the north to the plains of Siberia and European Russia, the Prairie region to Moldavia and Wallachia.
the
Chap. VI.]
H3
other hand, there are very important differences between the west coast of America and the west coast of
On the
Europe. The Gulf Stream, crossing the Atlantic, carries with it the heat of the torrid zone, raising the temperature
Western Europe. But body of cold water, On the Pacific, the temperature down. which keeps therefore, Norway, England, and Spain are represented on a narrow strip, but there is nothing that answers to
and giving humidity to
all
France.
It is not,
a basis
is
to
however, from such general resemblances that be obtained for political reasoning, we must
;
follow the surer guide of isothermal zones. Imperfect as our knowledge of them is, it nevertheless will yield us
Let it be proposed, for example, to inquire what will be the probable character of a European population placed on the Atlantic border, and destined to develop
itself
westwardly along a special climate-zone bounded on the north by the July isothermal line of 77, and on
the south
First
Illustration
by
that of 84.
we
shall
,
have to ascertain in what part of the Old World the same isothermal zone occurs;
have to learn from history the character and acts of the nations who have
shall
.
then
we
,, ,
,,
*i
In such an investigation we are guided by the summer isothermals rather than the winter, because, as has been
shown
in
of artificial climates
raise the winter
by
mer.
temperature than to diminish the sumPractically, man is compelled to submit unresistfor consideration
ingly to the
114
to track in the oia
world.
[Sect.
I.
States.
At
once
of the map, page 112, that their summer climate zone does not occur upon the Continent of Europe. It follows the
made memorable
Entering Asia, it passes Carthage and Alexandria. the Holy Land, leaving Palmyra on its northern through It crosses the Tigris and Euphrates, enveloping verge. Nineveh and Babylon, and makes its way through Central Persia, Ispahan being about its midst. Eastward, beyond Afghanistan, it encounters the Himalaya Mount'
ains.
climate zone on the face of the earth has produced character of its greater men, or more profoundly affected the
population.
No
course of
;
human
affairs.
Among
;
soldiers, it
has Hannibal
among philosophers, Euclid among astronomers, Ptolemy. Persia is a land of poets. Jerusalem, the holiest of
cities, is
Car-
thage disputed with Pome the empire of the world. If there be a geographical band, the inhabitants of which have completely delivered down their annals to succeeding generations, a band that deserves the
torical, this is
it.
title
of the His-
So vast
is
it is
impossible for me to consider all this zone. n l ii i' 1 shall, therefore, select the portion nearest
xiiiii
to us
limit-
ing my remarks to the most westerly portion of it. Into this strip of land, bounded by the Mediterranean Sea above, by the desert of Sahara below, and backed by
that classic range of mountains, the Atlas
vines,
of
at difintro-
duced.
In
its earlier
received
Chap. VI.]
^5
It has been the Carthaginians. emigrants from Asia held in subjection by Romans, Goths, Vandals, Byzantines, Saracens.
inquire whether in such an enervating climate the lassitude of summer, by inducing an in-.. ... .. Its military ren Vi? J 1* sources and histor- disposition tor active lite, destroys all menIf
we
j.
"II
we
shall quickly
find an emphatic answer. The Roman generals could not conceal their astonishment at the surprising military re-
sources of Carthage.
On
It
one occasion
it
surrendered to
suits of armor,
it could bring into the field ships and 3000 transports armies of 300,000 men. It made repeated invasions of From that country in subjection. Sicily, and held Spain it drew great supplies of silver, and mercenaries to recruit its forces. Though the sword and fire might be passed over North Africa in complete and ruinous subjugation, its Roman conquerors were amazed at the rapidity with Driven to extremity, the which it could be rearmed.
of domestic implements;
the
Its milhair for bow-strings. the final storming of Carthage, itary virtues were seen at
conquered street by
street
and house
by house. The testimony to its military prowess borne by the Romans is repeated by the Byzantines. In the camthat five millions of its paigns of Belisarius, it is declared inhabitants perished. That testimony could, in our own After more than thirtimes, be sustained by the French.
ty years, the conquest of Algeria is not finished. Then it matters not whether a Syrian, a Roman, a Goth, or an Arab be put on that zone, he will not be enervated
by
nor will his military virtues decline. Nay, more, even the women will rival, perhaps exceed
it,
HQ
character of
its
[Sect.I.
They come
to ma-
age than their sisters Their passions rise higher than love. When Asdrubal, in the extremity of despair, submitted to the Romans, his wife appeared on the roof
turity
earlier
women.
an
who
of the burning temple of Esculapius, and, upbraiding him with bitter taunts for his surrender, threw herself head-
long into the flames. It was in this zone, though far in the east, that Zenobia, the Palmyrean queen, resisted the Emperor Aurelian on the banks of the Euphrates, the
;
fleeing
by the light-horse of Rome in this, her exemplar Cleopatra, the Egyptian daughter of the Macedonian kings, was bitten by an asp, brought to her in a
basket of flowers, to escape being led in the triumph of her conqueror. Among races of such a hot temperament war assumes
its
beauty was
most
pitiless aspect.
thaginians and their mercenary or slave troops, so dreadful were the cruelties committed that foreign nations were
The Greeks gave it an immortality of infamy " A behavior to pns- by denouncing it as The Inexpiable War." tr Its
appalled.
.
.
.
oners of war.
death.
Prisoners taken on the field were put to Some were crucified others thrown to the wild
;
JO
away from
beasts
in one
cold blood.
day 40,000 captives were massacred in The lapse of ages does not modify the cli-
mate-engendered passions of man. In that country, and in our own time, French officers, exasperated to retaliation, have suffocated their fugitive enemy by fires at the
mouths of
caves.
But, turning
It
and confessing that the history of this zone .-... ii^j_* j pjIj noindicates a detective appreciation 01 that x x
.
human
life.
if
we
ble sentiment, the sacredness of human lite, proceed to inquire what has been its influence on
_. -
Chap. VI.]
117
have a more acceptable and gratifying task. Modern Europe is under the deepOur form of Christianity came not est obligation to it. from Constantinople, not from Asia Minor, not even from Rome. We owe it to African ecclesiastics, to Athanasius
the intellectual faculties,
shall
we
the Alexandrian, and Augustine the Carthaginian. When, after the Mohammedan conquest of the North
its
intellectual at-
tamments.
African shore, polygamy had done its work, e hybrid mixture of Roman, Goth, and auci
so thoroughly extinguished by amalgamation with the Saracen that, as the emir of the province informed the khalif, the tribute had ceased, since all the children were speaking the Arabic tongue, a new ethniThree or four centucal element had been introduced.
brought that new people into harmony with surrounding nature, and manifested the influence of this zone on the intellectual powers. Through a line of academies and colleges reaching from Bagdad to Spain, Physical Science and Industrial Art were conveyed to Europe from the East. The country was a pathway of learning. Great writers on Theology, Law, Mathematics, Astronomy, and all the highest branches of human knowledge abounded. In my History of the Intellectual Development of Europe I have considered these facts in detail. There were problems solved by these Africans in the twelfth century for which Europe was not ready until five hundred years As an illustration, I have reviewed the optical later. works of Alhazen, who explained the true theory of vision, determined the use of the retina, the nature of sinHe traced the course of a ray gle sight with two eyes.
ries
ascertained
the
cause of the twilight, and of the appearance of the horiHe determined that the atmoszontal sun and moon.
limit,
and assigned
58^
113
miles
[Sect.
I.
an
In Alhazen's
time there
in all
Christendom
who
could
read with understanding these things. Then there is nothing in this zone incompatible with an exercise of the highest intellectual powers; on the
contrary,
when opportunity
favors,
much may be
done.
Undoubtedly the rapidity with which the Tyrian emigrants in the old days, and the Arabian conquerors of a
came into harmony with this climate, was due had to encounter the former were denizens of the same zone, the latter came from
later time,
one only a
little
But
favored
by Nature, there is an ominous warning. Though Carthage had a negro slave-trade, it never
amounted
to
-
much.
The
slave system.
disposed ot
m
.
Europe rather
The curiosity than for the services they could render. Roman war system and slave system provided for labor in another way. For many centuries North Africa received its supply of immigrants from Europe, at first voluntarily, but eventually under the form of a slave-trade. In the time of Charlemagne so much scandal had arisen from this commerce that he was constrained to interfere. "When the Italian dukes accused Pope Adrian of selling
his vassals as slaves to the Saracens,
Charlemagne had
the matter investigated, and, finding that transactions of the kind had occurred in the port of Civita Vecchia, he
ever after withdrew his countenance from that pope. At that time a very extensive child slave-trade was carried on with the Saracens through the medium of Jewish
traders.
Ecclesiastics, as well as barons, sold the
serfs.
chil-
dren of their
As Europe advanced in intelligence this supply ceased as a matter of peaceable merchandise, but the Barbary
Chap. VI.]
NEGRO SLAVERY
IN MOROCCO.
^^9
corsairs continued to satisfy the demand by the captures they made at sea. The advancing maritime power of
source.
As
long
as this forced immigration lasted, the resulting contamination was insignificant ; but, as the labor-necessities of
the country were imperative, the African slave-trade was reopened, and negroes were brought from Guinea. The of Morocco should be studied by all Negro slavery in history
who
Southern States
fairs.
:
af-
The higher
In the Nile garden of the emperor luxury was carried to its last extreme. The tables were spread with
tion.
costly delicacies; in the harems the mattresses were stuffed with roses. The menial offices of the community
demanded a
were
to
slave supply.
interior
at first introduced as laborers, but soon contending competitors for sovereign power found it to their interest
employ them
effective
as troops.
soldiers.
made
their strength, they became at last mutinous in their demands for plenty of pay and plunder. They gained power in the government. Whole colonies of them were now introduced towns were built for them, lands assigned.
;
They
mortal readily adopted the Mohammedan faith. adulteration set in through concubinage with the negro
women.
quote the following sentence from my work on " It is the Future Civil Policy of America The impolicy of , , biood-contamiuanot consistent with the prosperity ot a nation to permit heterogeneous mixtures of races that are physiologically far apart. Their inferior becomes a dead weight on the body politic. If product
I
may
Italy was for a thousand years after the extinction of the true Roman race a scene of anarchy, its hybrid inhabit-
[Slct.
I.
from
its
degradation, liow
When
this
thus
we
see, in
is
we may
sus-
pect a contamination with vile blood, or a forced dej)ression through the tyranny of a military power.
From
eu
history, therefore,
we
tracing our Southern States is congenial to the development of very high qualities in man. The annals of various races who have been brought upon it during more than twenty-five hundred years confirm that conclusion. It has been the scene of the grandest miliof the noblest intellectual attaintary achievements When they are under no excitement, its inhabitments.
ants listlessly submit to the heat, declining whatever exertions they can avoid, doing nothing for themselves that
we proposed
for consideration
zone em-
may be done
for
them by
another.
Hence
upon
it
it
has ever
Society
tends spon-
taneously to decomposition into a grade that seeks to command, and a grade that is compelled to obey. In the
higher caste, under a deceptive listlessness, violent emotions are concealed; an imperious spirit is engendered that brooks no control, and will be satisfied with nothing
but mastery. In one respect particularly does this zone, however, show inferiority in the artistic perception of the beautiful. All along its track, from the Atlantic Ocean eastward to the banks of the Indus, are to be seen grand architectural remains some like the Egyptian Pyramids eternal rains. But it was reserved for the na-
Not
tions of a colder clime to excel in sculpture and painting. not in Carthage, or Tyre, or in Egypt or Palmyra
Assyria, but in Greece and Italy, could the chisel and the
pencil express
by
their
work
living men.
The zone we
Chap. VI.]
IN AMERICA. ^21
have considered appreciates with justice the good and th$ true, but not the beautiful.
the foregoing illustration, the Southern Atlantic States in
To
World,
course across the Old add some remarks remay, perhaps, profitably
specting the distribution of the negro race. To what cause shall we impute the natural absence of
Cause of the abn"
...
.
If he
be only
/
ouTnegroeffn
a modified
all
manmodified
is he not met with indigAmerica ? The principles I have been explaining give us at once a singular and a satisfactory answer. If we leave the African Mediterranean shore, and advance to the south, we pass through bands of population
climates
why
in the hottest of
enously in
sensibly becoming darker, save when a disturbance arises by reason of the topographical elevation. On the north
of the equator, the negro land is not reached until we are within 25 of latitude. The true negro occupies a zone
crossing through the
Track of the
continent west
and
east.
The
warmth
equator.
equator, which, however, does not comc i ci e w itk the geographical equator, marks
warmth
maximum development. The warmth equator, as seen on map, page 112, enters Africa along the coast of the Gulf of Guinea; then, rising to about 15, it crosses the
out his
continent, escaping from its eastern promontory at Cape Guardafui; it intersects the most southerly portions of
Hindostan
it
passes
re-
through the midst of the Eastern Archipelago, and, turning through America, traverses our continent at narrowest point, the Isthmus of Panama.
its
this line,
and
des-
ignated as negro land, it will be found that the negro characteristics of its inhabitants are not in all parts devel-
1L
>0
[Slct.
I.
oped
equal intensity.
The maximum
is
in the
Guinea
Bcteristicaofthe
countries; and thence, across the continent to the east,the physiognomy imrn'oves. The
continent; it is continued through the Indian into the Pacific Ocean, north and ,1 , ^ .p south ot the equator or warmth, a zone of several degrees. Sumatra, Borneo, Cele,
.
m
.
New Guinea, and part of Australia, lie in this zone. In these various countries one or more of the characterbes,
above mentioned predominate. Of some of their people the hair is not woolly of some, the lips are thin and the nose projecting of some, the form of the skull inistics
;
West African
tribes
may
of the Pacific present, in their general appearance, so striking a negro aspect, that they have by all travelers been
classed with that tribe.
pier,
Of one
of these nations,
Dam-
New-Guinea
The
sionoftheMedi-
of Sahara, and its contraction within its pres-.. ,, i i i i i ent boundaries, had doubtless much to do with the possibility of negro life. It at the
-i
-i
glaciers of Europe, raising by the temperature of that continent, and renmany degrees dered more intense the mean heat of the interior of AfThat continent has experienced changes of level of rica.
a character analogous to those described in Chapter II. The date of these movements as occurring in America.
is recent, ge'ologically
speaking, though long anterior to the appearance of man. Had the Mediterranean retained its old boundaries, the negro type of man would have never been brought into existence.
Chap. VI.]
123
Now, if we observe
warmth equator
in
in America,
the position of the warmth equator it crosses our continent near the
Isthmus of Panama, where the land is not more than fifty-one miles wide but its range through Central Africa is more than 4000 miles. The great Arabian and Jewish physicians of the Middie Ages, who, from their residence, were , O Metamorphosis of the negro. thoroughly familiar with the African tribes, and who, rejecting the suggestion of Herodotus that men were created at different times, received it as an incontrovertible fact that all human beings were descended from one original pair. They imputed varieties of complexion altogether to climate, and affirmed that the white man, exposed in Africa for five or six hundred years, would assume the negro aspect. They held that the converse change from blackness to paleness occurred very much more slowly. In my work on Physiology I have shown how darkness of complexion is connected with the action of the liver, and that the secretion of black pigment into the cells of the skin takes place under the influence of a
;
.
.
'
high temperature and moisture. The conditions for the production of the negro did not exist- in America. There was no topographical expansion sufficient at Panama.
The construction
of Central
;
America
is
the converse of
replace the sands of Sahara and the pestilential everIn Africa the winter isothermal line glades of Soudan.
Limns
of negro
life
in America.
of 55 marks out the true "boundary of negro jy^ In America that line skirts the south-
ern edge of the Gulf States. It is plain, then, that, were it not for the artificial climate created by civilization, the
negro would be an exotic in all the domain of the republic except in the southern verge of Texas and Louisiana, and in the peninsula of Florida.
124
I
41.
[Sect.
I.
complexion, constitution, habits, and of man, and of the prophetic indications we thoughts may gather from a conjoint study of nature and history,
climate
suffice.
What
is
sphere no great
man
on map, page
i
'
isphere.
112, passing through , what are known in T, n America as the Border fetates, leaves our coast near the mouth of Chesapeake Bay.
.
In
path across the Atlantic it is pushed upward by the Gulf Stream through nearly thirty degrees of latiits
tude.
it
descends in a south-
easterly direction, separating the Protestant and Catholic As it pursues portions of Ireland from one another.
Track
itS
oftjHMvinter
Oil Olie
side
Spain, Southern France, Sardinia, Sicily, Italy, Greece; on the other, Scotland, England, Northeastern France, Belgium, Holland, Switzerland, Germany. So far, therefore, as the Continent of Europe is concerned, it separates the countries of intellectual activity from those of
Leaving Europe at Constantinople, the capital of Persia, and in the far East passes through It may therefore be regardbisects the Chinese Empire.
intellectual repose.
it
ed as the axis of a zone a few degrees wide, irpon which, in Europe and Asia, all great men have appeared. Now, though in the southern hemisphere the seasons are reversed, our January isothermal being it is a sea-iine in the South. replaced by theirs of July, yet such is the continental configuration that the line on which we should
expect the highest human development is substantially a sea-line. The greater land surface of the northern hemisphere
gives to
it
It carries the
warmth
equa-
Chap. VI.]
IOj
tor north of the terrestrial equator, and completely disturbs the geographical order of climates.
de-
p n 10
the nort he
ispbere.
hem-
] f.]ie gava g e state. So long the cares of life, and has to mainas he is oppressed with tain a combat with the austerities of a winter climate, or
man
can
^ ge a ;)0ve
compelled to yield unresistingly to the fervor of tropical heats, his life is necessarily animal, not intellectual. He differs in these particulars in no respect from the plants of which we have spoken on a former page (88). As with them, his zone of best development has a hot
is
and cold side, beyond neither of which can he transgress with impunity. Though -it can not be said that the southern hemisphere has ever yet produced a man who Effect of riinless has left his impress on the human race, or regions illustrated x by Egypt and Peru. permanently affected its history, it must not be forgotten that the germs of civilization had taken deep root in Peru. Local circumstances, in many respects like
those that produced the same result in ancient Egypt, were here undoubtedly the auspicious agents; among which may particularly be mentioned the rainless condition of an important portion of both countries. As I have shown in my work on the Intellectual Development of Europe, that rainless condition indirectly induced certainty in agriculture, thereby giving to man a remission from the cares of the future, an opportunity of turning
from the low gratification of animal instincts to the improvement of his mind.
SECTION
II.
CHAPTER
VII.
French colonization failed both in its industrial and religious aspects. Its chief results were the geographical exploration of the St. Lawrence and Mississippi ValIt made no impression on the character of Indian life, which was based on leys.
the state-rights principle.
It
merged eventually
in English colonization.
In the Introductory Chapter it has been remarked that the scientific treatment of historical problems requires the
consideration of
two things
the foregoing pages I have completed what, perhaps, necessary for the present purpose on the first of these topics, and now, turning to the second, am brought
is
On
more particularly to the special portion of my work. In this I do not propose to enter on the details of American history, but only to contemplate its most expressive features, making such a selection of well-known facts as seem to be best adapted to the purpose of afford-
life.
The
colonization of
Chap. VII.]
COLONIZATION OF AMERICA.
127
been conducted by three western European nations, Spain, France, England. For though , ~ , , , , Spain, France, and England, colonize others, such as feweden, bv its settlements on North America. * i -r\ i i the Delaware, and Holland, by its establishments in New York, participated in the movement, the
as having
.
share taken
by them was
partly through ecclesiastical discipline, was excluded from these adventures by accident, because she gained rights
South America through the discovery of Brazil by her navigator Cabral, who, in an attempt to double the Cape of Good Hope, had been brought by storms upon that coast eight years after the first voyage of Columbus by
in
;
consequence of the bull of Pope Alexander VI. (1493), the then line of no magnetic variation was established as a geographical boundecclesiastical discipline, because, in
ary between Spain and Portugal, and the latter country satisfied her enterprise by doubling the South African Cape to seek the wealth of India.
The development
The effect of ocean navigation on europe.
.
mercial system 01 Europe, and transferred J 1 t mercantile activity from Upper Italy to those
'
pp
'L
upon the
Atlantic.
This epoch
by the important circumstance that commerce displaced ecclesiasticism as the chief civilizing
also distinguished
agent.
But
if in this
opening the ocean acted as a cause, it was itself the consequence of a gradual progress of ideas incident to the
general intellectual development of Europe. In the colonization of America Italy took no part, though the discoverer of the continent was a Genoese by
birth.
by
The
lines of trade
estab-
by
12$
.
SPANISH COLONIZATION.
.
[Sect.
II.
She found it impossible Q slllTen J e r them, and never made any attempt to accommodate herself to the great mercantile revolution transpiring.
1)t
,
, iiu
(il
llu
men of iuiy.
Our
;
subject, therefore,
1st.
consideration:
The
now
South 2d. The settlement of the French at the North, and their movements in the Mississippi Valley 3d. The
;
by the
English.
Though
the last proved to be the most important by nearly eliminating both the others, it is nevertheless necessary to
give attention to them. First. Of the settlement
at the South.
and
Columbus died in the belief that the lands he had discovered were a part of Asia. Many years elapsed before their true geographical relation was determined, and the vast distance across the Pacific Ocean appreciated. Meantime there were incessant attempts to find a break through the rocky range that chains North and South
America to one another, to discover some strait or some river through which a passage might be 6 made into the Great South Sea. That sea spauiardfinthe Mexican seas. had been discovered by Balboa. Wading in it up to his knees, with his sword in one hand and the Spanish flag in the other, he had claimed it for Castile. These attempts eventually furnished a knowledge of the coast-line of the Mexican Gulf, and of the beautiful islands
it incloses.
Attempts
Persisting until they gained their object, the Spaniards at len g tla Mde1, Magellan, in that greatest of the
>
ggpfl^ found a passage to Asia through the strait that still bears his name. Emulating this splendid example, the English, less fortunate, under Cabot,
first
circumnavigation of
Chap. VII.]
DISCOVERY OF FLORIDA.
129
Hudson, Frobisher, and other navigators, fruitlessly tried to force their ships through the arctic ice. sea-way to India was hoped for in spite of all disappointments. En-
couragement was found in even the most trifling incidents. Thus, when the little Chickakonriny, that descends through its swampy bed to James River from the
northwest
it
was held
to
be beyond
all
terious passage.
The Mexican
palmy
isles,
archipelago, with its emerald shores and traversed and ransacked in every direction,
Spain, from her central position in Cuba, commenced an exploration and attempted a colonization of Florida, disDiscovery of the peninsula of Fior-
by Ponce .,.,..
chanting islands of the Gulf, presents a shore Deceived by its insidichiefly composed of coral sand. ous beauty, and ignorant of the pestiferous miasms en-
gendered in its gloomy everglades, the first-comers spread abroad a rumor of its wonderful salubrity. They affirmed that they had conversed with savages who had allegend was floating ready lived many centuries. the Caribbee Indians that in this fairy land there among
Was a
fountain, of
which whoever
tasted, his
youth was
forthwith renewed.
therefore, led to the first Spanish attempt at The unsuccessful settlecolonization of the main land.
Romance,
ment of Ponce de Leon was succeeded by the exploring expedition of Narvaez. But legends of the elixir of life,
the waters of oblivion, the land of immortality, were soon followed by realities of crime. As early as 1520 the
Spaniards made voyages to the coast of South Carolina for the purpose of stealing Indians for slaves. o Slave expeditions of the Spaniards. Their atrocious proceedings in the islands
11
I. I
130
[Sect.
II.
were already exterminating the native population. The expedition of Ferdinand de Soto, undertaken in 1539, though partly for exploration, was also partly to secure a supply of slaves. Conducted by men who had been in
the army of Pizarro at the conquest of Peru, and who were therefore familiar with every kind of brutality, it
it bloodhounds and chains. Without any and as a warning to his comrades, the captive remorse, who resisted or tried to escape was killed on the spot aucl thrown to the dogs. De Soto traversed The expedition of
carried with
explored his
then, directing his course to the northwest, it has been affirmed that he crossed the Mississippi above the mouth
of the Arkansas
finding gold,
ests
and and marshes, he retraced his steps in despair, and, dying of fever, was buried in the waters of the great river.
object of the Spaniards in these operations on the Gulf coast was to obtain the precious met . Ascertainment
by
-.
The
als.
^ Colonization was
-.*
.
-.
quite a secondary x J
.
ai-
America.
fair
j_
conveyed away the stock previously collected by Indian curiosity or industry. They became satisfied at length that the rich mineral regions were not on the north, but on the west of the Gulf, and commenced working the Mexican mines. Remorseless exactions of labor, unparalleled in cruelty since the time Their cruelties ex-r i *i haust the labor when Koine carried on similar operations
i
Spain by slaves, soon created a demand for Every creek and river, as far as the coast of
slave-captains for a
Meantime some
to establish themselves
Chap. VII.]
^3^
counter operations on the part of Spain. The ,1 i 1 t Jb rench s;ave to the countries on the north
-r>
<
, ,
name
of Carolina, in
honor of their king, Charles IX. The Spaniards, under Menendez, who had collected 2500 emigrants and some African slaves, founded St. Augustine, the oldest town in the United States. Collisions, provoked partly by religious animosities and partly by acts of piracy committed by the French, soon ensued. The Spaniards massacred their antagonists, not as Frenchmen, but as Calvinists the French retaliated without mercy. But it was found
;
that the military possession of Cuba was decisive of the strife, and in the end Spain was left in undisturbed possession of the country. Already the atrocious destruction of Indian life
Commencement of the African slave-
and
the consequent
-,
demand
-r\
for
leading Western Hiurope into a great crime, the African slave-trade. In the transactions
coast, just referred to, the
-,
-,
Tr
on the Florida
English slave-
Menendez himself
had undertaken to import for his colony at St. Augustine five hundred African slaves. The foundations of that town were laid by negro hands. Spanish colonization of the domain of the republic is,
Commercial
ish
influ-
t-i
enceofthespanmovements.
portauce. x
. ,
rohticallv
*'*
,
it
niav be considered
/
-i
as insignificant. Very different, however, was with the Spanish subjugation of Mexico. It produced a powerful impression on both worlds, the Old and the New. In the latter it destroyed Indian civilization, and went far to exterminate Indian life. In. the former it profoundly affected the entire commercial system. Adam Smith, in his Wealth of Nations, shows that the value of silver had remained stationary for long previously to the middle of the fourteenth century, but that
it
132 DISTURBANCE
Sudden Increase
In
IN
[Sec.
II.
^eflfteenthS-
sixrise.
Its purchasing power, as measured by the of wheat, fully doubled. This enhancement conprice tinued until about 1570. Several causes were probably
concerned in producing it. The extensive commerce of Upper Italy with Asiatic countries occasioned an unceasit
As far back as the times of the first Caesars had been recognized that the silver of Europe steadily found its way to India. Moreover, the interior commercial activity which was beginning to pervade all Europe required a large amount of coin. But the same author shows that in the next seventy
ing drain.
It is
decline,
years (1 570-1 G40) a very important change p t Hie value or silver declined to occurred.
-.
rj-,,
-,
it
about one third or one fourth, the minimum There can be no doubt that beino; reached about 1G3G. this was due to the large supplies furnished by the North and South American mines. From that time there was ~ A second nse then ao-ain witnessed another rise, which continued
.
.
..
3*^:
>
well marked throughout the following century. These conclusions, though for the most
is
part deduced from English history, hold good, there reason to suppose, for Europe generally.
The American
The
relative value of silver and gold
.
yield of silver was at this time greater than that of gold. Before the discovery of i n i i n -i i America the value 01 tine erold to tine silver
r>
was regulated
rope in the proportion of one to ten or twelve. Gradually the proportion changed, and in the seventeenth century it was as one to fifteen. The relative value of silver
was
therefore decreasing.
The annual
imj^ortations of
Spain and Portugal were in the middle of the last century somewhat over a million of pounds weight of gold it was about fifty thousand pounds weight. Howsilver into
;
Chap. VII.]
^33
of
theAm eric an
mines
be remarked that data have not yet been adduced for the determination of these estimates with certainty. Humboldt supposes that from the conquest of Mexico in 1521
until 1803, the total value of the silver thus produced was about two thousand millions of dollars, but this is
probably an under estimate. These oscillations in the relative value of silver and ffold still continue. It has been affirmed Present oscilla.
...
^luVo/goidand
that California and Australia yielded more gold in ten years than all the rest of the
is,
in 356 years. The efhas been to change, gold production in many countries, the relation of the two metals. Thus, in France, up to 1850, gold was merchandise and silver
currency then gold became currency and silver merchanIn Holland, Belgium, Sj3ain, gold has been demondise. etized. Probably another reversal of the relative posi;
tion of the
will shortly occur, when the great silver deposits of the United States are vigorously worked. The silver mines of Mexico, which had given an an-
two metals
view of the conditions under which a large portion of the national debt, occasioned by the civil war, was contracted.
On
Indian population
g Kime ofCOTtez-
Spanish colonization of Florida, the centre of mineral wealth was Mexico. There, also, was
J'
the centre of population. Through the plains of Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, De Soto sought vainly for gold. There is reason to believe that
the Indian population of Mexico,
when
Cortez invaded
it,
134
[Sect. II.
But Mr. Bansame epoch, the Indian population of the Atlantic region, from the Gulf of Mexico to the These wanSt. Lawrence, did not exceed 180,000 souls. was not
than ten millions of souls.
croft estimates that, at the
dering tribes, therefore, constituted a very insignificant portion of the Indian life, of the continent, of which the vast expanse might almost be considered as an uninhabit-
ed solitude.
..
human
self.
antj seriously diminished those of Mexico itsoon became apparent that the Atlantic and Gulf It
made
to
Such
slave expeditions as those of Cortereal upon the coast, or of De Soto through the heart of the country, were practically of
no value.
Under
The s anish
these circumstances, the Spanish government perceived that this wasteful expenditure of boy
perhaps its action was hastened by finding that the conscience of Christendom was shocked at the horrible atrocity that
towgnSBSanoc
;
^e must be stopped
had been perpetrated. When Las Casas accused his " countrymen before the tribunal of the universe" of having destroyed fifteen millions of Indians by their avarice and tyranny, no one denied the charge. Urged thus partly by moral considerations and partly compelled as a matter of policy, that government attempted the organization
of Indian labor.
all
In Mexico, under
free.
inals
and debtors, might become slaves but so mild was the system that the slave himself might hold property nay, more, he might even be the owner of slaves. The plan adopted by the court of Madrid was this and its consequences, ought to be attentively studied (it,
;
by
all interested in
Chap. VII.]
135
:
The system
gnrated, and
inauits
tion of negro labor in the Southern States) m-, T -,. p Ine Indians were converted into serfs, and
.
-,
-,
They permanently attached to the soil. were arranged on estates (encomiendas), and forbidden to work for themselves their labor must be for the SpanFor this each Indian was entiiards (conquistadores). tled to maintenance and wages, amounting to about twenThe tribes were divided into ty-five dollars per annum. sections, of which some contained as many as one hundred families. These sections were assigned to Spaniards. Under this system mining operations exhibited no development in fact, many of the best veins were aban;
;
doned.
to fall
by degrees
into a shift-
on in the haciendas or farms. Industry declined. No more work was done than was absolutely necessary. The master and the peon were equal-
But such is the influence that the possession of ly lazy. slaves exerts on those who have once owned them that
great difficulties were encountered in enforcing the regThe slave-master could not reconcile himself ulations.
to the
cost
him
nothing he could not bring himself to consider his slave as a free or even freed man he was reluctant to surrender his accustomed idea, that between himself and his laborer there was no power, no judge but God. Individu-
by combinations, clandestine acts of injustice were The Indian was cheated out of continually perpetrated.
ally or
his wages,
The
and too often treated with brutal violence. tribunals, under instructions from Madrid, generally acted with impartiality, but the intention of the government was thwarted.
the conquistadores in all directions became extinct, and the encomiendas fell into confusion. The viceroys and provincial councils (audiencias) did what they could to protect the Indians, who were hated
life
In such a lazy
130
[Sect. II.
and despised by the Spaniards. Even up to the time that Spanish dominion in Mexico was overthrown, these sentiments lost none of their force the European Spaniard was determined to keep both the Indian and the Cre" no native Amerole in subjection. It was asserted that
;
there
government so long as
Mancha
or a cobbler in
Second. Of the settlement of the French at the North, and their movements in the Mississippi Valley. The codfish, annually migrating from the Polar Seas,
swarms
The Newfoundland
fishery
in incredible
/
French to America.
Mugs the
or
-vr
n l .Newfoundland.
It
seeks
j/i
those shoals
it
partly for the sake of the abundant food they furnish, and partly to avoid the hot waters of the Gulf Stream, a current it dares not cross.
In less than a century after the discovery of America, the Banks were frequented by Western Europeans in pursuit of this fish. So common an affair had an Atlantic
passage become, that there were men in this occupation who had made the voyage forty times.
through golden sands, allured Spain to attempt the coloLess romantic and less splendid, but nization of Florida.
more important in its results, the cod-fishery of Newfoundland led France to the settlement of Canada, and to the exploration of the River Mississipjji to its outlet in the Gulf of Mexico. French missionaries accompanied French mariners in
far
Fempt^of catholic
r e
these transatlantic voyages to the fishingbanks. Tlie Isle of Sable, a desolate speck
in the
North
Atlantic, afforded a
first foot-
What
a contrast
between
its
Chap. VII.]
DISCOVERY OF THE
MISSISSIPPI.
I37
archi-
scapes that
in the
West Indian
pelago
.
The Catholic authorities at the French court soon found _ _ that the Franciscan brethren who, under the The French
je s Sfmis S k)na-
of Charnplain, the governor of Canada, had commenced their labor of love in seeking converts among the savages, and had already in part explored the Valley of the St. Lawrence, might be
protection
gov0Ut
'
advantageously replaced by Jesuits. Missionaries of that order speedily pushed their way into the country of the
what recommended
Christendom.
itself to
Catholic Europe as a
Huron
Passing thence to the northwest, they explored the vicinity of Lake Michigan. This was in 1638. Three years later, Father Raymbault, in a birch-bark caThe jesuitsexpiore
the Great Lakes,
? kis
e > reached Sault St. Mary, eventually losing life in the cause. Many of his comrades
were murdered by the Mohawks, some being scalped and tortured, some burned to death in a rosin fire, some scalded with boiling water. As fast as one missionary fell,
another stepped into his place. More fortunate than his brethren, Father Allouez, passing by the Pictured Rocks, gained the westThev discover and prepare to explore ern shore of Lake Superior. From some lithe
Mississippi.
linois
sion,
...
Indians
to his mis-
They
two
the Missepi.
About midsummer,
other Frenchmen and
on their backs, crossed over the ridge that divides the waters which flow into the Atlantic from those that descend into the Great Valley. Embarking on the Wisconsin, they followed its stream, and struck the Mississippi at Prairie du Chien. Landing from time to time, they explored the eastern edge of Iowa, and preached the Gospel
13,S
[Sect.
II.
They passed the confluence of the Pekitanoik'\ known now by the less beautiful name of Missouri. The country was full of buffaloes. They descended past the mouth of the Ohio, and traced the great river in its
in Illinois.
southerly course for about eleven hundred miles until they reached the Arkansas. This was the limit of their
exploration.
had been
coSse^fffiofl-
Salle, who had been opened by religion. in a Jesuit seminary, but who brought up
La
as
a fur-trader, resolved to complete the discoveries of MarAt that quette, and trace the Mississippi to its outlet. time the course of the river was very doubtful some affirmed that it flowed westwardly into the Gulf of Cali;
fornia
some that
its
its
course
was
and others, with Marthat it flowed to the south, and emptied into the quette, Gulf of Mexico. In any event, its exploration was of the utmost value to commerce. If it opened into the Pacific, the problem of a passage to Asia was solved if into the
some that
outlet
in Florida
;
was
Atlantic or Gulf, the northern canoe transportation, so difficult and so tedious, was exchanged for an easy sea
voyage, and the heart of the American continent thrown open to trade. La Salle made his way down the Illinois
in 1682, descending the Mississippi at that time called Del Espiritu Santo, and also the Colbert to the Gulf of
claimed the territory through which he Mexico. passed for France, and called it, after her monarch, Louisiana. France thus held the great central valley of AmerFrench policy
re-
He
specting Louisiana.
ica a vast territory comprising what is now ] nown as Louisiana, Mississippi, Arkansas,
>
Missouri, Iowa, part of Minnesota, Nebraska, Kansas. She even laid claim to all the country through which the
affluents of the Mississippi descend.
In 1700 an attempt
Chap. VII.]
^39
at colonization
sissippi
was made by Iberville; the bubble MisCompany of John Law added to the population.
In 1731 the company sold its claims to the French government. In 1762 the French ceded the country to Spain. In 1800, Napoleon, then First Consul, induced Spain to In 1803, fearing that it might be retrocede it to France.
seized
by England, he
sold
it
fif-
The
clesiastics.
explorers of the Great Valley were thus French ecFrench names still linger all through the Mis-
Though Pinedo first discovered the track of the and De Vaca crossed it in 1530-35, and Ferdinand de Soto, as was affirmed though doubt has
sissippi.
river in 1519,
been cast
mouth of the Arkansas, the remnant of his expedition passing down to the Gulf, so completely was the memory of these events lost, that when La Salle was sent out by the French government with a fleet in 1684 to make his the river and colonize Louisiana, the T J La Salle's attempt- wav up
,
'
thVSioSouof undertaking altogether because the the vaiiey. mouth of the stream could not be found.
failed
His
shij)s
Tem-
canoe porary settlements were thus made in Texas. for the discovery of the river was unsuccessful, expedition and La Salle was assassinated by his mutinous companions in a desj)erate attempt to reach Canada on foot. It has often excited surprise that, considering the ener, , ev with which they were conducted, these J oJ
Cause of the
.,
fail-
'
>
11
mfssfonary^nte'r
prises
-
French missionary expeditions were productThere was ive of so little religious result.
;
nothing answering to the success attending the labors of the Society of Jesus in Paraguay nothing whatever an-
and Fran-
1^0
eisean,
[Sect.
II.
them
in vain.
nearly 1,700,000 aborigines, 1,600,000 embraced Chrisin the savage state. tianity, less than 100,000 remaining
Of the
latter, (36,000
goniaii branches.
and
In North America, upon the line of the Mississippi, in the countries east of it, the Indian population, as
seen,
we have
tions
was very
and
tribes,
In character these Indians approached the Araucanian and Patagonian tribes of South America, on whom,
wars.
we have said, little or no impression was ever made. There are few things more worthy of the curious con_. templation of an American statesman than The doctrine of
as
,
,
.
-l
&%&&3li!F
continent.
tne political condition of these Indian tribes at the time of the French exploration of the
They
known
vividly represent the fatal action of the to him as state-rights. In South Caro-
in
North Car-
in Virginia, the Powhatan Confedolina, the Tuscaroras eracy in Maryland, the Nanticokes in Pennsylvania, the
;
Jersey, the Leni Lenape; in New York, the Onondagos, Oneidas, Mohawks, Manhattans in the Eastern States, the Mokegans,Pequocls, Massachusetts,
Delawares; in
New
Narragansetts in Ohio, the Eries in Michigan, the Ottawas in Wisconsin, the Sacs, Foxes, and Winnebagoes in Illinois, the Pottawatomies and Illinois in Kentucky, the
;
;
Shawnees
and Cherokees
;
in Mississippi, the Natchez and Choctaws in Alabama, the Muscogees in Florida, the Seminoles. Each of these nations held its own territory in its own
;
its
nd
demoralizing
fatal effects.
right?
governing itself according to its own maxmls? declaring peace and war against its
Chap. VII.]
CENTRALIZATION IN MEXICO.
^4^
neighbors at its own pleasure. They therefore present a an spectacle of the results to which such principles lead unsettled social life, interminable warfare, and its inevitable consequence, an avoidance of industrial pursuits, and
a sparse population kept down by a high death-rate. On the contrary, in Mexico, where an advance had been
The progress of
n de
Stemof
fifteen
c e ntraT-
niade beyond these low, rudimentary politiea! ideas, and the value of concentration had
been discerned, a population of from ten to millions had collected round its political centre,
and was living in a condition of civilization equal to that of the most advanced nations of Europe. It had attained to forms of life, religious conceptions, and ideas of statesmanship analogous to those of the Old World. It was destroyed because it had no swift beast of burden such as the horse, and no mechanical agent answering to gunpowder. The civilization of Mexico was a civilization without a vehicle or a plow. Had there survived on the continent of North America
but one of the three species of camel, or of the four species
of horse, that became extinct just previously to the appearance of man, the social condition would have been
As it was, even with this great disadvanthe Indians on the eastern incline of the Mississippi tage, Valley, under the influence exerted upon them by the
very
different.
were slowly attaining to better Confederacies were sjninging up political conceptions. among them. They had learned the value of the calurivers of their country,
The descending
steps
from
state sovereignty to
county
sovereignty, village sovereignty, individual sovereignty, are successive and inevitable. Under other but equivalent
names they are recognized in Indian polity. Each savage was animated by a passion for personal liberty,
asserting his
own
|42
INDIAN INDIVIDUALISM.
[Sect.
II.
There was no such thing as domestic discipline children were never trained they were educated by Nature. The boy grew up into a mere warrior, leading a life of There idleness except when engaged in hunting or Avar. no slaves, the women were turned into drudges, cing and compelled to perform not only the needful duties of the wigwam, but also the labors of a wretched agricuL
ture.
Enveloped in thin strips of bark, the infant was carried by its mother on her back if she died, her living child was buried with her. Every where polygamy was
;
permitted
No
virtuous ideas no
it
was
less frequently
refined sentiments
where men, women, and children dwelt and The Northslept together in the same smoky wigwam. ern tribes were decimated by famine every winter they sat shivering in their huts, or sought in the woods a preIf the pressure was carious support on moss and bark. severe, the aged and the sick were put to death. Two occupations only were considered worthy of a man the public council and war. To the individualism carcouncil eveiy one was admitted; every one amou^theAUamfc
;
might deliver his own ideas as he pleased, or Traditional opinions descended his opposition. exj>ress so feebly as to be almost of no weight. Movements were
determined by the passion or caprice of the moment. There was a lawless life, a hatred of restraint, an impatience of prohibitory rules and forms 'of government. Each man asserted his own rights and avenged his own Subordination was accepted only because it wrongs. was conducive to individual ease. chief did not nec-
essarily attain his position either by force of merit or by As must right of birth he was. often merely tolerated.
;
be the case through the influence of climate, the Southern nations displayed a tendency to aristocratic distinctions. The Natchez, and others who inhabited what are now
Chap. VII.]
INDIAN CIVILIZATION.
143
known
as the Cotton States, exhibited a striking contrast in this respect to the Indians of the Great Lakes and those of England. This contrast of the abe dvmzauouL the y original nations was remarked in La Salle's
New
vovage. dians of
.
vicinity of Peoria, as
...
In-
addicted to gross vices, and not to be impressed by religious teaching those of Arkansas as being more gay, gen;
much more
erous, hospitable those still farther south as advanced in civilization, their cabins well constructed,
;
embellished, and furnished, their public occasions conducted with much ceremonial by officials in robes of white,
with fans of white plumes. On the Mexican plateau the aristocratic tendency was manifested by the establishment of monarchMexico the centre ... m, of North American ical institutions, ihe imperial government Indian civilization. i n i of the Aztecs was sustained by a powerful standing army. It had an organized priesthood, whose creed and ritual displayed the inevitable phases through which the opinions of human societies pass. Justice was administered to communities consisting of many millions of people by judges holding their offices for life, and independent of the court. The laws of the realm were embodied in a peculiar form of writing. An advanced social condition was indicated by monastic institutions, a postal service, trades of all kinds, market-days and fairs, colleges of music, a censorship on philosophical composiservitors
.
-,
and
-,
-i
tions,
theatres
and shows, and all the busy industry, amusements of civilized life.
relaxations,
and
Such was the geographical distribution and political , condition of the Indian tribes on this contiIt was the centre of Indian f ^ s discovery. nen t a e ^ me I may re.
life.
^.
244
[Sect.
II.
peat the remark previously made, that the centre of this population was in Mexico, the outlying volume of it beis
ing bo sparse, so insignificant, that in a general survey it hardly worth notice. As a striking illustration, it may be mentioned that the number of men employed in the
single ace at
of the construction of the imperial Aztec palTezcuco was greater than the entire number of hu-
work
man
women, and
Then
Result of the
IITSc
it is
MiEJi^
them
to operate
upon. By degrees they themselves detected the misconception under which they had labored. They " speak of the appalling journeys through absolute solitudes
;"
"
a chase after a
The result of savage movement was, then, not the civilization of the French the Indian tribes, but the geographical exploration of a
scarce ever to
who was
be found."
long
most part by the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi Rivers, with colonies at its exIn 1688 the total tremities in Canada and Louisiana. French population of the North American continent was
line,
marked out
for the
11,249 persons.
At
ai c] cl ai
m to
they practically
lhe1esuiu ngcoi-
and the Mississippi. The collisions between the French and the English colonists in 1690-97, and in 1702-13, were very appropriately named King William's and Queen Anne's Wars, for they were occasioned by the policy of the mother country. The same remark applies to the war that was closed in 1748 by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. There was more significance in that of 1754, because
it
ud
Chap. VII.]
145
of the English Atlantic settlements against the chain of military posts established by the French to maintain their
communications between Canada and Louisiana. The French, on that occasion, claimed the whole country between the line of the Ohio and the Alleghany Kidge, thus
on the Atlantic border. virtually compressing the English This French war, as it is styled, involved great American not only interests, and is celebrated in American history because it introduced Washington as a niilo Cession by France 6 itary commander, but because it determined vaiwf/to uwEnglish the destiny of America through the capture
.
-
of Quebec by Wolfe, the conquest of Canada, and eventual cession, at the peace of Paris in 1763, of the Valley of the St. Lawrence and its dependencies to the English
crown.
'
I.K
CHAPTER
Two
VIII.
principles animated the English colonization of America: 1st. Material inter2d. Ideas. The former were concerned in the colonization of the South,
;
Southern society was from the beginning based upon class distinctions it accepted Northern was based upon slavery with avidity, and tended to aristocratic forms. equal individual rights, corporeal and mental it tended to individualism, and tc democratic institutions.
; ;
The
tures.
course of events in England, particularly during the reign of Henry VII., had prepared that
in
.
maritime adveu-
country to loin with vigor in the maritime o adventures and commercial undertakings in
/ ti
...
.-,
.1
...
which Western Europe had engaged. The English coloAmerica eventually obliterated completely the influence of France and Spain
nization of the Atlantic front of
Two
_.
.
,
Principles
distinct principles animated the English moveThe colonization of the South was nients. , of
, colo-
North andin?he
inspired
by
North by
ideas.
The
great
communities
which have descended from those immigrations exhibit to this day, in a modified but striking manner, the peculThese peculiarities of their respective ancestral stocks. iarities have been brought into strong relief by the civil
war.
I shall consider the immigration conducted upon matethe Southern immigration Yia^ interests
of so th
lnterests
-fi-po-f llx t#
have seen that the incentive to the movements of Spain in America was gold, and that of
We
Chap. VIII.]
ENGLISH COLONIZATION.
fisheries.
14f
France the
bacco.
The
incentive of
England was
to-
it
was
Introduction, diffusion, and uses of tobacco.
first
feir
r rancis Drake, and brought into fashion~ " able use by Sir Walter Raleigh. Coun'
.
ti
England by
n
1
terblast,"
published against
it
by King James
I.,
added
not a
effect
it is
Less noxious in
its
narcotic
than opium, so long employed in Eastern countries, affirmed that " it calms the agitations of our corpoThis leaf
real frame,
mind."
his
and soothes the anxieties and distresses of the is equally welcome to the Indian in
to the Laplander in his snow hut, to the It consoles the polished EuropeEgyptian an in his hours of relaxation.
wigwam,
in his sands.
In the reign of Queen Elizabeth the whole Atlantic .. ei coast, from Halifax to Cape Fear, passed unJr Institution of two n c a James I. n^the L ndon d er the designation of Virginia.
_
'
7
j.
"
granted it by ciiarte r to two companies for The Southern portion was given to the London Company, the Northern to the Plymouth.
settlement.
and'the Plymouth.
Some
in
That officer eni T> terecl Inlet, and examined Koan,.. oke Island. In 1585 he sent an expedition seven vessels to the latter place. It is an indication
,
made by Raleigh
-itii Ocracoke
,-\
of the imperfect geographical knowledge of the time that these immigrants believed the Roanoke River had its head waters in some golden rocks by the Pacific Ocean.
The walls of a
were affirmed great city near its fountain This colony, unsucto be thickly studded with pearls. cessful and disheartened, was subsequently carried back
to
before 1590
England by Drake. Another attempt was made, but The character of these moveit had failed.
is
ments
indicated
by the circumstance
that,
by the com-
i*g
SETTLEMENT OF VIRGINIA.
[Sect. II.
of Raleigh, Manteo, a faithful Indian chief, was creOffshoots from the Virginia plantaated Lord Roanoke.
maud
1640-50.
colonization of Virginia in 1007 was under the charter from James I. to the London ComThe colonization of
The
Virginia.
pany.
L >w
From
lazily flowing
derives
name.
Jamestown.
An
description of persons
who
They
goldsmiths, refiners, gallants, gentlemen, rakes, and After many vicissitudes, illustrated by such libertines."
were
"
romantic incidents as an expedition up the river to the site of Richmond for the discovery of the Pacific Ocean, the adventures of Caj^tain Smith with the Indian princess
its
Pocahontas, the valuable exploration of Chesapeake Bay, rivers and territories, the colony nearly became ex-
tinct.
So great were
left.
its
Nothing but the increasing demand for tobacco in Europe now sustained it. But that proved to be a sufficient incitement. Hunting after gold was abandoned plantations became profitable women were induced to emigrate from England. The colonists gladly paid 120 pounds of tobacco for a wife, 150 if she was very pretty. Among the events of those times there was one which In Auintroduction of ne- gave rise to fearful consequences.
were
; ;
gro slaves.
gugfc
-^^
&
j^^
twenty negroes into the James River for sale. The profits of the tobacco-trade insured the prosperity of the colony, which in 1648 numbered 20,000 souls.
Qf
^^ fa^fo
first
Chap. VIII.]
SETTLEMENT OF MARYLAND.
;
^49
though the Virginians on the North to leave their inclement abodes and settle in the more genial climate of Delaware Bay, they also resolved that no minister should be permitted to preach in Virginia except in with the Church of England. It conformity
for,
had invited
an <i the
chm-ch^
was owing to
this aristocratic
tendency
that,
and the
political
execution of
ity
King
Charles, so
many
in Virginia.
The
bearing of the colonization then taking jilace upon the Atlantic border is illustrated by this expatriation of Roythe South, and by the subsequent flight of the Regicides to the Puritan colonies of the North. The Royalists to
alist
resj^ectively
knew where
to find a
welcome.
But, though
The
contests about the tobacco-trade.
l as t
recorded of Virginia that she was the portion of England to resign her affecj?
monarch, and submit to the commonwealth under Cromwell, she had not received from her sovereign an equivalent for her loyalty. There
tion
lor her
ii
was a continual struggle between the king and the col-' ony for the profits of the tobacco-trade. He desired to be sole factor, declaring it to be " his will and pleasure to
have the sole pre-emption of all the tobacco." He prohibited all vessels from Virginia sailing to any ports but those of England, that he might have control of the trade.
As
by
lies.
]VI Q r vl n.11 cl
tobacco thus tempted Royalist officers and persons of birth attached to the Church of England
settled
liberal
catho-
to this enrioration, the fur-trade led to the o settlement of Maryland. Lord 'Baltimore
'
enterprise, repulsed in
their advances by the Protestantism of Virginia, turned to the shores of Chesapeake Bay. Admonished by the intolerance that had denied them a Avelcome, they gave
150
[Sect.
II.
to every one, irrespective of his religious opinions, a right Catholics though they were, they to settle with them.
founded their society on religious freedom, and permitted of no persecuting laws. change very soon came over The peltry-trade was found to their industrial pursuits. be transient, its supplies inadequate, and the more profitable cultivation of tobacco took its place. South Carolina was colonized by an association of English noblemen, under proprietary charters
was a land speculation. Among' x them were Lord Clarendon, the Duke of Albemarle, Lord Craven, the Earl of Shaftesbury. Their possessions were defined by a frontage along the coasts of North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, and extied by an aristocratic association.
South Carolina
set-
their object
-i
-i
-i
-i
tended due west as far as the Pacific Ocean. In this ample territory they were empowered to levy troops, erect fortifications, build cities, and, it is to be particularly re-
marked, establish orders of nobility. Constitutions for its government were framed by the celebrated philosopher Locke. Political power was based on hereditary wealth. The social system was founded on negro slaveiy
*
The
character of
selves
were substituted. The colony grew, not only by low emigrants sent from England, but by negro slaves brought from Africa. In a climate made congenial to them, the blacks rapidly increased; very soon they were nearly double the number of the whites. But besides these unfortunates came others of a very different stamp. On the
revocation of the edict of Nantes, Huguenots emigrated" from the Calvinistic districts of France, and South Carolina received a leaven of
Chap. VIII.]
151
The
n
s
em
colonization.
Arkansas, and Missouri, with the exception of those at the mouth of the MissisThe predominating sippi, had but little political weight. development of this English nucleus is seen in the presissippi, Louisiana,
...-,-..
,,.
dominating use of the English tongue. Diffusion of language is an unerring measure of the spread of political influence. That the French settlements in the Mississiphad no expansive force is proved by the eventpi Valley
ual disuse of their tongue. Though the actual emigrants
Continuous
effect
in one
soi
rr\i
Ihe had accomplished a England partition, the effects of which were perpetuated in American history. Convulsions such as those through which that country had been passing divide communities to
of former English civil dissensions.
ciety, in
civil
..^
-i
war
111
their lowest depths even illiterate men, who may not be able to decide intelligently the merits of a disputed point,
;
These dissensions
spontaneously take sides with a party. That done, they up to the influences animating it, and are guided by its leaders and watchwords. No matter from what rank in life he had come, the
deliver themselves
/~^i i ^ Church and
oj_
fetate
l
man would
i
seen in Massachusetts joav a place for his immigration the Puritan would not have
...
tt
j_.lT>
.
hardly have
t
-i
preferred
James River.
Aristocratic influence
was the
motive power of Southern emigration; it sought material profit in tobacco and land speculations.
The
it
colonization of the
-1
-i
differed
It was intrinsically from that of the South. ization is in-. i 1 n t an idea, spired by inspired by an idea freedom ot thought.
of Northern colon-
152
DISSENT IN ENGLAND.
that tlu austere
1
[Sicit. II.
Not
men who
it
At
first,
in the
exile,
claimed
it
for themselves.
at length that they must concede it to others. When, in the sixteenth century, the pent-up dissatisfaction that for ages had been fermenting against
Reformation upon
the
Roman Church
moral and intellectual revolt the Reformation its issue was an ecclesiastical separation of Europe north and south. On one side it was the assertion of traditional authority, on the other of the right of private
judgment.
government had long foreseen the inevitable occurrence of this dispute, and had repeatedly put off what to it could be no other than a catastixyphe. Sometimes it had accomplished this by violence, sometimes by gentler means. Pontifical Rome had effected what Imperial Rome had dreamed of, but could never realize. She was holding all Europe under her control. But the northern nations, by force of argument and by
Pontifical
force of arms, made good their separation. The unity that so far had obtained was broken. Two great divisions emerged, the Catholic and the Protestant.
The
Among
origin
those nations England had been profoundly When the inevitable result sepor dissent in agitated.
manner they could to reher ecclesiastical affairs in harmony with the organize new condition of things. They hoped that the English people would show the same filial reverence for the new Church of England that in times past they had shown for the old Church of Rome. But when once the charm of authority is broken, who can renew it ? When separation has been successfully
became
apparent, her
Chap. VIII.]
PURITAN COLONIZATION.
^53
it shall stop ? The prinof the right of private interpretation of the Holy ciple
had been
successfully maintained
it still
by Northern
its fall
Europe.
As
a social guide,
retained
vigor
unimpaired.
The
was
justified. Decomposition could not be arrested, and as the Church of Rome had suffered by protest, the Church of England now suffered by dissent. The Puritan asserted the right of men to interpret for
themselves the
The
position maintained by Puritanism.
-p>
...
r>
j
Word
n i
of God.
1
.
In him the
He
what England
herself
the particular doctrines that found favor in the of the Puritan are not of special interest in the afeyes fairs which we are about to consider. The points we
Now
have to deal with are the principle that was guiding him, and the acts it led him to perform. The doctrines of the Puritan are of no historical moment, but his deeds will last as long as the world endures.
The annals
pro-ressofPuritancoionization.
IR
160 7 the Plymouth Company sent a colony to the moutll of tlie Kennebec in 1615,
;
John Smith, who had played such a conspicuous part in the emigration to James River, led another. Both proved In 1620 the colony of Plymouth was planted failures. by English Puritans, who came for that purpose from
Holland.
Eight years subsequently the colony at Salem established, under a grant from the Plymouth Company; soon afterward Charlestown and Boston were settled. In 1692 the Plymouth colony was incorporated with Massachusetts, as had been those of Dover, Ports-
was
mouth, and Exeter, in New Hampshire, in 1641. Maine, which had been settled in 1639, was united to MassachuConnecticut was first settled from Massasetts in 1652.
154
[Sect. II.
chusetts, as likewise
was Rhode
Island, in consequence of
the persecutions befalling Roger Williams on account of his carrying the Puritan doctrines to their legitimate end.
colonies.
In 1043, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Haven formed a union, under the title of the United ism m the Puritan Colonies of New England, their object being
.
Indians.
mutual protection against the Dutch and the This union foreshadowed that greater Union
soon to come. In the colonization of New England, Massachusetts was, therefore, the centre of action, and Puritan.
church
Puritan was
-r
Christians
who saw
originally the generic designation for all those cause to dissent from the principles
and practice of the Church of England. It was first used about 15G4. As in the great European movement the
Reformation
tions
was opposition to the papacy, so in this local Enmovement the objective point was opposition to the glish Established Church. The continued action of the princiThe ple of decomposition was, however, soon manifest. Puritans broke up into sectarian subdivisions. The Independents carried the doctrine of the Reformation a step forward, asserting the right of every congregation to judge for itself both in matters of doctrine and discipline. They therefore denied the authority of any national church whatever. The Church of England was thus forced to adopt the policy of coercion that had been followed
sorts to persecution to repress dissent.
for
many
The laws
tients to
"
in
attend the established worship. Against the Brownists" the punishment of death was enacted. It
said that
is
Brown,
their founder,
was committed
to jail
thirty-two times.
Chap. VIII. j
155
escape the persecution thus inflicted upon them by The puritans adopt the Church and the sovereign, a Puritan con-
To
Repubiicanism.
gregation in the nortll of England fled to Holland in 1607. They made their escape by night, and, though their women and children were seized, they all
eventually arrived in safety at Leyden, where they estabIt was lished themselves, and dwelt for eleven years.
not surprising that, in such an atmosphere of republican ideas, these exiles, who had fled from the king as well as
the Church, should add Republicanism to their religious dissent. The Puritans in England had likewise adopted
the same views, perhaps through the influence of the Swiss theologians. In this manner they became advocates of liberty and men of progress. The attention of the exiles in Holland
Emigration of the
puritans in the Mayflower.
,
.
having been
di-
made arrangements to emiin i after many delays and misfortunes, grate, and,
their views, thev
-t
-.
" crossed the Atlantic in the Mayflower," and established themselves at Plymouth, Massachusetts, in 1620. It was
So dreadful were
emigrants had perished. At one time there were but seven persons able to render duty.
In 1629, under the auspices of the Council of Plymouth, Growth of the pu- an(l of a charter granted by Charles I., the
ntan
colonies.
En lisll
in the
ed to the feeble colony that was thus maintaining itself Bay of Cape Cod. Regarding those favorable au spices as a summons from heaven, an active emigration set in. At first a body of 200 established itself at Salem.
By
the advice of persons of enlarged minds, the charter of the Council of Plymouth was transferred to New En-
gland by the emigration of the corporate body, and, though there were doubts as to the legality of the step,
150
its
[Sect. II.
consequence was the instant success of the MassachuSeventeen ships, with 1500 emigrants, more than half of them Independents, at once crossed the Atlantic. The settlement of Boston was established. Twenty-one thousand persons had reached New England besetts colony.
fore 10-40.
The freedom
They
resort to per-
had thus
se-
eecution to repress
dissent.
cured for themselves they were unwilling to n , *\ concede to others. Iheir maxim was that
,
harmony, and, indeed, the very existence of the state, turn on uniformity of belief. Of course, theirs were the only orthodox views. They pursued one
of their body, Roger Williams, with mortal animosity, for asserting the absolute independence of the soul, and the
social
unlawfulness of persecution for the cause of conscience. It was this that led, as has been stated, to the colonizaIn these events we witness the tion of Rhode Island.
result foreseen
'
progress of of thought for themselves as against the Established Church; the Independents asserted it for every congregation Roger Williams for each individual man.
;
by the Italian statesmen the inevitable dissent. The Puritans insisted on freedom
We
is
for a like
and, for a like reason, reason, persecuted the Puritans the Puritans persecuted the founder of Rhode Island.
In speaking of the influence of climate on plants (page that the zone upon which each 88), it has been stated has necessarily two sides they special form is distributed
;
can not pass one of these sides because the heat is too great they can not pass the other because of the cold. So, likewise, in considering the distribution of men
;
:
Chap. VIII.]
157
The isothermal
zone of Puritanism.
agent
is
regions the controlling , . .,., ,, the summer heat, tor those hio-h
,
warm
-,
'
The
inhabit-
ants of the shores of the Gulf struggle against a high temperature, those of New England against a low tempera-
In the case of the former we had to deal with the July isotherinals, in the case of the latter we must deal with those of January.
ture.
Had
would
the Puritans settled in the Southern States they have become extinct. They settled above the Jan-
marks the boundary of intellectual freedom. pered because Nature was propitious.
If
They
pros-
we
Europe, prognostics of the of the Puritan colonies of probable course America, our attention must be mainlv diJ
'
who
rected to the Teutonic nations, the people on that continent inhabit the corresponding zone.
in their political conceptions
to representative systems ; they do not look with disfavor on republican institutions they rely on trial by jury. In religion they desire freedom of thought ; in worship, simplicity.
many
inventive turn, with them have originated of those invaluable applications of the discoveries
Of an
of physical science to civil life and industrial art that are the glory of our times. Firmly believing in the advantages of education, they seek to secure it for their rising
generations as far as their political institutions will permit. They view polygamy with abhorrence their hatred of human slavery is almost fanatical.
;
without regret on
narrowness in America and, recallthe history of that continent, not with surprise at ing
its
;
158
Extent ami posi11(1 pOMtion <.f mat zone 111
in A tin in Asia.
[Sect.
II.
in Asia.
As shown in map,
Europe where it
;
in
maximum width ol this zone in America is only one third of what it is in Asia it is only one fourth, except in China,
pac;e 112, the X O
'
at least equals, if
it
can proportion. From the Caspian Sea, as it were from a focus, these isothermals spread out like a vast open fan
over Europe, diverging from one another as they go to the northwest in America they are curves compressed
;
together, and concave to the north in Asia they are in still closer proximity, and run in lines that are almost Their diverging distribution in straight and parallel. Europe is produced by the Gulf Stream.
;
CHAPTER
The
IX.
tion, and for making their union obligatory and perpetual by act of Parliament. Biography of Franklin, considered as the representative man of the closing colonial
times.
The
influence of France as an
American continental
Those colonies were compressed upon the Atlantic border by a chain of French military establishments extending from the mouth of the St. Lawonies.
From the political writrence to that of the Mississippi. of Dr. Franklin we may gather a clear view of the ings
condition of
affairs.
He
me u
ra U
"
says
8
k n
of
a e
tL
p re ss-
that the great country back of the Appalachian Mountains, on both sides of the Ohio, and between that river and the lakes, is now
known both
to the English
the extreme richness and fertility of the land, the healthy temperature of the air and mildness of the climate, the
plenty of hunting, fishing, and fowling, the facility of trade with the Indians, and the vast convenience of inrivers
"
land navigation, or water carriage, by the lakes and great many hundreds of leagues around."
From
it
1(30
[Sbct.II.
and powerful dominion, and a great accession of power either to England or to France." " The French arc now making open encroachments on those territories in defiance of our known rights, and if
we
and mischiefs will probably follow. Our people, being confined to the country between the Appalachian Mountains and the Atlantic, can not much more increase in num>er, but the French will increase by that acquired room and plenty of subsistence, and become a great people behind us. Our debtors, servants, slaves, will desert to them, strengthening them and weakening us they will cut us off from commerce and alliance with the Western Indians, and set those Indians, as they have heretofore
1
;
done, to harass our people." He therefore advocates the establishment of two strong English colonies between the Ohio and Lake
affirming that they would give security J to the back-settlements of Pennsylvania, Ma.brie, '
.
-i-<
'
,-,
i i
ryland, Virginia, and the Carolinas, by preventing the excursions of the French they would also prevent " the
;
dreaded junction of the French settlements in Canada with those in Louisiana," and in case of a war it would be easy for them to annoy Louisiana by going down the
Ohio and Mississippi; and also through these channels and the lakes a great interior trade might be carried on. Drawing attention to the fact that the grants to most of the colonies are of long, narrow strips of 8 cor^ment ofthe land, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and
their unmanageable shape x extremes being too far asunder he proposes to take the Appalachian Mountains as a limit, and have new colonies on the western slope of those mountains
.
-.
therefore ot an
-.
-,
-,
down
by
the English, an
influ-
Chap. IX.]
IQi
ential party in
e a to restore da to the French.
England favored
its
restoration to the
caL
French, preferring the retention of certain of On this occasion the West India Islands.
.
-i
rranklm wrote, with great ability, that "to leave the French in possession of Canada when it is in our power to remove them, and to depend on our own
strength and watchfulness to prevent the mischiefs that " Canada in may attend it, is neither safe nor prudent."
the hands of France has always stunted the growth of our colonies, and has disturbed the strongest of them by compelling an expenditure of two or three millions ster-
-i
There lay
-1
little
or not
labor,
own
and, in process of time, knowing little and inquiring little about the mother country." " In short, the present colonies are large enougli and numerous enough, and the French ought to be left in North America to prevent their increase, lest they become not only useless, but dan" gerous to Britain." On this Franklin remarks, It is very true that the colonists were increasing amazingly, doub-
ling their number every twenty-five years by natural generation only, exclusive of emigration." He states that " in a century more, the number of English in America
that
will probably be greater than that in it does not follow that they will
less or
IL'
dangerous to
England itself, but become either usethe mother country on the contra;
KJO
ry,
[Skct. II.
they will increase the demand for her manufactures, increase her trade, and add greatly to her naval power." Subsequently, however, it was generally thought in Enan< l that the retention of Canada had been The retention of gl SffSfflSSr a serious political mistake; "had not the French been removed from Canada, the American Revolution could never have taken place;"
"
the Americans
else to
do
than revolt."
Early attempt of
the colonies to
The concession exerted by the French previously to the conquest of Canada was, however, the
.
form a Union.
immediate cause
,
01 those
preparatory
.
at-
tempts which, though at first abortive, event" the Union," and hence the remark is that they left a permanent impress on the destijustified ny of the colonies. The "Albany papers" of Dr. Frankually matured in
lin present the facts
very plainly.
The English Board of Trade, desirous that all the provinces should make a common treaty with the Six Nations of Indians, recommended them to form a plan of union
which might
also serve for their
defense against the French. casion was- offered by Dr. Franklin at the
all
Albany meet-
the colonial assemblies, ing was, however, rejected by because it was considered by them to have too much prerogative in democratic.
it
;
in
England
it
was
Dr. Franklin, in his Albany papers, says that " commissioners from a number of the Northern
A n .-, Albany, and considering the difficulties that have always attended the most necessary general measures for the common defense or for the annoyance of the enemy, when they were to be carried through the several particular assemblies of all the colonies, some assemblies being before at variance
missioners assert
colonies beine;
,.,.
met
at
Chap. IX.]
(33
with their governors or councils, and the several branches of the government not on terms of doing business with each other others taking the opportunity, when their concurrence is wanted, to push for favorite laws, powers, or points, that they think could not at other times be obtained, and so creating disputes and quarrels one assem;
;
will do, being afraid of more than its share, or desirous of doing less, or redoing at presfusing to do any thing, because its country is not ent so much exposed as others, or because another will
what another
reap more immediate advantage from one or other of which causes the assemblies of six (out of seven) colonies
applied to had granted no assistance to Virginia when lately invaded by the French, though purposely convened, and the importance of the occasion earnestly urged upon
them considering, moreover, that one principal encouragement to the French, in invading and insulting; the British- American dominions, was their knowledge of our disunited state, and of our weakness arising from such want of union, and that from hence different colonies were at different times extremely harassed, and put to great expense both of blood and treasure, who would have remained in peace if the enemy had had cause to fear the drawing on themselves the resentment and power of the whole the said commissioners considering also the present encroachments of the French, and the mischievous consequences that may be expected from them, if not opposed with our force, came to a unanimous resolution that a union of the colonies is absolutely necessary
; ;
for
their preservation"
The manner of forming and establishing this union was the next point. When it was considered
,
equal at the same time, or equally near the danger danger, or equally sensible of it that some of them had
;
-,
-,.
-1
-n
1(34:
[Sect.
II.
particular interests to manage with which a union might interfere, and that they were extremely jealous of each
other,
it
to obtain a joint
agreement of
pense and burden of defending any of them should be divided among them all and even if acts of assembly
;
could be obtained in
yet, as
all
any colony on the least dissatisfaction might repeal its own act, and thereby withdraw itself from the union, it would not be a stable one, or such as could be depended on for if only one colony should, on any disgust, withdraw itself, others might think it unjust and unequal that they, by continuing in the union, should be at the expense of defending a colony which refused to bear its proportionate part, and would therefore, one after another, withdraw, till the whole crumbled into its original parts therefore the commissioners came to another reso" That it was necessary the union should be lution, viz.,
; ;
make
it irre-
versible.'
was proposed by some of the commissioners to form the colonies into two or three distinct Their iDtention i t t was to convert the unions, but the proposal was dropped even disconnected colonies into one naby those that made it for several reasons, J tion. and among others for this, that a single union was desirable, since from this the colonies would learn to
It
i 1
many independent states, but as members of the same nation. It is interesting, after the lapse of more than a century,
to read these details, though the main plan for the time being miscarried. They are illuminated by the light cast
The necessity of one union the need of a central authoritathe danger of secession
on them from the
civil
war.
tive
body such
as Parliament then
was
to insure compul-
sory permanence, are things of as great interest they were when Franklin wrote.
now
as
Chap. IX.]
Iii
FRANKLIN.
165
valuable considering the history of any race, very indications of the social condition at particuu r Biography of Frankim. i ar gpog^g ma y "b e obtained from the lives of
-t .
The intellectual men. distinguished or representative colonial America may in this manner be deposition of of termined, and certainly, among the conspicuous men the times, no one more perfectly or characteristically represents his country than Franklin, who in the preceding has been serving us as a guide.
pages
He
ton
from
.
in
ancestors, he was born in Boshis father having emigrated 1706, England to America in 1682 to enjoy
the exercise of religion with freedom. By his mother's of a Puritan descent, for she boast side, also, he might was the daughter of one of the earliest New England
is made by Cotton he being designated Mather in his Ecclesiastical History, At ten years of as " a Godly and learned Englishman." Franklin was taken to assist his father in his busias;e and soap-boiler ness, which was that of a tallow-chandler but, disliking the trade, he was bound apprentice to his
settlers,
of
whom
honorable mention
brother,
who was
_
a printer.
While yet a mere youth, he abandoned the religious views in which he had been brought up by
.
.
some books adopted he appears to have held all his life, if we may judge from his conversation with the President of Yale College only five weeks before his decease, he being then in his eightyfourth year. In this it may be said that he prefigured
his parents, induced to this by The opinions he thus that fell in his way.
-i
-it
the change that has taken place in Boston, his native town, of which the religious conceptions prevailing at
present
Puritan fathers.
Some
IQQ
ms
life
-
FRANKLIN.
in Phiia-
[Sect.
II.
de,phia
by
stealth,
and wan-
In the course of a
few years, through diligence and frugality, he rose to comman in the competence, becoming a prominent public munity among whom he had thus been cast. In his Autobiography he naively relates the means to which he He had founded a club, or resorted to insure success. junto, consisting of twelve persons, each of whom was the head of another subordinate club. When, therefore, he desired to carry any special project, the organization with which he was thus connected enabled him readily In this he was also greatto accomplish his purpose. He was, ly aided by a newspaper he had established. the first person in America who used the press perhaps, " for the purpose of what is now termed manufacturing
public opinion."
which he was thus resorting necessarily led him, in the disputes occurring between the proprietary government and the people, to take part with the latter. He soon became their most influential and persistent champion, and the bias he thus received had probably no little effect upon him in the greater conflict that soon occurred between the colonies and the British government. In the early part of that contest he did not look with disfavor on the project, very generally advo-
The means
to
cated, that the colonies should send members to Parliament, but at length, appreciating the imperfection and inBecomes the championofthecoio-
adequacy of that scheme, he became the stren_ _ _ n uous advocate ot separation and mdepenauie^ ence and probably no man did more to prethe way for that great result. His examination bepare
.
-,
House of Commons in 1766, in relation to repeal of the Stamp Act, made every where a deep
fore the
pression.
"
the
imit,
says
The
Chap. IX.]
FRANKLIN.
^Qf
promptness and propriety with which he replied to each interrogatory, the profound knowledge he displayed upon
every topic presented to him, his perfect acquaintance
with the
political condition
and internal
affairs
of his
country, the fearlessness with which he defended the late His examination cloings of his countrymen and censured the E glish measures of Parliament, his pointed expresHouse of co msions
and
characteristic
manner
all
these
combined to rivet the attention and excite the astonishment of his audience. There is no event in this great man's life more creditable to his talents and character, and more honorable to his fame, than this examination before the British Parliament. It is an enduring monument of his wisdom, firmness, sagacity, and patriotism." In truth, Franklin was regarded all over Europe as not
SSto
Enrope.
. a . Is regarded as the
but also individually, repreHis bisenting his ography resembled their history. In both
onlv J
officially, J '
/ 7
-t
American countrymen.
was the rough struggle of early years, the attainment of prosperity by industry and frugality, an intense
there
love of independence, a warm interest in public affairs. Though many of his later years were spent in England
all his
American
peculiarities.
" French, observed They personified in of which he was the representative and legislator. They regarded his virtues as those of his countrymen, and even
judged of their physiognomy by the imposing and serene traits of his own." No one appreciated more thoroughly than Franklin the advantages to be derived from a cultiva. o His to
..
disposition
...
He was
the very
as he
had
new
fact,
10g
FRANKLIN.
[&JCT. II.
from it. His great discovery of the identity of lightning and electricity was forthwith followed by the invention
of the lightning-rod for insuring the safety of buildings. As is often the case with those who devote themselves to
the physical department of human knowledge, he held metaphysics in very light esteem.
If in his political principles
is the person iflcation of his coionial countrymen.
lie
pletely represents his colonial countrymen, ., i l i'i the same remark holds good in his philo-
Till
/-\n
soplncal relations. Of all countries, America has profited most from the cultivation of natural science. Her vast material development is mainly owing to the
it
advantages she has thence obtained. But science has not been the guide of her development alone it is likewise becoming the guide of all modern civilization. Franklin was the first to make known the existence and phenomena of the Gulf Stream he experimented on the production of cold by evaporation he discovered the
; ;
;
progressive
European recojmitionofhis
ic merit.
movement
that >;ave
,,
,
scientif-
him
j.T7>
11
'
His merit
consists,
however, not
m
.
the sug-
gestion of that identity, for others had suggested it before, but in devising the means of proof. He himself relates,
in his
Autobiography, that his earlier communications on Electricity, which he had caused to be read before the Royal Society of London, were received with but little consideration. That society, however, in due time made him the most ample and honorable amends. Unsolicited,
they elected him a member of their body, and presented him the Copley medal, the highest distinction they have
to bestow.
The Royal Society has had no little to do with the advancement of modern civilization. In the seventeenth century the tone of thought in England had greatly
Chap. IX.]
ADVANTAGES OF PHYSICAL
SCIENCE.
1(39
changed, and, relieved from ecclesiasticism by n 1 i i i 1 the varied political events that had taken A
.-,
.
-.
place, several learned men had contracted a taste for the study of Nature. For mutual gratification
known by the title of the Invisible or Philosophical ColAt first they encountered a great deal of popular lege.
and ecclesiastical prejudice, it being supposed that they were engaged in an unlawful prying into natural secrets, and that their pursuits had an irreligious or atheistic
tendency.
King Charles
having
"
II.,
ed them,
for,
tastes of a like
them a
charter,
Dr. Johnson, in the Idler," says When the philosoners of the seventeenth* century were first Dr. jounce criu- P asms on congregated into the Royal Society, we are told that great expectations were raised of the sudden
it.
progress of useful arts. The time was supposed to be near when engines should turn by a perpetual motion, and health be secured by a universal medicine when learn;
ing should be facilitated by a common character, and commerce extended by ships which could reach their
But that time never ports in defiance of the tempest. came. The society met and parted without any visible
diminution of the miseries of
life.
stone
painful; the ground that was not plowed forth no harvest and neither oranges nor grapes brought could grow upon the hawthorn."
still
;
were
of words been privileged to look a century into the future, he would have seen through the automatic engines to which he referred, and of whose
advent he despaired, doing the mechanical drudgery of England, and accomplishing the work of perhaps a hundred millions of men. He might, in defiance of the wind and tide, have crossed the Atlantic in little more than a
l~Q
[Sect.
II.
week
him
;
in vain.
he had been looking for Six miles an hour was very fair traveling for now he might move at sixty. He might send mes-
in an almost he might be willing to perhaps concede that the gout and the stone may some day be deprived of their terrors after he had witnessed lithotomy, amputations, and other terrible ojierations of surgery performed on men purposely thrown into an unconscious and insensitive state, and the loathsome small-pox, the dread of his time, neutralized by resorting to vaccination. At the time of Franklin's great discovery (1752), the
And
physical ,sciences and their applications to , . , ,. , industrial pursuits were on the x point oi makmg a great advance. Chemistry, one of the
.
most important of these sciences, was about to be remodeled through the discovery of the true nature of the gases and the detection of latent heat. The immediate consecpience of the latter
steam-en-
gine, an invention which has entirely revolutionized the industrial arts. Ingenious mechanics began to turn their
attention to the construction of labor-saving machinery, and in a short time the population, the manufactures, the
_ ... Wonderful
n d
results
a prodigious increase. Nor was America behj n( England in that respect; nay, more, in truth she was greatly in advance. By availing herself
them in EngSnd and America.
.l
of the natural powers thus placed at her disposal, she has, in a little more than a century, nearly accomplished the
slen-
der beginnings, has already attained the position of one of the great powers of the earth. Franklin's prophecy has come to pass the majority of those who speak the English tongue are now on the American side of the At-
lantic.
CHAPTER
X.
GROWTH OF THE ENGLISH SETTLEMENTS. PEOGEESS OF THE NORTHERN POPULATION TO THE MISSISSIPPI.
The English
Atlantic population of the Northern States, relieved from French pressure, rapidly absorbed all other foreign populations, diffusing itself over the Alleghanies and descending the eastern incline of the Mississippi Valley. In
this progress
it
suffered
cli-
German immigration.
The
connection of the Northern population with Indian and African slavery was limited. Circumstances under which the conscience of Massachusetts was awakened to its wickedness.
Placed
The
thus, as has
diffusion of the
FiTofiheML^issippi
*
border, the populations of English descent It re"began to diffuse toward the West.
quired, however, nearly sixty years from the
time of which
we have been speaking before they had the line of the Mississippi a journey which fully gained was, as all first emigrations must be, destructive of human Men followed each other like the phantom waves life.
made by
the wind on the tall grasses of the prairies, forever disappearing and forever advancing. At last they
reached the blue bluffs that mark out where the great river, through sand-banks and crumbling islands, flows
lazily
on
its
way.
they may be considered as spreadover an unoccupied territory, and suffering _ .r , t i mff uo essential disturbance from Indian
.
During
this diffusion
blood-admixture. The sparsely-scattered abtribes were pressed out of their way, occasioning original no race-contamination. Practically there were but two
disturbing influences at work:
1st, their
own
interaction
7l>
[Sect. II.
on cacli other, as members of different European nations whose race -peculiarities were still continuing in their American life; 2d, modification from the new climate.
In estimating the effect of the
Effect of race-inter-
first
of these disturb-
ances,
it is
to
be borne
in
mind that
in the
much
will
depend on their relative numbers. Practically a small tribe mixing with a large one will disappear so completely that the traces of it will cease to be disco verable,
although, in truth,
only masked. may be detected at once, but if it were mingled with a thousand gallons of wine the most experienced taster
could never detect
it,
is
yet
it is
still
present with
all its
ment may
itself be undergoing climate modifications, and from moment to moment, losing its own identity, and so, approaching with greater or less rapidity the character of that with which it has united.
We
ence.
are too
.
much
.
Rapid diminution
of ancestral mflu-
terity,
1M
tis;ations.
.
like the
/ il
Chinese,
who
rever-
more
clearly seen.
Each person has two parents, from each of whom he has derived corporeal and mental lineaments; of grandparof great-grandparents eight tors he has already fourteen. go but a
;
of anceslittle
We
way
In that vast conorec-ation, of any single one ? In the mixture of what is the value blood and merging of character, how can we expect to
million.
trace
Moreover, in any nation or race, persons far separated from each other by classdistinction or other diversity may find in not a remote
Chap.X.J
ETC.
173
remove a common ancestor equally related to both, but without any resemblance to either.
Upon
the Atlantic border the vestiges of Swedish life underwent obliteration, and the same might
Swedish,, Spanish,
South, and of whatever French there were at the North on this side of the St. Lawrence. An apparent of the Dutch for, though exception occurred in the case
;
their lower classes readily assimilated with the English the population, and so were lost, their higher, through
in spite of their subpossession of landed estates, which, in relative value, division, were continually increasing
In
New
York they
stood, and, indeed, still of a local aristocracy, in the noblest acceptSocial position of i j? j_i J? 'T the descendants of ation oi that term; lor these iamilies ot
,
r>
Dutch descent, and still retaining their Dutch have formed a nucleus round which whatever is names, They socially respectable has spontaneously gathered. have ever been upholders of religion, order, learning, deunvoting themselves to affairs of patriotism, charitable of good works. dertakings, and the patronage But, their relative smallness of numbers and their lon
l
condmon
of penu-
Dutch in New New Jersey, and the Germans and York and
cal influence considered, the
Scotch -Irish in Pennsylvania, which of all the homogeneous, though they unin which they questionably give a character to the parts to the remark that settled, constitute no real exception of the spread of population from the Atthe
states is the least
description
lantic
border westwardly
is
dif-
It may be conveniently considfusion of English life. ered under two heads: 1st. Northern diffusion; 2d. South-
ern diffusion.
174
1st.
NORTHERN IMMIGRATION.
[Sect.
II.
Of tin i>iv<jns$ of population at the North. For many years the current of emigration was comparatively feeble.
c-ehTd
in-
It
the North
from Europe.
England, Ireland,
from 1794 the yearly rate was about 4000. In the latter year it rose to 10,000, but did not recover that point again until 1817. This falling off was due to the European wars, which not only created an urgent demand for men both for the land and sea service, but also to the enrate
at a nearly uniform annual the Revolution until about 180G. From 1784
and continued
to
forcement of the principle at that time insisted upon by the English government that a subject could never throw
off his allegiance.
In 1817,
IucrcnsG on the dose of the European wars.
when
the fear of English impressment had passed away, immigration to the United
In this a^resrate States rose to 22,240. there were included many native-born Amer. ,
icans,
who, through the incidents of the war, had been detained in Europe, and were now returning. Due allowance made for this, the sudden impetus may be traced to
the declining demand for men for military and naval purposes, the great derangement in the pursuits of the working-classes as a state of
peace, ring or impending. The current now steadily gathered force. In 36| years, ending December 1st, 1855, the United States received
war was exchanged for a state of and the financial disturbances which were occur-
Among
these were
207,492 English
Under the
Totai value of immi?ration.
British," in this table, are included Enand Irish, but the relative proglish, Scotch, can not now be ascertained. Comportions
title
"
Chap. X.]
SOCIAL GRADES.
175
petent authorities, however, have been led to the conclusion that of these at least one million were from Ireland.
This would make the total Irish emigration for that period 1,747,930. From the best estimates
now accessible, it appears that the total immigration into the United States since the Eevolution to the close of 1855 has been nearly 4| millions.
Immigrants up to Sept. 30th, 1819 " " Dec. 31st, 1855
250,000
4,212,624 4,462,624
be affirmed that may the United States have gained as much from Europe by immigration as Great Britain has lost from her domestic
In a general manner,
it
therefore
all countries.
At
the comdiffer
the
TV|
In considering the effect of such immigrations, we must bear in mind the statement of Machiavelli,
OlVl R
who
that in every great society there are necessa-P nly three orders of men a superior order, understand things through their own unassisted
/
:
mental powers; an intermediate things when they are explained who do not understand at all. added that they are limited in
;
Of
through intelligence of the second, that, in modern countries having free journalism, they fall under its influence, the man of this grade adopting the opinions of his accustomed newspaper, and unconsciously retailing them as his own of the third, which is by far the most numerous, its members pass through life in a monotonous intellectual slumber they think in monosyllables. The political effect of emigration depends on this condition from which of these three orders has the emigraIf the drain has been from the lowting mass issued.
;
176
Relate licence
[Sect.
II.
^SSIntoS
est> tne
is capable of quick repair. The an old society is always greater than the number realized, which is kept down by resist-
self-multiplying force of
an exhausted space, so will that unsatisfied, that restrained power of multiplication quickly fill up the vacancy that has thus been made.
On the other hand, should the migrating body have diminished seriously the number of the highest class, the
result
fair.
is
a far more important, a far more permanent loss of the direct influence of these men is no
af-
in-
may
live under,
they will and do control public thought. Still more, society has no means of recruiting at its pleasure the wasted ranks of this class such individuals appear at limited
;
intervals,
there.
We
mind
emigrations depends on the grade of society from which the emigrating mass has issued, being very different in the cases of the laboring and intellectual classes respectively; that
stability,
community suffering incessant blood-disturbance will exhibit social activity, but if the disturbing element be very
base, a corresponding depreciation in absolute value will ensue.
In the Northern States the blood-disturbance in the old English settlers of the Atlantic border
has been, as
,
man
i iT*i* would be more marked it the stream did not flow mainly from Ireland and Germany, countries that are bound by the same annual iso-
we have
-,
-.
-,
said, tnrouo;n
-i
lmmiOT
immigration.
an
-i
tion.
Its effect
Chap. X.]
iff
on the north and WashThe movement which this class of ington on the south. population has to accomplish to come into correspondence
thermals that limit
New York
not great, but a careful observer to detect the retardation each fresh arrival
is
impresses on the movement of its predecessors, and their corresponding detention in the lower intellectual states.
is less
The
uonof some
olrt states.
ideas less settled, its intentions less precise. Atlantic States have been the chief seat from
people the x
- -
W est.
T7
i
Cf
feo iar as
I*
-,
their asriciu~
may be
tural population is concerned, many of them regarded as having passed into a stationary con-
Of this, Vermont may be taken as an example, its dition. census report for 1860 being substantially the same as If the limit of land-support has thus been that for 1850.
must be looked for from commercial and manufacturing avocations. Rapid development of the new. rj^ Q North Western g tates Q ffer & striking COUin the same decade Illinois doubled its trast population.
reached, any farther advance
;
the Atlantic States, in this manner, a very large portion of their population has been removed; in the general aggregate, about one fourth having emigrated. It is
to
From
be observed that the countries thus settled bear a resemblance, social and political, to those from which their
population was first derived, a fact pointing to the conclusion that the abstraction made from the Atlantic States
Effect
nas been a proportional manner from each f the three social grades. The effect of this has been to keep those states intellectually
in a stationary condition,
they would otherwise have made. Society, retaining in them more or less completely its primitive interior balance, has lost the advantage that would have been en-
IM
Ifg
joyed had the
[Sect. II.
more
is
field of action been limited, the population the mental competition more violent. This dense, the explanation of the remark, so often made, that our
vanced with an equal step. The emigrating mass also has been placed under extraordinary conditions. Peopling an uninhabmaL is madniter. ited region, it has suffered no deterioration n ated, but is affected i t l m by climate, natural from blood admixture with lower tribes.
inn
aud
artificial.
The change
is
that
it
Physically
it
hastens
come into correspondence with the new circumstances, and is ever moving in an ascending course. The length of time to be occupied in the metamorphosis before complete accordance is gained must be very considerable, and
to
if
continued
immigration
is
going
on.
the other hand, the length of time and the course to be passed over are shortened by that artificial climatevariation accomplished in civilized life, explained in ChapThe living in artificially-warmed houses, the adter V.
On
justment of clothing, the selection of food, compensate largely for difference of climate, and bring society to a
more homogeneous state. The advance of the Northern population to the Mississippi - was by no means so rapid as might % Rate of diffusion of ... the Northern popu- nave been expected. OJiio was not admitted x lation to the West. to the Union until 1803, Illinois not until The effect of the Great Lakes in retarding the tide 1818. of humanity is seen in the fact that Michigan was not ad-.
y^.->
-.
-.
...
This slow
no inconsiderable extent, due progress westward was, to to the fact that much of the diffusive power of this population was converted into local energy, and consumed in As will be presently the establishment of large towns.
Chap.x.]
179
seen, the Southern population, though numerically inferior, and settled on an equal geographical surface,
actually
surpassed in rapidity of diffusion the Northern, this being mainly the result of plantation life, and the consumption
of a smaller proportion of the population in the establish-
ment of cities. The retardation of the Northern progress to the Mississippi was also partly due, in the first incansesofitsretardation.
by the English
of
the Western posts. The United States, under the Confederation, could not carry out the treaty of peace, and Mr. Adams, then minister to England, received a reply from
the British government that " one party could not be obliged to a strict observance of the engagements of a
and the other remain free to deviate from its obliThe whole difficulty lay in the fact that Congations." had no compulsory power over the states to oblige gress them to conform in their legislation to the treaty stipulatreaty,
tions.
long duration. The rural industry of the Northern people was chiefly directed to the production of grain, hay, poproducts of its m-
SSSrf
llfe;
tatoes, corn, butter, cheese, wool, live-stock. To these local circumstances added other
;
products thus New Hampshire furnished granite Maine, lumber, fish, ice Massachusetts, granite and marble New
;
Pennsylvania, iron and coal WisThe concentration consin, lead; Michigan, copper, etc. of population in towns was the result of the great develsalt
;
opment of manufactures and commerce; the objects of pursuit were therefore very various, and, indeed, embraced
almost every thing that is of interest in civilized life. Farming, mining, the fisheries, manufactures, machinery,
trade,
of the North.
commerce, formed, therefore, the diversified pursuits If the people diffused slowly, they built
IgO
solidly.
[Sect.
II.
out
fields.
grate
as they advanced, no desolate, no wornProperly speaking, this people did not mithey grew. The land once possessed was retained.
They
left,
The settlement of the Northwestern Territory ceded by Virginia to the Union, and the formation The settlement of
the Northwestern Territory.
or the
nois,
,,
powerful states
-,
Michigan, Wisconsin, out of it, were determined by the Ordinance of 1787, a measure not only offering a most signal instance of practical and comprehensive legislation, but also being the exemplar by which
unoccupied domain has since been converted into legal territory, and then developed into perfect states. Though its special provisions have been occasionally modified, the general conception on which it depends has remained unchanged. This ordinance was enacted by Congress, July, 1787. me ordinance of ^ constituted the Territory one district, but authorized its subsequent division. It directed that property should be distributed equally among the children of an intestate, the widow to have a life-interPerest in one third of the real and personal property. sons of full age could dispose of their estates by written Real estate was to will, in presence of three witnesses. be conveyed by a person of full age by deed, which must be acknowledged and attested by two witnesses. All The civil governwills and deeds must be registered. ment was to consist of three branches executive, legisThe governor was to be appointed by lative, judicial.
Congress, as was also a court of common law, consisting of three judges. The governor and judges were to adopt and publish such laws of the old states as were suited to the district, these laws to have effect until a General Assembly was organized, or until Congress disapproved of them. The governor was to appoint magistrates, but
Chap. X.]
ORDINANCE OF
1787.
181
was organized their duties were to be regulated by it. The governor was also authorized to divide the Territory into counties and townthe General Assembly
.
when
but those divisions might be subsequently changed As soon as the Territory contained by five thousand free male inhabitants, they were to elect representatives to a General Assembly, one representative for every five hundred electors. The qualifications of the representative were specified. Articles of compact between the inhabitants of the Territory and the old states were ordained. They were 1st. That there should be in the Territory freechiefly dom of religious opinion and worship. 2d. That the right to the writ of habeas corpus and trial by jury, a
ships,
the Legislature.
proportional representation in the Legislature, the course of the common law, the bailing of offenses not capital, a
just compensation for property or services required
by
the public, and the inviolability of contracts, should be secured; that immoderate fines, and cruel or unusual punishments, should
be
prohibited.
3d.
That provision
should be made for the establishment of schools. 4th. That the Territory and its states should forever be a part of the Confederacy and subject to Congress, the inhabitants to be taxed proportionally for public expenses, and that there should never be any interference with Congress as to the primary disposal of soil, or the security of titles given by it; that no tax should ever be imposed
on land owned by the United States that non-residents should not be taxed more than residents, and that the navigable waters leading to the St. Lawrence and the 5th. That the TerriMississippi should be forever free. be formed into not less than three, nor more tory might than five states, and that whenever one of the latter had sixty thousand free inhabitants, it might be admitted by its delegates to Congress on an equal footing with the
;
[Q2
[Sect. II.
old states, and be at liberty to form a permanent Constitution and state government, provided that it should be republican and in conformity with these articles of
That there should be neither slavery nor servitude in the Territory otherwise than for involuntary the punishment of crime, but that fugitives owing service
compact.
6th.
midkt be reclaimed. possible but that free communities should under such institutions, and that the fertile reprosper gions thus politically organized should tempt population not only from the Atlantic States, but also from Europe. This immigration was, in the first instance, from Ireland, but subsequently very largely from Germany.
in other states
It
was not
The
impression
psychical impress imparted to the descendants of tlie old Puritan stock by the made immigrating
tyfn-^e'Trlsrim-
insignifi-
ideas these foreigners brought were essentially of a religious kind, that had been passed over by the native Americans long previously. Conceptions that found acceptance in the devout Catholic mind,
The
and gave
it
consolation,
educated descendant of the Puritan, who had himself already made a great advance beyond the ideas of the old colonists. But, considering the whole population in the this immigration has detained it in a lower inaggregate, tellectual state. Catholicism is in its nature intrinsically its obedience is to the antagonistic to self-government As in fo inner ages, so now, it tends to maintain a priest.
aims to keep its adherents separated from the general community, that it may wield them as a mass. Political demagogues also find their advantage in this, for they, too, use this class of the populastate within the state.
It
With the German immigration it was different. It made itself felt intellectually in the community among
Chap. X.]
^83
impression made
ca
ty
which
it
settled,
because
its
own
intellect-
b^the German
nal development, though in one sense special, was very high. Its ideas, to say the least,
were on a par with those of the American. It brought industry and intelligence, and overcame the difficulties and drawbacks of a foreign tongue. Though its Sabbath ideas were not congenial to the more austere American, he instantly appreciated and accepted its tastes. Among these may be specially mentioned a love of music and the
fine arts.
benefits conferred
for the
by
most
and business
very imposing scale. The rustic German, plodding, poor, and ignorant, unlike the Irishman, avoids the populous
Aspreferring to settle in the rich prairie-lands. sisted by his wife, who shares his toils, he turns those
cities,
In place of the wild flowgreat meadows into gardens. ers that sway to and fro in the wind, he raises crops of
His yellow-haired children, under the free sky and surrounded by a vast unbroken horizon, are confirmed in their native Teutonic love of liberimals into harvest-fields.
Patient, laborious, independent, he looks upon slavery with hatred, and on the slaveholder with contempt. Gigantesque in his ideas, and not ^infrequently in his
ty.
\ n i ri off1 !* of tli p vn rai populations in
conversation, the Western man is conscious of destiny when he affirms that he is laying
the foundations of a great republic a Colossus that, in the days of his grandchildren, will grasp Europe in one hand, and Asia in the other.
these remarks on the effect of the _. and German immigration on the r>or> ~ I ulation of the North, it now remains to add
, T Irish
. ,
-.
To
...
i-
134
[Sect.
II.
some statements
gion.
re-
Deceived by their erroneous intepretations of Scripture, or perhaps not reflecting maturely on the immoralit) of their act, the Puritan colonists were drawn into the African slave-trade. With an incongruity so quaint as often to provoke the readers mirth, they blindly mixed up deeds of wickedness with the most pious aspirations,
the South.
in
and became, to a very large extent, slave-carriers to In Moore's " Notes on the History of Slavery Massachusetts" the progress of these events may be
found.
To
first
that
work
am
following
facts.
The
through tear ot their escape, and partly through apprehension that they might sattheir revengeful spirit if permitted to remain in the isfy Govcountry, many of them were exported beyond seas. ernor Winthrop mentions that, through the Lord's great mercy, a number of them had been taken, of whom the males were sent to Bermuda, and the females distributed through the Bay towns to be employed as domestic serv-
slaves in Massachusetts were Indians captured in the Pequod War (1637). Partly
, ,
,i
,-1
The expatriation of these Indians led commencement of the colonial slaverican slave-trade. " trade, and a vessel of 120 tons, The Desire," one of the first built in the colony, was used for that purThe thing was not done in secret, or indirectly, pose. but openly, by the public authority. Thus we find, in a
ants.
adoption of the Af-
to the
letter to
Mr. EndiWinthrop, at that time governor cott and myself salute you in the Lord Jesus. We have of a division of women and children heard Such prisoners are -r n tit i a i distributed by the the Bay, and would be srlad of a share, ^ colonial governors. viz., a young woman or girl, and a boy, if think good. I wrote to you for some boys for Beryou
:
"
m
.
-i
-i
'
Chap. X.]
SLAVERY IN MASSACHUSETTS.
^35
Captain Stoughton, who was employed in the Pequod War, wrote to the same governor (Winthrop) "By this pinnace you shall receive forty-eight or fifty women and children, concerning which there is one I fornrada."
:
is
among
It is
have her for a servant, if it may stand with your good liking, else not. There is a little squaw that Steward Culacut desireth, to whom he hath given a Lieutenant Davenport also desireth one that hath coat. three marks on her stomach (here the good Puritan captain gives a sketch of the marks he had observed on that part of her person). He desireth her, if it will stand with
my
them, to desire to
whom
the fairest and largest I saw have given a coat to clothe her.
your
liking."
first
The
The
Colonies of
ful
'i
New
England (1643)
existence of slavery.
and captives are to be divided among the Even the germ of a fugitive slave law may be detected at that early date. " The commissioners of the united colonies found reason to complain to the Dutch
governor in New Netherlands (1646) of the fact that the Dutch agent at Hartford had harbored a fugitive Indian woman slave,- of whom they say in their letter, such a servant is part of her master's estate, and a more considerable part than a beast.' provision for Fngitive slave treaty provision. Q ren(jftion of fugitive slaves was afterward
'
made by treaty between the Dutch and the English." The Puritans, as we have seen, justified their barbarities
to the
the Puritans respecting Indians.
-"
,
New
.
principle that the Spaniards excused their x J_ atrocities to those of Mexico and Peru. "
We
[gg
SLAVERY
not," says
first
IN
MASSACHUSETTS.
"
[Sect.
II.
know
dians
Cotton Blather,
when
this
or
Low
these In-
became inhabitants of
mighty continent,
guess that probably the Devil decoyed the yet miserable savages hither, in hopes that the Gospel of the Lord Jesus Christ would never come here to destroy or
obstruct his absolute empire over them." The colonists, therefore, considered themselves entitled to
enslaving and
eeii-
we may
In the opinion of
effectively defeated
;
" it seems to have the endeavors for Christianizing them done more to have sunk their spirits, led them to intemAt the time of perance, and extirpated the whole race." of Indian prisoners King Philip's war, large numbers
were sold "in the country's behalf;" at one time, 112 men, women, and children at another time, 57 at anothOne hundred and seventy-eight were exer (1675), 188. ported from Plymouth and sold in Spain. In not a few
;
instances, treachery
was resorted
them.
Thus,
"
about a 150
Plymouth authority sold them all garrison voluntarily. for slaves (but about six of them), to be carried out of
the country."
But these atrocities were not accomplished without indignant remonstrances from the military officers to whom the prisoners had surrendered. Public demoralization spread apace. Even the converted or " praying Indians" did not escape this rapacious cupidity many of them, under false accusations, were sold as slaves. Nay, " more, Quaker ladies were whipped with ten stripes," and
;
The
sale of the
tries
New
.
England Indians
to foreign coun-
by the Puritans originated, as previously remarked, in a fear that thev would escape if left near their native haunts, and
Chap. X.]
SLAVERY IN MASSACHUSETTS.
^87
revenge upon the whites the cruelties they had endured. This led to the African slave-trade in the colonies. The Salem slave-ship "Desire" brought negroes from the West
Indies.
"A
ragansetts very considerable to this plantation, for I doubt whether it be not sin in us, having power in our
hands, to suffer them to maintain the worship of the devil, which their poivivoivs often do. 2d. If, upon a just war,
them into our hands, we might easily have men, women, and children enough to exchange for Moors, which will be more gainful pillage for us than
the Lord should deliver
conceive, for I do not see how we can thrive until we get in a stock of slaves sufficient to do all our business; for our children's children will hardly see this great con-
we
The Puritans
fer
pre-
tinent filled with people, so that our servi n -,-, ants will still desire freedom to plant lor x
.
.-.-,
-,
-i
wages. shall maintain twenty Moors chearjer than one English servant. The ships that shall bring Moors may come
themselves, and not stay but for very great And I suppose you know very well how we
salt, which
of the charge,
not
all
of
it."
That
The eventual
^ TO hll ^ G 1 1 S
this
slave
population of Mas-
exchange of Indians for negroes had been found advantageous is indicated by an order .. j'jitt'jI/^i 01 the commissioners 01 the United Colonies
,,
.
(1646) authorizing the shijyping and exchange. There is reason to suppose that the slave-trade in Boston reached its maximum about 1727. The numof African slaves in Massachusetts was, however, at ber no time very large. In 1686 there were not more than 200, who had been brought chiefly from Guinea and Madagascar. In 1708 they had increased to about 550. The increase was not so much by births; for Governor Bradstreet, writing in 1680 to the Lords of the Commit-
ss
SLAVERY IN MASSACHUSETTS.
[Sect. II.
Trade and Foreign Plantations, remarks, " There are very few blacks born here, not above five or six in a year at most; none are baptized that I ever heard of!" That the inducement to import them was not very great appears from the statement of Governor Dudley, that negroes had been found unprofitable, and that the planters preferred white servants.
tee for
Number of Negroes
1720
. .
in Massachusetts.
Chap. X.]
SLAVERY IN MASSACHUSETTS.
1g9
were contending with the mother country for their own freedom. He adds, " If God hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on the face of the earth, I can see no reason why a black rather than a white man should be a slave." Mr. Jefferson, in the account he gives respecting the Jefferson's omission of the celebrated denunciation of Mr. T iu-t^silv^iiner- slavery from the Declaration of Independesfs of the North. rpj^ repr()k at i n g ^q gayg
nies
,
^^
^^ ^
enslaving the inhabitants of Africa was struck out in complaisance to South Carolina and Georgia, who had
never attempted to restrain the importation of slaves, and who, on the contrary, still wished to continue it. Our Northern brethren, also, I believe, felt a little tender under those censures
;
for,
though their people had very few had been pretty considerable
the foregoing facts, it is therefore clear that we mus t not impute to a Puritan origin, or to The later nobie
From
SttoKiw to puritanism.
Puritan influences, the course that Massachugettg j^ tafc en [ n re g arc[ to African slavery
in latei* years.
The
convictions
so
nobly acted, though perhaps of foreign origin, have gradIn this, as in ually been developed in her own bosom.
other respects, Puritanism has been greatly misunIt had no conception of universal benevolence derstood. or universal liberty. The Massachusetts soldiers of the
many
civil
outh Rock.
CHAPTER XL
GROWTH OF THE ENGLISH SETTLEMENTS. PROGRESS OF THE
SOUTHERN POPULATION TO THE
The westward
MISSISSIPPI.
progress of the Southern population having been powerfully influenced by negro slavery, the ethnological condition of the African and American The rapid territorial advance of the South, and its restrictnegro is considered. ed social development, are shown to be the necessary incidents of its special rural economy, and the acquisition of the free navigation of the Mississippi River. The Southern white population has undergone no race-adulteration that evil has exclusively befallen the black. The tendency to physiological and social divergence between the Northern and Southern communities has been strengthened by their governing principle of life, which is Individualism in the former, Independence in the latter.
;
of the Southern population can not be properly considered without treating of the introduction and influence of African slaves.
The development
Though
, , Introduction of ne-
it
is
commonly
,
first
African
were brought to the American colo~ Dutch ship of war, which landed and Dutch. twenty of them at Jamestown in 1620, they had, as we have seen, been introduced on the continent by the Spaniards at a much earlier date. Sir John Haw.
.
slaves
kins, the slave merchant, figures in the Spanish settlement In the of Florida; he arrived off that coast in 1565.
same year Menendez covenanted with Philip II. of Spain In the to import into Florida five hundred negro slaves. of the sixteenth century, so many Africans had beginning been earned to the West Indies that Ovando, the governor of Hispaniola, was anxious for their importation to be stopped. They were partly employed in the mines, and partly in the cultivation of sugar. The African slavetrade had received the sanction of the Spanish government, a nionoj)oly having been granted by Charles V. to
Chap.
XL]
191
who was
to import an-
nually four thousand negroes for eight years. He sold the privilege to some Genoese merchants for twenty-five
thousand ducats, and they organized the trade. Slavery had been introduced into the Southern English colonies before" the Puritans landed in New EnAt that time the most sincerely religious men gland. not to have been impressed with a sense of its seem
barbarity and wickedness; it was not until many years subsequently that the public conscience was awakened.
patristicism had led to so sad a tragedy in the extermination of the natives of Mexico and Peru, under the pretense that they did not belong to the human race, so
it
As
under the plea that the Almighty had put a stamp of infamy upon him, he being the descendant of Canaan,
whose
father,
Ham, had treated Noah disrespectfully. Some of the Popes had, however, viewed ,
,
. .
lio-nt. ~
denounced them, and Paul III., invoked curses on those who should attempt to later, slave either Indians or any other class of men.
-^
In America, for the reasons given in page 123, it was not possible for the indigenous negro to exist. On the west coast of Africa, the true negro-land, the thermometer not unfrequently stands at 120
Description of the negro-iand, its ciimate and animals.
m
.
-,
the shade,
,
x-i
-i
..
.bor
months
too;ether
7?
it
re-
The year mains, night and day, above 80 season the latter, is divided into the dry and the rainy in with an incessant drizzle, continues until May. setting It culminates in the most awful thunder-storms and over.
rn
whelming
mountains.
pestiferous
rains.
This
is
is
When
miasm
the dry season has fairly begun, a engendered from the vast quantities
jL92
NEGRO-LAM).
[Sect.
II.
of vegetable matter "brought down into the low lands by t.-rrcnts. From the fevers thus arising the negroes themselves suffer severely.
Moisture and heat, thus so fatal in their consequences to man, give to that country its amazing vegetable luxuFor hundreds of square miles there is an impenriance.
etrable jungle, infested with intolerable swarms of musThe interior is magnificently wooded. The quitoes.
The
Monkeys
swarm
in the
woods;
in the
more gloomy
recesses live
the chimpanzee, gorilla, and other anthropoid apes, approaching man most closely in stature and habits of
life.
game
prairies of equatorial Africa there are a few antelojDes and infrequent; horned cattle, but no horses. Man or perhaj^s more
is
the
is the only beast of burden. sweet potatoes, cassava, pumpkins, groundPlantains, Indian corn, the flesh of the deer, anteHabitsonifeofthe nuts,
negro in Africa.
\
truly woman
He
-pe,
food.
lives in a
boar, snake, furnish to the negro his hut constructed of bamboo or flakes
of bark, thatched with matting or palm-leaves. Too lazy, excej3t lages are often pallisadoed.
His
vilse-
when
verely pressed, to attend to the labors of the field, he compels his wives to plant the roots or seeds, and gather
In hunting and in war, his main occuhe relies upon cunning, and will follow his prey pations, with surprising agility, crawling like a snake prone on the ground. He has little or no idea of property in land; he makes his purchases and slaves are his currency " slave is a note of hand pays his debts with them. that may be discounted or pawned. He is a bill of exthe scanty harvest.
;
Chap.
XL]
I93
change that carries himself to his destination, and pays a He is a tax that walks corporeally into debt bodily.
ma religious and
social ideas.
*he chieftain's treasury." Ferocious in his amours, the African negro has no sentiment
The more wives he possesses the richer he is. If he inclines to traffic, each additional father-in-law is
of love.
an additional trading connection if devoted to war, an His animal passions too often disdain all such merally. cenary suggestions he brings home new wives for the sake of new gratifications. Fond of ornaments, his pros;
:
perity is displayed in thick bracelets and anklets of iron or brass. An old European hat, or a tattered dress-coat,
badge
of kingship. He inclines to nocturnal habits. He will spend all the night lolling with his companions on the ground at a blazing fire, though the thermometer may be
occupying himself in smoking native tobacco, drinking palm wine, and telling stories about witches and spirits. He is an inveterate gambler, a jestHe knows nothing of hero worship er, and a buffoon.
at
80,
:
more than
his religion is a worship of fetiches. They are such objects as the fingers and tails of monkeys, human hair,
skin, teeth, bones, old nails, copper
He
walk
at the sunset
who
is
and, in mortal terror of his enmity, leaves food for him in the woods. He welcomes the new moon by dancing in
her shine.
Whatever misfortune or sickness befalls him he imputes to sorcery, and punishes the detected wizard or witch with death. He determines guilt by the ordeal
of
fire
:
the accused
who
without being burnt is wind-raiser and rain-maker pursues his main business of exorcism in a head-dress of black feathers, with a string
I.N
19-4
T1IE
AFRICAN NEGRO.
[Sect.
II.
bone incantations.
of the
tribes
have
al-
form, and, following the course through which intelligence in other races has passed, they have wooden gods who can speak, and nod, and wink. In this deplorable, this benighted condition, the negro nevertheless shows tokens of a capacity for Hi* proves in the arts of better things. He is an eager trader, and
life.
human
his ebony, bar-wood, beeswax, palmhas learned how to cheat nay, more, not oil, ivory. unfrequently can outcheat the white man. He can adulterate the caoutchouc and other products he brings down to the coast, and pass them off as pure. His color se-
He
cures
detection of a blush
when he
lies.
Though utterly ignorant of any conception of art, he is not unskillful in the manufacture of cooking -pots and
he has a bellows-forge of his own he can reduce iron from its ores and manuinvention;
tobacco-pipes of clay
facture
it.
;
He makes
bows, and other weapons of war. But in the construction of musical instruments his skill is chiefly displayed. From drums of goat-skin, from harps and resonant gourds, he extracts their melancholy sounds, and disturbs the
nocturnal African forests with his plaintive melodies. It has been affirmed by those who have known them
The noxious
cii-
mate he inhabits.
well, that the equatorial negro tribes do not mcreaS6j k u t tend to die out spontaneously.
its
This
is
most malignant form will Even though quinine be taken as' a prophylactic, no white man can enter their country with impunity. The night-dews are
absolutely mortal.
are of
more
interest in
America
Chap.
XL]
AFRICAN CIVILIZATION.
195
than that of the capacity of communities of African deIn his own country the negro has scent for civilization. been subjected for more than a thousand years to two
influences, Christian
and Mohammedan.
Here and
there,
on the outskirts of that great continent, the European has made a faint, but at the best only a transitory impression tlie Asiatic has pervaded it through and Sobammedanization of central Afnca. through. Of the promising churches which
;
any vestige now remains the faith of Arabia has not only supplanted them, but is spreading toward the Cape of Good Hope, and this, as it would seem, Our prejudices and education ought not spontaneously. to conceal from us that there must certainly be some adaptedness, though only in a sensual respect, between the doctrines of the Koran and the ideas of many clicoast, scarcely
;
mates,
many
nations,
many
colors.
The
all countries
Guinea to the Chinese wall. In the pestilential and sunburnt forests of equinoctial Africa, cities are springing up with ten, twenty, fifty thousand inhabitants. That implies subordination, law, civilization. Doubtless, to no insignificant extent, this spread of Mohammedanism has been due to the fact that its first im-
pression
tribes.
They
are
carried through commerce, and not by missionary The practice of exertion, to the tribes of the interior.
was
polygamy, which the Koran does not forbid, has also greatly favored this propagandism. Whoever compares the character of the negro in Africa with the character of the negro in America
American negro in
will conie to the conclusion that not only is this race capable of a certain grade of civil-
196
ization,
TIIE
AMERICAN NEGRO.
[Skct.II.
but that
it
has
made
considerable advances in
The American negro has universally abandoned the abject paganism of his forefathers, and has become not merely nominally, but in spirit, a devout ChrisIt can not be said of him that he is incapable of tian. the sentiment of love. Too often has he worn himself out in redeeming from slavery the wife of his choice. Under circumstances the most unfavorable, he has attained correct ideas of conjugal and paternal relations. Esthat career.
sentially religious, his trust in the justice of God has never wavered. In his darkest days and sorest trials he has
firmly expected in patience the coming of the inevitable hour that would proclaim him free. At the end of a
war in which the passions of men have been urn bound, and violence of all kinds has been licensed, he
civil
brave
but
interiorly.
and passing to that of comprehension, he is beginning to have ideas like ours. It will, however, be long before he can combine and generalize. At the best, as was remarked on page 102, he will never be more The necessarily ., l m l n -i' n limited nature of than an overgrown child. Communities formed of such a social element will be wafted like
clouds in the
air,
impelled
by extraneous
influences
for
a long time, simple dogmas and ceremonies must be their The social machine in which they are concerned guide. be able to work of itself; they would hardly be must
able to guide it. They must learn to decline ease, and be discontented with poverty, which is the great source of crime, the barrier to knowledge, the chief cause of human woe. In laboring to procure an individual competence, they must discern that they are becoming more
Chap. XI.]
J 97
hapj3y,
Not without reavirtuous, more powerful. son do communities, of European descent devote themselves to the pursuit of gain for, though " eloquence, tal;
more
power." In intellectual development the American negro has made progress under a legal prohibition of formal edu;
Without
difficulty
;
he
knowledge
he learns
to
and to
cast
up
a simple account.
In congrega-
which
Christian denominations he usually gives his preference, he prays with earnestness, and preaches with an eloquence often very touching from its quaint simplicity. The comic and plaintive songs which he is said to sing in his hours of relaxation have been listened to with admiration in all the
The
He
will not
capitals of Europe. motive for his production and protection as a source of wealth in connection with the in-
gay
change
physiologically
-1
crease of his
mi
-1
and a
movement, and no
stinct will lead
His indone by quadrupeds, by birds, and by fishes to migrate to those regions where Nature is in unison with his constitution. He will not linger in a country of frosts if he be permitted to have access to one of warmth and hence it is not likely that the future history of America will present the spectacle of his physiological modification it will be the narrative
legal repression or restraint.
him
to do
what
The
settlers
1<98
[Sect.
II.
Wcstwnrd diffusion
of the southern
border were comparatively undisturbed by mi 1 U' immigration. Iney received but tew addi.
"I
j.
tions
from Europe.
them uncontaminated by African blood. Yet tlieir diffusion to the West was rapid. Tennessee admitted into the Union in 1796, Alapeculiarities of the was
Sonthem progress.
bama
in 1819, Mississippi
ill
1817.
Of
the
was
admitted in 1821.
with the balance of power in Senate had unquestionably an influthe United States ence in accelerating this advance, but those reasons were capable of practical embodiment only because of the peculiarities of
Southern
society.
The
cultivation of tobac-
co and cotton necessarily implied plantation life, and that implied a population sparsely settled. So remunerative,
and therefore
istic
so engrossing, did these pursuits rapidly become, that none of that variety of industry characterplace. so strong a tendency to local clustering. less numerous their population less.
;
of the
an d
fp tion c e ntreof
their relative advance westward, is indicated by the fact that the centre of population
has
about
it
fifteen
slowly moved along a line north of west. At the first census degrees
hitherto
in 1840
;
it
was
in the
northwestern extremity of Virginia at the breaking out The of the war it was a little beyond Columbus, Ohio. redistribution of the negro population just alluded to
south, but the point at which it will cross the Mississippi River will turn altogether on the circumwill carry
it
stances under
co
which industry is reorganized in the tobacstates. Should a tide of white emigration in that direction, it would correspondingly carry the flow point at which the centre of population will cross the
and cotton
Chap.
XL]
199
it
is
path
is
to
the adoption of the Constitution the population North and South was nearly equal each of , , , .,,. Original equality of the North and the two regions had nearly two millions ot J o South. inhabitants, if we include for the South half
;
.
-.
At
Their territory to the Mississippi was nearly equal it was about 400,000 square miles for the North, 406,086 for the South, excluding Florida, 399,400. Their commerce was equal. The annual exa million of slaves.
;
:
ports of the North were $8,461,209; those of the South, The assessed values of property in the two $8,555,074.
were equal, being about four hundred millions of dollars. But very soon the North began to display a greater progressive power than the South its advancement was
:
seen in
its
population,
wealth.
This steady advancement of the North over the South has been popularly ascribed to the change
ment
action.
m
,
* "t ot policy x
-t
pursued by the federal government -it abandoning direct taxation and obtaining O o a revenue from foreign commerce. But it
-i
i t
should be remembered that this change did not occur until 1816, and the difference between the two may be
recognized from the very beginning of the government. Apart from any political considerations of strength to be derived from the multiplication of states,
Causes of the rapid population diffusiou in the South.
,
.
there were special causes that aided very x -it"* powerfully promoting the westward dif-
m
,
Among
these
may be
of the
mentioned,
;
1st.
The topographical
construction
country of the Appalachian chain through Georgia and Alabama into Mississippi, presenting the great tertiary formations
OQQ
RURAL ECONOMY
II.
;
IN
THE SOUTH.
[Sect. IL
alluded to in Chapter
2d.
climate of uniformity
and mildness, implying a sameness in agricultural products 3d. Easy communication along the coast by sea
; ;
4th.
The
New
Or-
leans.
case in the countries that lay on the same parallels of latitude, as South Carolina and Georgia, there were equally powerful influences in Virginia,
If such
it is intersected by the Appalachians, and has a of climate, and less facility for migratory movevariety ment. The production of tobacco, to which the rural industry of this state was largely turned, implies a very
was the
though
rapid exhaustion of the soil, that plant extracting the salts of potash, and being unable to grow where those
to a certain extent.
lowlands passes tract after tract on which nothing but the Pinus through keda, a stunted tree, which can flourish on a less amount of potash salts than any others of the forest, is growing.. These " old fields," as they are significantly of the south comTo called, have been exhausted by tobacco. pels expatriation. *\ restore to them the salts which have been thus removed was impracticable in an economical point of view. The planter was driven from his worn-out estate to the cheap and fertile lands of the West. To this apparently trifling fact must be attributed an
over
the Virginia Atlantic
'
important result.
I have already remarked that in the westward advancement of the human tide at the North nothing was abandoned consolidation of what was already possessed went on simultaneously with diffusion. But in the tobacco-growing country vast spaces were thus and the spread of literally surrendered back to Nature, population, instead of being the result of an outgrowth,
;
a surplus, was at the expense of the parent states. As the organization of the Northwestern Territory
by
Chap.
201
the Ordinance of 1787 is the most important /, t ,t ,i fact connected with the western develop
,
it
ment
tion of the Mississippi River stands in a similar relation to the western development of the South.
To
u
the fathers of the republic the United States were the slender train of colonies seated on the
the pqfic^1tsal
the
It was only by degrees Atlantic border. that the political horizon extended beyond Into those "bach -settleAlleghany Mountains.
1
at that time, and not unaptthe supposed position of the region adly indicating venturers continually poured, attracted by its soil, popu-
ments'
be thrice as rich as the old colonial doso late as 1784, did not think that the ownership of the Mississippi would be of benefit to the republic, but, on the contrary, was afraid that it might tend to separate the Western country from the His ideas slowly expanded from an Atlantic States. Atlantic border to a Continental republic. He wished to draw commerce down the little streams that run throuo-h In these views he was by no means the old colonies.
larly declared to
mains.
singular, the general opinion of the time being that the chief value of the Western lands was for the payment of
By
Spain
degrees, however, the pioneers in Kentucky began t0 make tneil ^Alienee felt, KIOTO particularrefuses a free
"
navigation.
lina,
ly in tte g tates f Virginia and North Carowhence many of them had come and negotiations
;
were entered into with Spain (1785) to yield the free navigation of the Mississippi. This, however, through her minister Guardoqui, she positively refused to do, offering, however, a commercial treaty on other points which would have been very favorable to the Middle and Northern States. This led at once to an antagonism be-
202
[Sect.
II.
tween the Soutli and the North, the former insisting on the acquisition of the river, the latter being willing to yield it for the sake of the advantages of the proposed commercial treaty. Meantime some American property
was seized by the Spaniards at Natchez. The exasperated Western men, aided by filibusters from Virginia, were not slow in retaliating. They thought that they were
neere are resolved
to have
it.
being sacrificed to the cupidity of the Atlantic States, and determined that thev would J
neither pay tribute to the Spaniards, who held the mouth of the river, nor wait for the internal
nay, more, The older they contemplated resistance to Congress. states at this time had no conception of the importance of the Valley, nor of the fact that there was an absolute
;
political necessity to
its
produce. The northern portion of them adopted the idea of Washington, that the possession of the river would be of more harm than good that it would turn the front of
;
Mr. Adams, referring subsequently to these events, ob" The Secretary for Foreign Affairs serves Mr. Adams's ac-r i /- r \ count of the do(Mr. Jay) recommended to Congress a comiDcstic dispute arising from this promise with Spain, by the proposal of a question. commercial treaty, in which, for an adequate
:
~\
,
/~\
*-
equivalent of commercial advantages to the United States, they, without renouncing the right to the navigation of the Mississippi, should stipulate a forbearance of the exercise of that right for a term of twenty-five or thirty of the treaty should be limyears, to which the duration
ited."
This proposal excited the most acrimonious and irritated struggle between the delegations of the Northern
"
and Southern divisions of the Union which had ever yet occurred, the representation from the seven Northern
Chap.
XL]
203
unanimously agreeing to authorize the stipulation secretary, and the five Southern with the exception of one member, being equally states, The State of Delaware was not earnest for rejecting it. then represented. In the animated and passionate debates on a series of questions originating in this inauspicious controversy, the delegates from Massachusetts, and among them especially Rufus King, took a warm and disstates
recommended by the
tinguished part in favor of the proposition of the secretary, while the opposition to it was maintained with an earnestness equally intense, and with ability not less powdelegation from Virginia, and among them pre-eminently by Mr. Monroe. The adverse interests and
erful,
by the
opposite views of policy brought into conflict by these transactions produced a coldness and mutual alienation
between the northern and southern divisions of the Union which is not extinguished to this day. It gave rise to rankling jealousies and festering prejudices, not only of the North and the South against each other, but of each section against the ablest and most virtuous patriots of the other."
Washington's opinions in 1786 respecting the opening of tlie Mississippi are given in a letter he Washington's lettertoLee. wrote in June of that year to Henry Lee. "The advantages with which the inland navigation of the rivers Potomac and James is pregnant must strike every mind that reasons upon the subject; but there is, I
perceive, a diversity of sentiment respecting the benefits and consequences which may flow from the free and im-
mediate use of the Mississippi. My opinion of this matter, has been uniformly the same, and no light in which I have been able to consider the subject is likely to change it. It is neither to relinquish nor to push our claim to
this navigation, but, in the
mean while, to open all the communications which Nature has afforded between the
OQ4
[SECT.
II.
Atlantic States and the Western territory, and to encourage the use of them to the utmost. In my judgment, it
is
former to
matter of very serious concern to the well-being of the make it the interest of the latter to trade with
ties of consanguinity,
which are
weakening every day, will soon be no bond, and we shall be no more, a few years hence, to the inhabitants of that
country than the British and Spaniards are at this day not so much, indeed, because commercial connexions, it is well known, lead to others, and, united, are difficult to be
broken.
These must take place with the Sjmniards if Clear I am the navigation of the Mississippi is opened. that it would be for the interest of the Western settlers
as
as the
to
the lakes, to bring their produce through one of the channels I have named but the way must be cleared, and made easy and obvious to them, or else the ease with
;
which people glide down streams will give a different bias to their thinking and acting. Whenever the new states become so populous and so extended to the westward as really to need it, there will be no power which can deprive them of the use of the Mississippi. Why, then, should we j)rematurely urge a matter which is displeasing, and may produce disagreeable consequences, if
it is
our interest to
"
let it sleep
V
^
Ill
character of the people who inhabit that and I will venture to say that the act which country, abandons the navigation of the Mississippi is an act of
Madison.
jfo Q
is
separation between the Eastern and Western countiy. It a relinquishment of five parts out of eight of the terri-
tory of the United States an abandonment of the fairest subject for the payment of our public debts, and the chaining those debts on our own necks in perpetuation.
Chap. XI.]
205
those
have the utmost confidence in the honest intentions of who concur in this measure, but I lament their want of acquaintance with the character and physical adI
vantages of the people, who, right or wrong, will suppose their interests sacrificed on this occasion to the contrary interests of that part of the Confederacy in possession of
present power. If they declare themselves a separate people, we are incapable of a single effort to retain them.
Our
citizens
soldiers, to go there to cut the throats of their own brothers and sons, or rather to be themselves the subjects in-
stead of the perpetrators of the parricide. Nor would that country quit the cost of being retained against the But it can not Avill of its inhabitants, could it be done.
They are able already to rescue the navigation of the Mississippi out of the hands of Sj)ain, and to add New Orleans to their own territory they will be joined
;
be done.
by
By
The navigation
the Convention of 1787 the Mississij)pi Question was referred to the new government, with a at
clear
length acquired,
river
was a
declaration that the free navigation of the and essential right of the United States.
finally settled by the French acquiand the purchase of that country from
Napoleon by Mr.
Jefferson.
Though
American
many
fortunate events in
history, perhaps there has not been one more fortunate than this for, rising superior to the traditions
;
that surrounded him, Mr. Jefferson broke through constitutional ties, and, appealing to the good sense of the na-
purchased Louisiana, and with it the ownership of He gave the republic the tlie Mississippi. Great impm 8 e to conferred on it the great river, great valley, Sentln'the^ur?' chase of Louisiana. on w]iic]i Americans were only tolerated by
tion,
it
a free expan-
20G
RACE-PUMTY
to the Pacific Ocean.
IN
THE SOUTH.
[Sect. II.
don
Under a New-England
Pres-
ident that important measure would not have been accomplished the opportune moment, once permitted to
;
At this time the pass by, would never have returned. national ideas of New England had not surpassed those
combated by Franklin before the Revolution. According to them, the American people ought not to be encouraged to spread beyond the Alleghany Mountains, the Atlantic border being their proper and limited abode.
that were
As
it was, Massachusetts viewed, not without concern, the introduction of new territories and prospective states,
political balin conformity to these views, resisted as far as ance, and, she could the reception of Louisiana as a state in 1812.
now to follow the same course with the In this case, however, the influence arose from an exceedingly extraneous cause the negro.
It
remains
Southern.
The American element at the South guarded itself w ^ n ^ ne strictest jealousy from any such The white o uian
e
baleful contamination.
Public opinion,
rest-
-^
The
hibited
it.
upon natural instincts, absolutely prowhite population of the slave states inwhat physiologists have determined
races.
tuitively appreciated
by
their mixture
with inferior
rec-
ognized the necessity of excluding the faintest trace of Intermixture with base blood leads to a more color.
rapid degeneration than the most noxious climate. The white population of the South maintained itself in a condition of purity the adulteration that took place was al;
together experienced
by
the black.
Chap. XI.]
OQ7
Not
c
less
U
than twenty-three varieties or crosses are enumerated as arising from the intermixture of
the white, the Indian, and the negro. ..,,
-,
are all intrinsically and necessarily inferior to the pure white. But, though the white race in the South was thus
it was and becoming yearly ZSSSSSfSnE? undergoing change, more and more homogeneous. The sparse
continually
They 7,.,,.
m-
maintaining
its
physiological purity,
population of plantation life implied a restricted circle of friendships, a narrow range of intermarriage. Hence the origin of the remark, often made in the South, that every one is every one's cousin. The infusion of extra-
neous blood of equal value which took place so largely at the North was here impossible because of the absence of immigration. The distinctive lineaments of the Southern whites continually became more sharply, more exclusivesameness in the population, originating in ly defined. this manner, was re-enforced by a sameness in pursuits. There was a common direction of thought, and in the institution of slavery a common political bond.
Thus, side
The North and the
, th e C 11 " finu a iiJmo re d istinctly separate.
by
side, in
states,
,
ference, partly through climate, interests, and tp i i avocations of lite, two distinct nationalities
-
state of unceas-
No rthemp o puiation.
in g activity ; there was corporeal and mental restlessness. Magnificent cities in all di
> ;
rections
were arising
,i
in-
tersected
with
wherever
Companies for banking, manufacturing, commerpurposes, were often concentrating many millions of
OQ3
capital.
[Sect. II.
There were
all
relig-
Bchools,
abounded.
The
foreign
commerce
rivaled that of the most powerful nations of Europe. This wonderful spectacle of social development was the
result of Individualism, operating in an uncipie si
inSfiauai-
ism.
bounded theatre of action. Everv one was " seeking to do all that he could for himself.
But under this splendid prosperity great evils lay conThe family tie was weakened. Children left cealed. their home the moment they could take care of themThe recognized Life became an Arab warfare. selves. standard of social position was wealth. No other criterion could be established, for all were originally on a There level, and wealth became the only distinction. was an irresistible tendency to the subdivision and scattering of property.
In the South,
occupations and
southern popSS-
if the ostensible prosperity was less, the actual happiness was not inferior. Society was i 11 a condition of repose ; the planters
were hospitable and proud. Few, except those in affluent circumstances, had been in foreign countries and, unacquainted with the fictitious wants of civ;
ilization,
own
lot,
in
their simplicity imagining that there was nothing better in the world. The youth did not despise rural avocations, and rush to the towns in pursuit of instant for-
We have no cities, but we have an ameliorated country population, civilized in the solitude, gracious in the amenities of life, refined and conservative in social habits. We have little associated, but more individual wealth. We have no mechanical arts. Our labor is better employed than in manufacturing implements for ourselves. We have no commerce, but we supply its pabulum. We have slaves under a benign
tune.
Mr.
."Wise says
"
Chap.
XL]
209
domestic rule, and masters having leisure to cultivate morals, manners, philosophy, politics." Like the monastic institutions of the Middle Ages,
influence of piantation
life
plantation
evenly.
upon
it.
it. Communities of this kind may become excessively wealthy; they may be stimulated into rapid improvement, but they are always liable to violent social oscillations. The commercial speculator may be the owner of millions to-day, and a ruined man to-morrow. He can push forward his operations for gain, and crowd great results into a single hour. The agriculturist can not hasten the processes on which he depends he must wait the slow movement of Nature and the seasons, and hence in his communities there is less excitement, less anxiety, and less of the delirium of life. Not but that wealth will show even in such communities its inIn the South there evitable tendency to concentration. were rich planters and poor whites; families living in princely affluence, and others struggling for existence in
tends to concentrate
penury. Great
cities
streets
Relative morality of the two populations.
-n
11
rotten-
When we
passions of men are under control, the open dissoluteness of one community being equaled by the secret crime of
another
number
of
illegiti-
mates in 1845 was 70 per thousand of the whole number of births; in Catholic France it was 71 we shall, perbe disposed to suspect that the unconcealable vice haps, of the Southern plantations, openly manifested in the continually increasing proportion of mulatto births, was not without its invisible equivalent in the awful prostitution of the Northern cities.
I O
210
[Sect. II.
Individualism was the governing principle of the North, Independence that of the South. In the
Governing princlplea of the North
->
former, each
7
.
from the
titions of
rest.
m
.
compact
life.
plantation
social divergence
two
great
communities was becoming more marked. ~ ,. * Continual tendency v mu was obvious to every observant person nitie S %o dive r
ence-
sion.
that
would
the asperities of rivalry, did not keep pace with the crease of population and territorial spread.
in-
CHAPTER
XII.
of the EnglishEngland, colonization of Atlantic North America, and partition The unrestrained incontinental. speaking race into two portions, insular and dividualism of the latter in the free states of America is the cause of their ex-
Henry
mer is powerfully progressive, the latter conservative. Both these political systems spring from conditions
JiVhisto^ne^iinterfor
iul
the Amerpretation of
_l
i?
ity
and instruction may we therefore trace their rise. course either of England or philosophical study of the of America will cast light on that of the other. Amerno true interpretaican history can not "be understood tion of the events of American life can be given, except by a profound study of English history and English life. I propose, therefore, to devote a few pages to a description of the circumstances under which indinc C vidualisin arose in England, and the extra.n grad ^astkT ly displaced in En,, i i 1 "L'xl giand by iudividordinary events to which it has given burn,
ua"i-
-..
to
show
that, so
NIUVIDUALISM IN ENGLAND.
[Sect. II.
as loyalty
and
ecclesiasticisin,
life,
which
every was a rapid development. Her later political revolutions were the expression of that principle, as was likewise her
man was
the acceptance of the Reformation. religious revolution It was the assertion of the right of conscience in the individual as against authority in the Church. There are two great facts in the history of England -^ n aPP aren t social stagnation, exhibThe eriodsof
:
de "
veiopmeutofEu
lte(l
Dv tne population for much more than a thousand years, from the fifth to the end
We
amine
it
at intervals,
obvious.
So with society, we may read its continuous history without recognizing any essential change but if our observation be directed in succession to epochs some dis;
may be
Let
during the first of those periods then we may compare it mentally with the same country as we know it now. After the Romans abandoned it, there had been invasions of Picts
Depressing
of the
effect
'
. .
England
and
a t-\
saxon and
Norman conquests.
lost.
Personal liberty, /
. ,
t-
t-i
The
Alfred,
by
lite, again and again was of literature, kindled by Becle and King light Alcuin and Erigena, as well as that upon the
domestic hearthstone, was extinguished at the melancholy sound of the evening curfew-bell.
Chap. XII.]
213
From the Norman Conquest to the fifteenth century the hopes of the country lay in the monasteries. Monastic institutions were the receptacle into which were
brought the ameliorating influences of foreign countries, They were especially the influences of Italy and Spain. the foci from which issued the feeble glimmerings of knowledge. In them were fondly cherished the poor remains of ancient literature in them were conceived those noble ecclesiastical structures, which, more than any thing In those else, softened the brutal manners of the times. brethren often found bettranquil retreats the tonsured
;
ter occupation
than in the weary telling of their beads. who subsequently became Pope
H., visited
England and Scotland. Of one of the mogt i n fl ueilt i ai Italian families, familiar with the highest contemporary civilization, a great officer of the Church, engaged in a mission of much
responsibility, a keen observer of affairs, and, like many others of his countrymen, though an ecclesiastic, a man
Pms
of the world, his observations and remarks are of the utmost value. To his eye the people among whom he jour-
neyed were in a semi-barbarous state. In the north, the houses, in what were called cities, were built of stones put together without mortar; the roofs were often of The cottages had no other door than a dried and turf.
stiffened bull's hide.
lived on the coarsest food, often on the bark of trees ; bread was accounted a rare delicacy. Over the border,
in England,
in the monasteries good he had brought a supply living might always be found
monasteries where he had lain
of bread and wine.
it
was but
little better.
From one
of the
gratified their
curiosity by breaking the bread into fragments, and handing it to one another to smell and giggle at. With no little graphic effect, he relates the adventures of a night
-214.
[Sect. II.
women,
sitting in the
smoke of a
itblazing ohimneyless fire, spinning hemp. self, the prominent object was a crazy old bridge over the Thames.
In London
At
Ilelpless
and hope-
the end of the twelfth century the houses of the mechanics and burgesses in that metropolis
_
,
,
were
wood, thatched with straw, or covered over with reeds. In the country the cotot
' '
t
tages were constructed of stakes driven into the ground, interwoven with wattles, plastered with mud, and covered with flakes of bark or the boughs of trees. Society had at that time become separated into two portions, a rich and a poor, without any intervening middle class. The baron and the ecclesiastic engrossed all that was
worth having.
death-rate
They
left
was
fearfully
the population remained in an almost stationary condition. shiftless agriculture furnished sparing supplies of food hence there was an unceasing check on the num-
A
;
ber of births. Autumnal fevers, originating in hundreds of miles of undrained marsh, spread a periodical desolathe labortion through the cabins. The lot of the lower
ing classes, for many ages had undergone no amelioration their health and social happiness were equally un;
cared
for.
In a political sense, they were only animals work could produce. They were
expected to manifest loyalty to the king, and obedience to the church. They could not better their condition.
There was no career open for them except to the grave. But how was it with the higher class, who represented whatever intelligence the country contained ? After the
lapse of so many centuries, is it possible for us to discern the mental progress they were making, or to satisfy ourselves that they were stagnant too ?
Geologists, froni a laborious study of the petrified re-
Chap. XII.]
215
mains they find in the earth, animals and plants turned into stone, arrive at conclusions
Q
^dou^ed
They show how climates have changed, and how the warmth of the globe has declined they show
ral world.
;
there has been an age of invertebrate life, an age of an age of mammals ; how race after race has bereptiles,
how
come
extinct,
gression,
there then for the historian also, relics of the past, capable of guiding him to conclusions equally true and reliable evidences presenting an embodiment of a thing
Are
so
shadowy and intangible as the mental progress of man? The churches, the abbeys, the monasteries are the pet-
thoughts of our ancestors of the Middle Ages their hopes, their aspirations, turned into stone. It is said that while the two armies lay face to face the
rified
night before the battle of Hastings, the Saxons spent the hours in drinking and dancing, the Normans in devotion and prayer. The gloomy spirit of the conquerors found its expression in their architecture, for architecture not
it is
only indicates the wealth, taste, civilization of a people, a mark of their science and art above all, it reveals
;
The Norman
ecclesiastical edifices,
with their characteristic semicircular arches, their thick and solid walls, unbuttressed and standing firm by their
mass, their clumsy, stunted columns, incapable of reby such inadequate devices as spirals and lozenge-cut net-work, the capitals plain, or at the best decorated with
lief
own
foliage or animal designs, the narrow and circular-headed windows, grouped into twos or threes, and reluctantly giving ingress to light those gloomy churches were in
spirit of their gloomy worshipers. the meaning of the change that steals over these edifices about the close of the twelfth century?
But what
is
OK}
The heavy Norman uui
he replaced b v the elegant Gothic.
is
[Skct. II.
in
frail
and
clus-
tering ones, the high-pitched roof, with its pinnacles and What is the tone of thought revealed by the spires ?
architecture of a
hundred years
later
ening arches, the lancet-shaped window, no longer presenting one, or, at the most, two divisions, but separated by numerous and fantastic mullions into leaves, roses,
wheels, fans, fitted with gorgeously stained glass, and letting in the many-colored light ? What is the meaning of
those ceilings vaulted and covered with tracery, pendents sustained upon nothing, canopies with delicate lace-work,
what
give strength, the pre-calculated strength demanded by the thin and lofty walls? What is the historical interpretation of this replacement of the clumsy semicircular arch by the beautiful pointed Gothic? Is it that the
Norman
becoming weary of the gloom of earth, and is seeking more light from heaven ? Peter the Venerable, the friend and protector of Abeis
.
when he
,
selves to
bpam, lie met with maiw learned men ^ from England who were devoting themstudy among the Moors. This was near the
in
-*
resided at Cordova, ,
beginning of the twelfth century. Through these ecclesiastics a great intellectual change was inaugurated in the British islands. It found an embodiment in a change of
architecture.
style
as the Gothic
into
Western
Europe by the Spanish Moors. It left in many parts of England superb examples of its beauty, and reached a
splendid culmination in uch cathedrals as those of Stras-
is
a wide remove
Chap. XII.]
AND WITH
IT
NATIONAL SENTIMENT.
217
from the structures of split oak logs, covered in with The reeds, of the middle period of Anglo-Saxon life. in the seventh cenchurch that Paulinus built at York, of linen cloth, or tury, with its leaky roof, and windows of latticed wood, through which the little birds flew in
and out, building their nests in the interior, and defiling the very altar itself, was the humble precursor of a matchmarigold lights, and windows reprein gorsenting in glass a mimic embroidery, or recording, the incidents of the Holy Bible. Succeeding geous hues, architects have not failed to express their admiration and
less pile,
with
its
astonishment at
many
emplify the highest perfection of mechanical science, both in preparatory calculation and actual execution, by exhibiting the greatest possible effect
least
possible means. Architecture had been changing in England because thought had been changing. The accumuAnd
tal
indicates a
commencing men
change in the
nation.
ed
all
innate
conquest and domestic war, had twice arrestpower of expansion. In a politically crush-
ed community an individual is nothing. The Romanized Briton had been destroyed by the Saxon, the Saxon subjugated by the Norman.
Of the
lation in the twelfth century, it may be said that their life wr as no more than waiting for death. The thought
of the nation
solation
was turned
rest.
to religion
in that
it
found con-
and
But
gradual emergence from that forlorn state prevailing in the tenth century, and spoken of contemptuously even by the monks as too base to produce so much as a heresy. It indicates a passage from
national sentiment
It wr as the consethat to a higher and better condition. quence of a mental change in the higher classes, the cause
[Ssct.
II.
William of Malmesbury, speaking of the degraded manners of the Anglo-Saxons, says " Their of Angio-saznobles, devoted to gluttony and voluptuousness, never visited the church, but the matins and the mass were run over to them by a hurrying
:
tu.ii
bed-chambers before they rose, themselves The common people were a prey to the more powerful their property was seized, their bodies dragged away to distant countries; their maidens were either thrown into a brothel or sold for slaves. Drinkand night was the general pursuit vices, the coming day
priest in 'their
not listening.
This worn-out and degenerate race was supplanted "by the sedate, the austere J J ^ lovers of magnificent edifices, fond Normans, of pomp, avaricious of personal distinction, and seeking an individual and earthly immortality.
mind."
\
b"ii**iptprmtif infli"
^~^
'
By
new
Gradnal amelioration under the Nor-,
intrusive
knowledge. JLana Lombard by birth, who had founded franc, the Abbey of Bee, and revived in it a taste for Latin literature, an energetic and an able man, was brought to England by William the Conqueror, and made Archbish-
monks
r%
-i
-,
-i
op of Canterbury. In all directions, through his agency, schools were established there was one connected with every cathedral, and almost with every prominent monasThe collection of libraries and the copying of tery. books were organized. In some of the large institutions it was made obligatory on every abbot to keep a good writer. Among the higher classes there were examples
;
of distinction in learning thus Henry I., the son of the Conqueror, received the name of Beauclerc in allusion to
;
The transcribing of books was his scholarly attainments. an amusement of the leisure hours of many great ecclesi-
Chap. XII.]
astics.
219
A rivalry in
and
as fast as
arose,
multiplied.
In the development of that literature the Greek language took no part. In consequence of the political relations of the Roman Church since the revolt of the Popes from their Byzantine sovereigns, it had become almost unknown. Two hundred years after the time of which I am speaking there was hardly any one in Italy who could
the study of it was revived, it told with singular force on the tone of religious thought throughout all Latin Europe. The Norman monks at first attempted the composition
translate the easiest sentence in
it.
When
They seek
to per-
.-,
In this they ..
were encouraged by that inborn instinct or their race which found gratification in the
Individualto live after
They hoped Thus the Count of Gloucester desired William of Malmesbury to write his history, and the Bishop of Lincoln induced Henry of Huntingdon to compile his Annals.
English literature was born of minstrelsy. Vagrant poets, who, if deficient in voice, attached themselves to
wandered all over the country with their mu and merry-andrew performances. As the vagabond exhibitor of Punch and Judy still attracts delighted aujongleurs,
sic
diences to hear his oft-repeated story of the trials, sorrows, and final triumph of the hunchback hero, so those
"
patronize vemacular literature,
j anglers,"
with
and tabrets, fiddles,' trumpets, L and pipes, never tailed ot a welcome. harps, Our more refined manners would be shocked at the proftheir gitterns
OOQ
ligate
[Sect.
II.
obscenity of their losel tales and fayr gestes." Not milivquently the point of their story bore upon the gay life of an ecclesiastic. Among the more gifted of the brotherhood, some found their way to the hall of the
There were king's and even those in the minstrels and queen's minstrels, pay of bishops, whose banquets were enlivened by their songs as soon as grace had been said. The monks, from these their lewd enemies, caught the
baron and chamber of the
ladies.
infection, happily, however, directing their exertions to Historical poems, like those better and higher things. of Wace and Benoit, incorporating the story of the siege
of Troy, and the adventures of Ulysses and iEneas, with English history, attained a wonderful celebrity. The use of Latin, a foreign and dead language, had formerly restricted such effusions to persons of education, but in
the vernacular, " the moder tonge," they were the de" light of every one, from Mathilda and pretty Alice, Bel
Aeliz," the
rustic.
Queens of Henry
I.,
down
to the humblest
There was thus a gradual improvement in English soAs a ciety throughout the reigns of its French kings.
recollection of the national suffering caused
by
invasions
friar,
-.
lost, the gayety of the minstrel, the sothe natural wonders of the alchemist,
.
began to exert their influence. It would n c lead me too far from my present purpose to
,
,
describe
originated in
how
all
Thence came the sentiment that could no longer be satisfied with the dim religious light that streamed through gloomy Norman windows, a sentiment that found congeniality in splendid and lofty, bright and beautiful buildings.
Chap. XII.]
001
in-
physical condition
we
we
roborated.
We
those
who have
country in its successive ages for information a far more unquestionable form of evidence is before us. If the circumstances in which a community is living
Stationary condition of the popuiation.
be as advantageous as x possible, that commu!P '. ,. will double its numbers in the short nity
.
.
,
*>
" space of twenty-five years. The generative force of society," as writers who have studied these sub-
which gives
rise to
the multi-
plication of individuals, remains at all periods unchanged in intensity, but the resistances to life the want of food,
of clothing, of shelter, of comforts generally, keep the number down. These resistances may assume such a pro-
portion as to make a society stationary in number for any assignable time nay, more, they may be so powerful as The population of England at to effect its diminution.
mil-
But did
it
In the
time of William
tury, ter millions.
III., at
had done
little
and a quar-
What,
The
causes of that
then, does this stationary condition of the population mean? It means food obtained with
hardship, insufficient clothing, personal uncleanness, cabins that could not keep out the weather, the destructive effect of cold and heat, miasm, want of
sanitary provisions, absence of physicians, uselessness of shrine-cure, the deceptiveness of miracles in which society
was putting
its trust,
222
NORMAN INDIVIDUALISM.
[Sect. II.
But more
it
means
deficient births.
And what
does
that point out ? Marriage postponed, licentious vate wickedness, demoralized society.
life, pri-
To an American who
lives in a
terday an interminable and inrpenetrable desert, but which to-day is filling with a j^opulation doubling itself every twenty-five years at the prescribed rate, this awful waste of actual and contiugent life can not but be a most His curiosity will lead him to inquire surprising feet. what kind of system that could have been which was pretending to guide and develop society, and which must be held responsible for this prodigious destruction, excelling, in its insidious result, war, pestilence, and famine combined insidious, for men were actually believing
that
it
How
is
different
now
surface
sus-
taining ten times the population of that day, and sending Let him who looks back forth its emigrating swarms. with veneration to the past settle in his own mind what such a system could have been worth.
In a nation there
continuous develop-
ment, and yet, at the end of a thousand years, no wellmarked social advance. In British society two arrests of progressive movement had occurred the first occa-
sioned
er the
by the Saxons, the second by the Normans. AftNorman Conquest the work had all to be recom-
menced.
population, then about to make a third, and, as it T r proved, successful advance, must be res;ardS Inborn disposition I he 8 for ed as intrinsically superior to either of its ir\ o naiXeu
The
...
"
The enterprising Normans, ispredecessors. from their native seats, had ravaged the coasts of suing Europe, and settled permanently in France. They obtained possessions in Italy and Sicily, and made their mil-
Chap. XII.]
223
extort-
A support
ed from the earth by hard agricultural labor creates a cautious, self-denying population, but successful piracy breeds lavish expenditure, a taste for personal ornament, splendid dwellings, delicate food. What is gained with ease is spent with prodigality. Among the worn-out
Saxons, crushed down by foreign invasion and domestic discord, the vigorous Normans were infused.
An
them
They become
to
intrusive race permanently settling in a country becomes gradually modified until it is in acas-
cordance with the climate and physical cir., cumstances surrounding it. Assimilated to o
.
.
-,
.
-,
-,
-.
.
-,
-,
whom
it
his forced
it-
press,
them and receives from them an imthe depth of which depends on their relative
imparts to
after the
masses.
Conquest, so completely had this assimilation between the Normans and the Saxons taken place, partly through climate and
partly through intermarriage, that a homogeneous product the English people had arisen.
Norman
Epoch
people.
of the dis011
change. o
It
III.
was resolved
that all
""uie'Enfiish
Edward
Norman-French, as had heretofore been the case. It has been remarked that ecclesiasticism and loyalty were the early guides of Anglo-Norman society. We have now to relate how these were gradually sapped, and
in their place individualism steadily emerged. At the Conquest the Norman clergy had forced themselves into the seats of their
They possess
under the direct authority ol the -i/^-i-irope. Loyal at nrst to the Catholic power which had thus sanctified their usurpation, they exhibitNorman
ualism.
the individ-
Saxon prede.
cessors, '
224
TIIE
[Sect. II.
ed a declining submissiveness as time wore on, and during the life of WicHiffe were ready for revolt. By the advice of that great man, Edward III. refused to do homage to the Pope. To use the phraseology I have adopted in my " History of the Intellectual Development of Europe," the nation was passing through its "Age of Faith," and approaching its "Age of Reason." Monkish legends and miracles that
had
could do so no
more.
craving for knowledge was manifested in all directions. It was this that gave such special
importance
So
in the indi-
manhood
is
back upon with a smile. Parental discipline must change. Trivial motives and modes of appeal that once had force, lose all their power. The family can now be controlled
only
A fortunate
by addressing
They
ecclesiasticistn
its understanding. circumstance paralyzed the English ecclesiastical establishment, incai^acitating it for aUV VlffOl'OUS Opposition to popular progress, xj. o o to an extent by no means insigand, indeed,
'
*/
j.
j.
j.
making it promote that progress. When, in the reign of Henry III., certain English dignitaries appeared before the Pope, he was astonished at their splendid costumes of gold brocade, and involuntarily exclaimed, revealing the policy that had so long animated the Italian
nificant,
Truly England is a garden of delight. It is an unexhausted well. Where so much abounds much may be acquired." Matthew Paris sj)eaks of the detestable papal extortions, and affirms that the revenues taken by the foreign clergy from the kingdom were thrice that of The king and the Pope were thus the king himself. in extorting money from the Church, and, as competitors the exactions of the latter were greater and more galling
court,
"
Rome
increased.
Chap. XII.]
225
Large incomes were withdrawn by hundreds of Italian " who had neither seen nor cared to see their priests,
flocks."
The importunate
exactions
of the
sovereign
was ever demanding more, pontiff, who, seizing much, checked the English priesthood in its tendperpetually ency to Roman affiliation, and necessarily weakened it in
domestic position. But, in spite of this paralysis, the Church, possessing more than half the landed property and milAnd eventually as- ., .i l 1 '1 sen their religious itary tenures oi the country, besides tithes ill(l6D611cl611CG. T and many other official dues, w as able to
its
.
/>
'
hold, for a time, a j)aramount control in the government. All the great state officers were ecclesiastics. The Arch-
bishop of Canterbury had more than once been a most formidable antagonist to the king. Impatient of such rivalry, the powerful barons, therefore, never ceased their
exertions to exclude, ecclesiastics from the national councils
and
political
power
the
and
sy spread among length that the Church had three antagonists to encounthe king, the nobles, the people. Before such a conter r federacy it w as impossible for her to stand. This grad-
common
ual weakening was the secret of the often-remarked feeble resistance she exhibited when finally assaulted by
Henry
VIII.
It is true that
among
had been
but
short-lived complications. Thus Henry IV. was constrained by his position to rely on the clergy, and, indeed, attempted to found his dynasty on the principle of
state.
For
this
he conceded to his
power of suppressing heresy by fire. English martyrs were burned. But, abetted by the nobles, the common people were persist" ent in their attacks on the possessioned church," as it
Under him
the
first
I. P
0(3
[Sect. II.
The spirit that burst forth with so designated. much violence at the Reformation was steadily gathering
was
force.
" every where current. The remark that there was too much singing in the churches and too little edification"
foreshadowed the approach of the Puritan. The alienated, perhaps it might be said demoralized condition of
the better laity, was shown by the literature circulating " among them. Books written in English, such as the
Lantern of Light," were so filled with denunciations against ecclesiastical immorality and extravagance that it became customary to require suspected persons to clear themselves by oath of the possession of them. To have such " English books," to hear them read, to sell or bor-
But, though the Reformers, in the attack they made on the " possessioned church," thus occupied themselves with doctrinal matters, it was not so with the government until
much
later period.
struck at the wealth of the Church, recognizing in that the source of her power. They cared nothing about her
theological dogmas, and acted upon the principle that if her riches could be seized her doctrines were of no mo-
ment.
In the early period of their action, their conduct seemed so justifiable that many ecclesiastics were reconciled to their policy.
first
relig-
spread of
knowledge among the people by being settled on various The avowed object colleges in Oxford and Cambridge. was promotion of learning. Setting aside the case of the Templars, in which there was a special political motive, these suppressions may be considered as having commenced during Wickliffe's life. In the course of time, other and less justifiable intentions appeared, as indeed might be expected; and when these suppressions were
Chap. XII.]
227
conrpleted
to a large extent into the treasury of the king. If from the religious we turn to the political aspect of the nation, proofs of gradual amelioration are seen. In the reigns of Stephen and John the baronial castles were
The Saxon chronicle records how men and women were caught and dragged into those strongdens of robbers.
holds,
hung up by
their
thumbs or
feet, fire
applied to
them, knotted strings twisted round their heads, and many other torments inflicted to extort ransom. But in the time of Richard III., so great had been Gradual improve, . ment m their mor- the improvement, and so discriminating had x o al condition. moral criticism become, that the crimes he His memory j)erpetrated could no longer be endured. was handed down to us by his own contemporaries as infamous. Famines, such as those of 1230 and 1258, which reduced the laboring classes to dire extremity, and compelled persons of higher rank to feed upon offal, became
'
.
'
>
less
and
less frequent.
thousand
persons died of hunger in London alone during the famine of 1258. more settled condition enabled the peas-
passing through her of Catholic forms, her "Age of Faith," under the guidance training was altogether of a moral, not of an intellectual
as
So long
Freedom of thought was sternly repressed. The intention was to prepare men for life in another world, not to render them prosperous and happy in this. But
kind.
as,
through
f
nation grew period of youth, and approached that of maits "Age of Reason," new sentiments, turitv J o answering to those we remark in personal
'
desire of
228
[Sect.
II.
every individual to better Lis own condition became the characteristic feature of society.
While slavery
Gradual enfeeblemeutofthearistocracy.
existed in
.
,
England the
gratification of
;
.
such hopes was of course impossible but the , n , destruction ot many ol the great proprietors ^
.
,
in the Wars of the Roses, and the unsettlement of the Church possessions, commotions, by degrees gaVe freedom of action to the lower class. As
skillful
rela-
down
ecclesiastical
power, so
Henry
racy.
VII.,
As with the
with equal wisdom, broke down the aristocChurch, so with them their influence
;
lay altogether in the possession of land. By permitting them to alienate their estates, and giving a secure title to
every purchaser, he at once gratified their wishes and devast number of small propriestroyed their power.
ment any
Things were in this condition when Columbus made ls successful The voyage of co- ^' voyage. The immediate effect
of the discovery of America
mg O
the
.
-i
Palestine to secure, as the reward of their this life, happiness in the next, so
a delirium, for obtaining an instant, a present individual prosperity. In England successful commerce led at once to a new
Individualism was rapidly Wealth, gaindeveloped. ed by mercantile ventures, enabled the successful trader class of men, to buy lands of the embarrassed noble.
distribution of population.
Self-interest displaced loyalty.
Chap. XII.]
DEVELOPMENT OF COMMERCE.
29
and
liberal conceptions.
mmer ce amon g
a d
country shows the progress it was making. first appeared in England in the train of William the Conqueror, were for
In this they
fol-
lowed the instincts of their race, abhorring agriculture and manual labor but, in the reign of Henry III., commerce had been established with all the ports of Europe from Norway to Italy. Richard III. licensed ships to go to Iceland. Columbus says that he himself sailed a hundred leagues beyond that island, and that the English carried on a considerable trade with it. That great discoverer would have found a patron in Henry VII. if he had
;
not succeeded in inducing Isabella to promote his views. As it was, under the auspices of that king, Sebastian Cabot, the son of a Venetian, who had settled in Bristol, the discovered the continent of America Increasing popui -vt n m larity of maritime uauie AmeiTcus is that ot a JNorman family ^ adventures. the twelfth century, though subsequently
m
.
appearing in Italy. Cabot, perhaps accompanied by his father, explored the coast from the point they first made Prima Vista or, as it is now called, Newfoundland, as far as Florida. Subsequently he made a voyage to
It
Russia, doing
much
was
his attempt,
a northwest passage to India that led him to the first of The expectation of Columbus, founded the opinion of Toscanelli, that the distance from Lisupon
these discoveries.
bon westward
to India
would prove
to
be shorter than
the distance from Lisbon to Guinea, not having been verified, these attempts to make the voyage in a higher lati-
much
favored
by persons who
clearly un-
230
[Sect. II.
(In-stood the globular form of the earth. Meantime the connections of trade were rapidly multiplying, as is illus-
trated
by the
fact that
tion-tax of
ker or factor settled in England. These adventurers were following commerce to its new abode. For many previous years the enterprise of the nation
plant fuTOsious of France.
had found
1
, .-
gratification in invasions of
France.
destructive raids
of popularity. When money could not be extorted for any other object, it had been freely given for that. But
now
The useless nature of these was universally recognized. Cresmilitary undertakings A restless sy, Poictiers, Agincourt, had lost their charm. adventurer could see more profit in a voyage beyond seas
than in bloody battles in France.
He
rich
discovered that
his
it
was better
for
by
own
personal enterprise,
and waste
exertions, than to shed his blood his life in giving glory to his commander or
It
own
was impossible but that loyalty should And Henry VII. decline, and self-interest take its place. was not unwilling to wean his people from their love of war, and turn them to commercial pursuits. That he might publicly show his honor for trade, he became a member of the Merchant Tailors' Company,
his sovereign.
yii. in promoting individualism.
"
of
all crafts
the chief
art,
might be more
in his realm."
and em-
ployed respecting trade were made in his reign than on any other subject and though many of them were founded on principles repudiated by
;
More laws
modern
and
spirit are
worthy
in polit-
of remark.
Chap. XII. ]
VII.
231
ical
economy. Thus he largely and energetically protected domestic manufactures, nurtured his own mercantile marine, enforced the principle that no forTracle
and manu-
fisheries,
goods should be brought to the coun excerjt try English ships, patronized the discountenanced usury, provided against the
eis;n
-i-i-it
m
.
cheating of creditors, regulated the introduction of silk, prohibited the carrying of bullion out of the realm, constructed standard measures and weights, and had authenticated copies sent to the large towns, stamped a new coinage, disallowed ordinances, such as that of the corporation of London, which forbade its freemen to travel
sale, in
come
extorted
obliged to pass. His attention was specially directed to the manufacture of wool, at that time the most important Woolen goods constiindustrial pursuit of the country.
tuted ifths of the entire English exports. He attempted to confine the manufacture to English workmen no for:
raw material out of the eigner was This manufacture owed its prosperity to his country.
permitted to carry the
great predecessor,
Edward
III.,
who brought
over from
It
fullers, etc.
had
already attained so much prosperity as to afford a source of public revenue by taxation. The imperfection of Henry's legislation may be excused
when we compare
it with that of preceding kings. With a view of controlling the bullion in the realm, enactments
had been passed compelling foreigners to pay for English goods in money. Englishmen were prohibited selling
merchandise to such, except for ready money or goods deAs the mischievous operation of livered on the instant.
such a law was recognized, some relaxation was afforded, and goods were permitted to be sold on six months' cred-
232
VII.
[Sect.
II.
Laws were passed prohibiting foreign merchants it. from selling in England to any other foreigner. The mercantile ideas of Henry VII. are certainly better than
these.
mis-
takes, in the industrial development of his country, Henry VII. gave his people moral lessons of the deepest im-
taught them the sacredness of human life. Executions and savage mutilations, such as had been frequent in former bloodthirsty times, were replaced by imHe vindicated the supremacy of law, positions of fines.
port.
He
rich.
with sanitary provisions in a manner that may even now be an example in many American cities. In order that his people might have " pure air, he forbade butchers to kill animals in walled
also concerned himself
He
towns."
"
"While this development of industrial pursuits was gradually going on, an important result, the
,
value ot which can not be exaggerated, was I he price ot labor was rising. occurring.
. .
-,
There were competitions between agriculturists and manufacturers. This is manifested by the act forbidding any one binding his son or daughter to an apprenticeship unThe aim was less he was possessed of twenty shillings.
to secure the laboring class for the agricultural interest. There was a demand for more men a demand to which
England in the old ecclesiastical times had been a ger; and now the population accordingly began
crease.
stran-
to in-
If,
the
tomb
and
350 years, Henry VII. could come forth from in his beautiful chapel in Westminister Abbey, " revisit the nation whose restfulness" he so sedulousafter
Chap. XII.]
VII.
233
ly desired,
how many
'
now
P le tlian 1U tlle
lcl
<%
ejocfof
H emy
ed in his whole realm, not a cowled monk, not a friar, white, black, or gray, is to be
In the dissolving view of national life, the dissenting preacher has emerged in their place. In the churches he would hear no invocations to " Mary ;" he would
seen.
find
no one
fices,
train of pilgrims wending their way to those gainful ofhe would find patients, with their fee in hand, crowd-
ing the anterooms of the legitimate physician, or repairing to the snare of the empiric. Quackery, like a king in the
For the saints themselves, if he inEast, lives forever. of any busy passer-by, he might be innocently and quired On courteously advised to look into the City Directory.
conspicuous heights or in shady retreats, where once they had been nestled, he would look for monasteries in vain
now
in their stead.
Baronial fami-
lies, whose prosperity he wisely sapped, he would learn had long ago become extinct. " His light gray eyes" would fall upon no peasant with his legs wrapped in wisps of straw, no citizen clad in leather. With wonder-
ing surprise he might contemplate a sovereign nearly without a veto, and a Church without a Pope.
But there are novelties that he would encounter, things the very names of which he had never heard. He would see the descendants of his lieges eating potatoes, drinking
sweetening coffee with sugar, getting tipsy on gin or other distilled liquors he would have to be told what
tea,
;
means, and smoking tobacco. Not a wood-fire would he find in any house the people warm themselves over that dirty black stone which vEneas Sylvius says
distilling
;
The
234
"
VII.
[Sect. II.
to Edin-
burgh through by daylight," or carry him over wonderful viaducts and bridges made of iron tubes, or through tunnels in the hills. He could float in balloons above
air,
His wonderful beauty and fair conrplexion his sea. countenance merry and smiling, especially in his communications
;
and strong therewith what higher than the meane sort of men be," could all instantaneously and spontaneously depict themselves for his use upon a photographic visiting-card. If he went to Portsmouth he might see what had been the issue of
the
al
body
lean,
Great Harry" he built, the first vessel of the nationnavy. In all directions he would find steam-ships and
"
steam-boats
tide.
for
wind or
could telegraph instantaneously his messages dread brother" of France, and see the end of a cable going under the Atlantic to that Newfoundland which he paid Sebastian Cabot to discover. The laws he
to his "
He
so carefully devised to j)rotect his spinners and weavers are displaced by free trade those artisans themselves The sujiplanted by cunningly-contrived iron machines.
realm that he
left, as Grafton relates, abundantly stored with gold and silver bullion and plate, he would find four thousand millions of dollars in debt, and yet more prosperous than even in his days.
He would
It is
and self-interest every where paramount, and money the object of />-... TT He must pay sixpence tor admission hie. to the bronze doors of his own chapel on his
find individualism
.
-.
way back
The
son thus
its
Age
of Kea-
Chap. XII.]
MAKITIME ACTIVITY.
235
change in national character occurred. Incentives, ap pealing to morals alone, lost their force intellectual edu cation began, and to every man, no matter what his sta Inclividu tion might be, the road to fortune was open.
;
alism
was
fairly established.
As might be
The English pursue
expected, considering their insular posi tion and readv adaptation to a seafaring J x o H&, the English joined with avidity in those
maritime enterprises in which all Western had engaged. Spain and Portugal, by their brillEurope Riches iant successes, had set an intoxicating example. transcending all that had been dreamed of by fanatical alchemists had been acquired in Mexico and Peru the wealth of India was within the reach of those adventurous enough to follow De Gama's track round the Cape To no insignificant extent was this marof Good Hope. itime spirit fostered by what was, indeed, its legitimate Armada. Military result, the destruction of the Spanish excursions to France were exchanged for more lucrative adventures on a new and wider theatre at sea adven;
tures sometimes of an honorable, sometimes of a quesNot unfrequently discovery was united tionable kind. to buccaneering.
India was
.
the
alluring bait.
Thus Willousdibv and Chancellor tried to J O Their voyages to the Polar seas. force their way to that country by a northThe former was found by subsequent east passage.
of his ship. He explorers a stark corpse in the cabin had attempted to winter in the ice. The company of
merchant-adventurers reached
drciL'nStlon
colonize North
A TYl
(*
Y 1 V '\
Nova Zembla, endeavored to re-open the old route bv Astracan and the Caspian Sea. Frobisher vainly tried a northwest passage.
and
also
by
23(3
COLONIZATION.
[Sect.
II.
Expeditions of adventure soon, however, gave place to others of a more permanent and valuable kind expedi-
Of
al-
ready spoken in preceding chapters. The -energy with which these operations were conducted is shown by the
circumstance that during the seventeenth century
all
the
thirteen original American states, except Georgia, were colonized. In 1GS9 their aggregate population was prob-
ably 200,000.
perhaps no better or more interesting proof deeply a love of individual adventure had laid hold of the English mind than the popularity of De Foe's ro-
There
is
how
" mance, Robinson Crusoe," published early in the eighteenth century. The editions of it are without number. It would be difficult to find any one in England or America who does not know all about the shij} wreck, the desolate island, the man Friday, the goats, the footprint in the
The resolute individualism, conspicuously shining sand. forth in the hero of the story, commended it at once to
the popular heart.
Scarcely, therefore,
That colonization
had the
active life of
England
coin-
colonization a tenden-
cy was manifested for the separation of her Notwithpopulation into two branches. the great waste of life always attending a setstanding tlement of new countries, the American branch soon began to exhibit unmistakable proofs of rapid development.
En "
pESo two
expanded by its own natural growth, for the resistlife were soon reduced to a minimum: it was, moreover, continually added to by unceasing emigration from home.
It
ances to
The
therefore, full of interest to the readers of this book, since it is the epoch < j_i .,-,... ~rn 1 1 i , ot division ot tJie Jiino'lisn-speakm2: race into
is,
.
glish.
two
portions, destined
by
geographical
cir-
Chap. XII.]
237
cumstances to be, the one insular, the other continental. Before that time they had a common, after it a separate
history.
stock.
Their existing relation is not that of parent and offspring, but that of collateral branches from a common
In their later history climate -disturbance has been more powerfully felt by the continental than .. Subsequent effect , T _, of ciimate-influby the insular portion. In England, indeed, " ence on each.
.
-,
-,
_.
f-
until comparatively recent times, interior locomotion was so much restricted that the zones of population may be said to have come into a closer correspondence with the physical circumstances under which the people were living, the main disturbance arising from artificial climate- variations. In America the population has been far more energetically disturbed. It encountered in its new seats a climate differing not only from that of
its original
localities.
The most northerly and southerly portions of Great Britain differ by less than nine geographical de;
grees
through twenty-two. The physiological change which from this cause must necessarily be accomplished was very great, and, to this day, time enough for its completion has
not elapsed.
The
insular portion of the English-speaking race may therefore be contemplated as having attain-
ed to comparative physiological stability, though in this respect as being still behind the population of France (page 98). Its modes of thinking have almost come into unison with its climate. Hence it has definite views and settled intentions. It holds its ideas in government, philosophy, religion, or whatever else, without any misgivings, necessarily regarding them as
intrinsically correct
:
is
The
loco-
<23S
[Sect. II.
motive engine will hardly shake this invariability and obdo more than mix together men stinacy, since it can not suffered but little modification from their mean, who have their common type. The annual isothermal s under which they live vary but a few Fahrenheit degrees. There
no imposing differences of topographical elevation, no grand mountain ranges. The homogeneousness into which that people has thus been brought imparts to it
are
many
characteristic qualities.
It is self-poised, self-con-
Diverging thus from one historical point, the insular and continental branches will perpetually exhibit traces In spite of whatever vicissiof their common origin. have resj^ectively encountered, and moditudes they may
fications
they may have respectively undergone, there will be marks of family likeness; their relationship will always be indicated by their common speech and hence I repeat the remark previously made, that a philosophical of study of the course of either will cast light on that American history can not be understood the other. no true interpretation of the events of American life can
;
be given except by a profound study of English history and English life. We may therefore recall with delight the wonderful contributions the English have made to huw,, lte contributions to P civilization. man knowl e dge and human comfort. In whatever direction we look, we see how much they have done how many of the great inventions that have ex;
tended the boundaries of science are theirs. They gave us both telescopes, the reflecting and achromatic they the gave us the steam-engine, and its noble application, in the locomotive. They have done more than all others
;
manufacture of iron, more in the perfection of textile fabThe greatest of European medical discoveries, vacrics. In anaesthesia belongs to America. cination, is theirs
Chap. XII.]
039
the Ugliest region to which human intellect has attained they stand eminent they first explained the true mechanism of the universe. In the congregation of nations
they have grandly discharged their duty they have signally contributed to the civilization of man. Yet, as if it were a solemn admonition to us, was there ever sucn a sP ectacle offered of wisdom in its political mistakes interior life and folly in external conduct? In the last hundred years this people has occupied itself with three great foreign transactions, not perceiving, until
-
movements were over, how serious were its mistakes. undertook a war against colonial independence, persisted in it for many years, and incurred in so doing a debt of five hundred millions of dollars no one in England now defends that folly. Its acquisition of an Indian empire was commenced under circumstances that impartial history can never justify, and is perpetuated by Its wars of actions that humanity can never defend. the French Revolution and Empire oppress its resources and industry with a burden of three thousand millions of dollars, and yet they brought no better fruit than a pilgrimage of its sovereign to the tomb of Napoleon, and an alliance with his representative. Not without mournful interest does the American see the same infatuation
its
It
surviving uncorrected in more recent events the country of Wilberforce forgetting its noblest traditions, and willfully alienating the friendship of a great and powerful
kindred people.
social progress of the
Comparing the
Middle Ages
w ith
T
that of the nineteenth century, we can not fail to see that the prime mover has changed. Ecclesiasticism and loyal-
ty carried our ancestors forward as far as they could, but the motion was very slow, the advance comparatively It is only yesterday that physical science insignificant.
we
witness what
it
40
lias
EFFECT OF INDIVIDUALISM.
already done.
[Sect. II.
vors the principle of individualism, inciting every one to seek his own advancement, and be the architect of his
own
aside,
fortune.
soon as the
artificial restraints
and each person became an unshackled thinker and worker, the aggregate result, the national progress, was
Effect of individn-
Not less wonderful has truly wonderful. n 1 a been the result on the American continent.
,-,
-,
Individualism, emerging, as
we have
related,
gradually in the Middle Ages, receiving an impetus from the acts of Columbus and his successors, asserting its
T
,. ., Individualism
..
is 1
rights in the Reformation and. in the English O o revolutions, allying itself to maritime enterprise, commercial undertakings, industrial
tEee^fatis
art,
has made the free states of the Union what they are. In the actual republics of Greece as in the fancied republic of Plato, man was considered only
-
. .
was The Roman sysevery nothing. tem was greatly superior to that. Rome commenced her career by annexing cities, and reached her plenitude of
state
lne
thing, man
power by the incorporation of provinces and kingdoms. But she left them, as far as might be, their religion, their local laws, their customs, interfering in no respect with their daily life save in those points which were incompatible with her imperial policy. It was this that gave to her her commanding position and constituted her true strength.
rated
regarded the province or kingdom she incorpoAmerica, extending that policy, regards the indiHe is not an invisible element, but a recogvidual man.
;
Rome
The
Chap. XII.]
ITS
EXPANSIVE POWER.
principle,
is
241
Effect of personal
thfAmSSm
sys-
citizenship to every one, already surprising. Individualism has rapidly secured this continent to the
tliat
of
by giving
service of civilized
man
it
to play that part on the grander theatre of the globe which the old republic played in the narrow con-
the
West
fines of the
Mediterranean.
concerned, the abandonment of apprenticeship and of the
is
So
far as personal
freedom of action
/>
.....
'111
111
Elizabeth, known as the statute of apprenticeship, in force? any one from exercising any trade, craft, or
mystery without a six years' apprenticeship. Even in England it was found necessary by degrees to interpret it liberally, and hence its operation was restricted to market towns, and to those trades or avocations that were in
existence at the time of the passage of the act.
A total
absence of all such restrictions, persons being at liberty to without a previous practice any business they please waste of several years, and without membership in any in a most extraordinary manner guild or fraternity, adds The commuto the industrial activity of the country. the competition that necessarily nity reaps the benefit of
ensues.
Unquestionably the absolute freedom of action conceded to the individual is not without grave a P o7in dividu power disadvantages. It may be doubted whether alism. ., a community organized on such a basis, more is granted to women, particularly in case this freedom or ever be as moral as one in can ever have the stability,
1 .
-,
ii*
which the family is the essential political element. But that such a community will have a prodigious expansive
power
is
undeniable.
L Q
SECTION
GROWTH OF SLAVERY.
III.
TENDENCY TO ANTAGONISM B1PRESSED ON THE AMERICAN POPULATION BY CLPMATE AND OTHER CAUSES. DEVELOPMENT OF UNIONISM AND
CHAPTER
XIII.
South.
have next to investigate the tendency imparted American people by climate and the other physical conditions to which they were exposed. These soon social and political conditions, and occasioned generated an ever-increasing separation.
to the
We
The
climate of the South, through the agricultural products it permitted, favored plantation life
institution of slaverv, and hence it " , , , promoted a sentiment oi independence in the
,
.
.
e C C tioSai p artition in
and the
that of the
person and of state-rights in the community North intensified in the person a disposition to individualism, and in the community to unionism. The initial differences existing between the original colonists were by these circumstances increased, Condition of the , , colonial popuiathe segmentation being incessantly more and more marked, geographical parties, a North
; .
..
-.
Chap. XIII.]
COMMUNICATION OF INTELLIGENCE.
243
and a South, coming plainly into view, each having its own ideas, its own wishes, its own intentions, and those
of the one very often antagonistic to those of the other. I shall therefore devote this section to a history of the as manifested by unearly progress of that antagonism ionism and by slavery, and, as a needful preparation, shall relate in this chapter the process of the intellectual devel-
pansion being hardly more than fifty or a hundred miles. waste of waters was on its front, an unknown wilderness of land behind. The rufcans of intercommunication
were tardy, the roads execrable. In 1700 there was not a single newspaper printed on the continent; in 1800 The Boston News-letter, the piothere were nearly 200.
neer,
was issued
in 1704.
confined
themselves to the reporting of facts it was not until the time of Franklin that they began to attempt . j o Publication of a d e m3act ure of to manufacture public opinion; that funcJ.
tion, particularly in the Eastern States, had been hitherto discharged by the pulpit. For this reason, the minister looked upon the editor not without suspiIt was through jealousies of this cion, or even dislike. kind that the Boston paper with which Franklin Was connected was suppressed. In classical antiquity the manufacture of public opinion was accomplished with difficulty in imperial Home it was imperfectly done through
;
opmion.
Pontifical Rome succeeded the agency of the legions. much better through her ecclesiastical organizations, esIn modern times pecially through the mendicant orders.
it is
mainly conducted by the newspaper and the mail. After the Revolutionary War, the frequency of elections and place-hunting debauched the American press.
044
[Sect. III.
practice of selling the privilege of a portion of the paper to individuals for their personal use in advertising was quickly adopted in America. It was a great ad-
The
vance on the bellman and public crier. In 1700 there were but two public libraries; one was in Massachusetts, the other in South CaroNonh and At the end of the century there were Una.
South.
many hundreds,
a hundred fold, and printers in about the same projwrtion. At the first of those periods there were but three or four
in the
whole country. The two early colonial colleges Harvard in Massachusetts, and William and Mary in Virginia, had at length almost thirty competitors. In Chapter VIII. I have pointed out the original difand Southern colIucrease of the col- ferences of the Northern leges. onists, observing that the former were incited by religious ideas, the latter by material interests. These
distinctions are perpetuated in their respective intellectual histories. The North led the way in literary pursuits,
college and establishing the first press be expected, its inclination at that time might was chiefly to theology and classical learning. Very early in .the history of Massachusetts the colonists had taken measures for public education. In 1641 they had enacted that, " if any do not teach their children Compulsory educai i tion in aiassachuand apprentices so much learning as may ri
founding the
and, as
first
-,
setts.
enable them to read perfectly the English language, they shall forfeit twenty shillings and the selectmen of every town are required to know the state of Soon afterward they enacted that, " when the families."
;
they should
set
thereof being able to instruct youth so far as they may be fitted for the University." As the course of political
Chap. XIII.]
245
Church, had been in opposition to the Puritan ideas of the North, the hopes of the settlers were turned to an independent literature of their own; hence their activity in establishing schools, academies, colleges, and their strenuous patronage of home education.
Episcopal clergyman, the Rev. James Blair, had obtained a charter for one in 1693 from William and Mary, it was
not until 1729 that he could carry it into operation. For long it led a lingering existence, rarely having more than
twenty students
at a time.
The
;
desire of the
North was
the prosperity of its churches thus Yale College, which was established in 1701, was for the avowed purpose of supplying learned and able ministers. Virginia, on the
contrary, was indifferent to ecclesiastical prosperity. She was not animated by the wishes of the North her society was far from having the democratical aspect of that She had a law of primogeniture, and of Massachusetts. a divided comtherefore rich planters and poor laborers that was unable to unite in undertakings conmunity
;
ducive to the general good. Her export business in tobacco brought her into contact with foreign connections she saw no evil, nor, indeed, any inconvenience in intrust;
men to that foreign influence from which Calvinistic Massachusetts would have recoil-
copacy on Virginia.
^ j^^
as she received her clergy from England, to England was willing to intrust the education of her youth. While the New Englander was taught at home, the Virginian went to Euroj>e. For this reason, the educated men of the North had more nerve, those of the South more polish.
and
she
24(3
the church
in Virginia.
[Sect. hi.
been settled under the auspices of the Episcopal Church of England. It was there the Established Church, and all other religious denominations there, as in England, were stigmatized with the name of Dissenters. For the support
of this Church, the colonial laws, prior to the Revolution,
had subjected to taxation all the inhabitants of the colony, and it had been endowed with grants of property by the crown. The effect of this had naturally been to render the Church establishment unpopular, and the clergy of
that establishment generally unfriendly to the RevoluAfter the close of the war in 1784, Mr. Jefferson tion. introduced into the Legislature a bill for the establishment of religious freedom. The princijile of the bill was
the abolition of
or of
its
all
beyond the control of the LegislaAfter some delay and resistance the bill was ture." passed. In Massachusetts, authoritative provision by law for the support of teachers of the Christian religion was prescribed by the Bill of Rights; but an amendment
subsequently adopted has sanctioned the opinions of Jefferson, and the substance of the Virginia statute for
the establishment of religious freedom of the Constitution of Massachusetts.
:
and
taxation for the support of religion to place the freedom of all relig-
forms a part Mr. Adams far" ther remarks That the freedom and communication of thought is paramount to all legislative authority is a sentiment becoming from day to day more prevalent
now
throughout the civilized world, and which, it is fervently to be hoped, will hereafter remain inviolate by the legislative authorities not only of the Union, but of all its
confederated states."
As might be expected, considering the motives that had led to their original settlement religious ideas in the
Chap. XIII. ]
47
North, Medicine
North, and material advantages in the Sonth while theology was the favorite pursuit of
and
Law
of the
educated
South.
men
,1
->
and
It
was
gave to Virginia so great a control during the revolutionary times her representatives were men of the
worldmen of
Their ideas were not cramped as were those of the New Englander. It was this that aided her in giving so many of its early presidents to the
affairs.
preference for the study of medicine and law continues in the South to our day. In South Carolina, the prominent clergymen, physicians,
Union.
A
...
^7
Various scientific
rks
birth.
wrut enin'the
As in chiefly settled in Charleston. the young men, for the most part, Virginia,
Tne y
for their education.
went
to
Europe
William
Bull, a
native South Carolinian, it is said, was the first American who obtained the degree of Doctor of Medicine he was
;
a pupil of Boerhaave, and graduated in the University of " Leyden in 1734, his inaugural thesis being de Colica Pictonum." Lining (1753) gave the first American description of yellow fever, and carried an electrical apparar tus to Charleston; Chalmers wrote on the weather and
Natural History of Carolina, Florida, and the Bahamas he was occupied from 1712 to 1748 in the preparation of his work. In Virginia, Tennant (1740) introduced snakeroot (Polygala senega) into the materia medica. Claya native of that colony, published his Flora Virginton,
ica
resided on the Kappahannock, wrote so well on the effects of climate upon the human
;
and
Mitchell,
who
tions of the
complexion that his essay was published in the TransacRoyal Society he was the author, also, of papers on the preparation and uses of potash, and its comHistopounds, and on the force of electrical cohesion.
;
248
ries of
ley.
[Sect. III.
in
by
Stith and
published being a volume of the laws (1733). In 1725 South Carolina received her first printer, and published her first newspaper in 1730. It is to her
-.
,
honor that she appreciated veiy early the value of learning. In the free-school estab;
lished in Charleston, 17 12, the principal received a salary of 400 sterling per annum the usher, 200. These liberal for those times, were paid from the public salaries,
treasury.
The middle
Intellectual condition of the middle colonies.
colonies,
-..
-.
.
Jersey, Pennsyl.
-,
vania, and Maryland, intervening geograph.. lcally between the idealistic colonies of the North and the materialistic colonies of the
-,
-,
-..
South, participated in the mode of intellectual progress of both. The germ of Columbia College, first known as
King's College, was planted in New York in 1754; that of the University of Pennsylvania, in Philadelphia, in 1755; but Princeton preceded them, it having been in-
Jonathan Edwards may be taken as a type of the theological and metaThe cultiphysical writers between 1720 and 1748.
stituted at Elizabethtown in 1746.
ernor of
New York
Florida in the prosecution of his studies. The establishment of a medical college in Philadelphia
(If 64),^ which subsequently was known as e University of Pennsylvania, was an imevent in the history of American science. Dr. portant
The university of
Pennsylvania.
Chap. XIII. ]
IMITATION OF EUROPE.
249
;
Shippen gave the lectures on Anatomy Dr. Morgan on the Institutes of Medicine Dr. Kuhn on Botany and MaThese teria Medica Dr. Benjamin Rush on Chemistry. first medical lectures ever given in America. were the The institution thus commenced continues to occupy an increasing sphere of usefulness and honor to this day.
; ;
first third of the eighteenth century the course of science in Europe was chiefly diThe scientific purt$3bffiZ rected to astronomical, optical, mechanical, lcaand mathematical* pursuits the great influ-
During the
ence and brilliant successes of Newton gave that bias. In like manner, the example of Linnaeus led to the cultivation of Natural History in the middle third, while the last third was devoted to Chemistry and industrial inThese variations in the European tone of ventions.
thought are perceptible also in America. There was, too, an increasing appreciation of the singular value of physical pursuits, and improvements were continually
The occurring in the domestic habits of the people. fashions and customs of Europe became the fashions
and customs of America.
WRS kllOWU Only aS a CUHOSChanges in domesnc economy. a Q Qn ^ - ^ a ^ ]3 ecome an important j^, article of food. Tea and coffee had been introduced from Asia. Sugar had come into universal use previously to that time honey had been resorted to in its stead, and
tlie
^.
.
At
P tat
hence the value of the honey-producing countries. Sir John Pringle states that between 1688 and 1750 the amount of garden vegetables consumed in and near Lon-
don had increased six fold. These dietary changes were adopted in America with no little advantage to the public health, and consequent increase of population. Of not less importance was the diminished cost of clothing. Personal cleanliness became an imperative social requirement. Strong perfumes, which even the higher classes
050
[Sect. 111.
had boon
oflensiveness,
became of
wealing garments until they dropped to pieces of themselves. Individual and domestic purity, thus , Social Improve-|-i,i on ment-dothing, greatly promoted by the using 01 frequently-changed and cheap cottons, was again singularly aided, at a subsequent period, by the introduction of baths into private houses. The consequence was, that
contagious diseases diminished in destructiveness, and the death-rate declined. Among minor but still important improvements, tending to comfort and health, may be mentioned, as belonging to the last century, the cultivation in gardens of the line varieties of fruits.
America attempts
intellectual inde-
In America, political independence, secured by the Revolution, was soon followed by a desire not
.,
.
pendeuce,
so easily o cratmed for intellectual mdepend The success of the American Philoence.
/
-,
,,
-i
b^ Frank-
gave
American Academy of Arts and Sciences in MassachuBetween 1783 and 1801 not And founds phiio- setts in 1780. sophicai societies. j egg seven een ne w colleges were founded. Schools of a lower grade, academies and libraries, were multiplied in all directions. Among the more prominent men there were several whose writings gained the
^^
f-
The Declarareluctant admiration of Engiish critics. tion of Independence, viewed simply as a literary composition, was admitted not to yield the palm of merit to any
contemporaneous political paper. The controversy respecting the appointment of Episcopal bishops in the colonies was supposed to have aided much in Influence of the contraEpiscopal improving literary taste; that controversy continued from the middle of the century
. .
>
-,
to the Revolution.
de-
Chap. XIII.]
251
grees over the Alleghanies toward the Mississippi River. It was occupied in self-organization, and in making prepIn this ataration for its future political development.
under circumstances of great difficulty it had no national religion, no guide The state of society and the in an established church. Revolution had made that an impossibility. events of the There can be no doubt that this was the cause of deep anxiety among the great men of the time. Doubtless it was reflections connected with this that abated the sympathy of Washington with the French, and from the absence Sf led him toward the close of his days to look
tempt
it
had
a national church.
wistfully at the contemporaneous condition in England. Constituted as American society then was, the voyage of national life was about to be taken with-
-,.
No
one could
tell
how a purely
voluntary Church would succeed. In all its previous existence, the English race had never been without an authoritative religious guide; however, it was now
only carrying the principles of the Reformation one step forward to their logical issue. As long as the political
heavens were
clear, things might go well ; the light of hulike the light of the pole star, might be a sufreason, ficient substitute but who could foresee the result when
man
that light was shut out in the tempests of political sion that must sooner or later arise.
j)as-
the considering ?
, ,
.
we have been
yation
the eighteenth century i i i -it which had been mantheological disposition ifested in the colonial times was still pre.
In every community the minister of the Goswas the conspicuous man. He gave a tone to thought, pel and was the pivot on which almost every social enterdominant.
Even in later times, though his influence prise turned. in the great cities has declined, partly through the more
052
[Skct. III.
general diffusion of knowledge, and partly through the widespread adoption of French ideas by the richer classes,
and
their luxurious
life,
he
still
retains
no
insignificant
was different. Parliamentary eloquence was prized more than pulpit oraLaw was a favorite profession, not so tory.
it
much from
as from its leading to distinction in the national councils. Perhaps it was owing to this that in Washington
the senators and representatives of the North did not compare favorably with those of the South. The North
consecrated her best intellect to the Church, the South sent hers to the Capitol. Perhaps, also, it was in no
so
small degree owing to this that the government was for many years under the control of the able upholders
of slavery.
CHAPTER
THE CONFEDEEATION.
There
is
XIV.
a geographical tendency to Union in the North, and against it in the South. idea of Unionism, after several abortive attempts, was embodied
was forced upon the reluctant American people by It was especially resisted by the smaller states, but This constitutes the first step in the progress of Ameri-
arrangement of the colonies along the Atto consolidation. They had no political connection with each other, though their inhabitants had the right of passing from one to another at their pleasure, and dwelling where they chose. This privlinear
lantic coast
The
was adverse
ilege was more and more generally exercised as theological differences and the theological epoch came to an end.
The tendency
Geographical tend-
to centralization
was much
less favor-
e(^ Dv natural circumstances in the South than it was in the North. The original Southern settlers found their territory broken up into a multitude of separate peninsulas by many subordinate rivers, having a general course from the west to the east. There were the York, the James, the Ro-
SaSontThe
anoke, the Neuse, the Cape Fear, the Pedee, the Santee, the Savannah, the Altamaha. Each little section, having
of connection with the sea, had no occasion to pass through the territory, or to be dependent on the will of its neighbor. The original spirit of independits
own means
ence brought
occupied.
by
England was
there-
fore strengthened
No
structure of the country they great metropolis could spring up, for there
by the
254
[Sect. III.
was no extensive outlying dependent territory. A muland towns was the necessary conse-
quence.
Very
different
would
it
have been
if
the Southern
sec-
influence of rivers
011 centralization,
^mg
tion of the Atlantic border, instead of setin the sea, as has been described in
flexure of elevation along the
Chapter
II.,
had received a
coast, so that each of these subordinate streams had discharged its waters into a common trunk, flowing in the
bottom of the valley north and south. Such a river system would have formed a political bond. At the outlet there would have been built the common metropolis of the whole country.
The fate of Canada turns on the possession of Quebec. The same Whoever is principle is exemplified in the Mississipjn. to hold the mouth of that river will constrong enough
manner, in the case of the St. Lawrence.
trol the interior of the
whole continent.
Through the progress of physical science and mechanical invention the application of these principles has somewhat
altered,
changed. Lines of railroad operate now in the same manner that rivers did a century ago. Rivers themselves are
being conquered by engineering skill. The day will come, perhaps it is not very far distant, when the whole river
system of the republic will be under human control, and gigantic streams, such as the Mississipj)i and Missouri, be made to flow with a uniform current throughout the Commerce will not long endure their present variyear.
ations.
S^to^entrailza'
Dv topographical conditions. The existence of a great harbor at the mouth of the Hudson, with immediate access to the
favore(l
Chap. XIV.]
255
over the Delaware. sea, gave to that river a superiority This natural advantage was strengthened artificially when
the canal system of New York was carried into effect. The metropolis of that state then became a chief commercial
and
financial centre.
In the South the sentiment of separate independence there was no unity directed to one local industrial point, and, as of interest
;
bond. In this respect the two regions manifested a difference ; the one tended to diversity, the other to unity. But, as if to neutralize this consequence of their topoe
sued from their political, their social state. After the invention of Whitney's gin, the of negro slavery united the South. bond Uniformity of interests and of pursuits, arising from the cultivation of
slavery i
tobacco and cotton, imparted homogeneousness to it. The North was thus bound together naturally and
ritorially,
ter-
ing them
the South artificially and politically. Comparthe advantage lay with the former, betogether, cause the principle of its union was indestructible on the contrary, with the latter, there was always a liability
;
that
principle of union might prove to be ephemeral. Anticipations of that kind have been completely verified
its
by the events
til
It
was
not, however,
un ;
a more advanced period of their history that the Southern people came under the influence of the bond to which
is
reference
here made.
power of negro slavery completely felt. On negro slavery the South could be, and was united as one man. If such, on a comparatively insignificant scale, has been
the state of things
among the
25(3
[Sect. III.
"border,
what
Necessity of union
to the Blifleiesippi Valley.
shall we say as regards their great offshoot, the inhabitants of the Mississippi Valley? -|-,-i, iiii In that unparalleled region a river naviffa & *. tion equal in length to that of the whole
Ocean
in a
cessity, the force of which is momentarily increasing, millions of men. There lies the strength of the American man of the North will tolerate no obstrucUnion. The
pressively taught does not perpetually suffice, he will again hew his way to the Gulf of Mexico with his sword. He must and will have a free path to the sea he must
;
The
tic
early colonists developed their infant institutions The Atlanlittle external control.
as a barrier to protect
them from mowars and commotions in Western Perpetual Europe drew attention from them. In favorable obscurity and oblivion the Cavalier and the Puri, , mi E.irly attempts of, i i the colonies to inI he com. tan devised their political forms. x sure union. of a new governor, the tampering with a ing charter, the arbitrary mandates of a king, had in reality On little to do with the course that events were taking.
Ocean served
lestation.
.
-.
.
/>
was the
It
has already been mentioned, page 154, that a union was established among the New England
New
En-
nies of
New
Chap. XIV.]
257
Eventuative on the proceedings of the Confederation. it was agreed that each should retain its local jually
and be represented by two commissioners. Church membership was the only qualification thus the " people beyond the Piscataqua were not admitted, berisdiction,
;
cause they ran a different course in their ministry." The immediate object of this union was protection against
To
it,
therefore,
were com-
mitted the
affairs
New Haven and were assessed according to population. expenses During the latter part of the seventeenth century, a very general denial that the crown had a right of taxation drew the feeble colonies together, and a sentiment that it was desirable to have some kind of union for mutual protection and common defense disseminated itself by deIt became an imperative necessity in 1765, when grees.
;
of peace and war, and also internal imIt had no executive head or president.
the
Stamp Act was passed. In July, 1773, Dr. Franklin, then residing in England as the j)olitical agent of Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, and Georgia, recommended in an
official letter
all
the
The first step taken with that intention was by House of Burgesses of Virginia^ which, having been the dissolved by the royal governor, met at Williamsburg, and there recommended the holding of a general Continental Congress. The same view was sustained by Mascolonies.
The
tirt
and the
second congress.
tlie firgt
phia, 1774; Peyton Randolph, a Virginian, was its presiThe second Continental Congress (Philadelphia, dent.
May, 1775) was held by recommendation of the first. In this Congress each colony had one vote. The attitude of a revolutionary government was assumed. An army and navy were created, and Washington was ap-
I. R
058
[Sect. III.
On
by John Adams,
In 1775, Franklin had submitted to the consideration ^ Congress Articles of Confederation and Frankiiu's of
plan confedcrat.cn.
colonies.
At
first his
Thus the ConvenNorth Carolina declared " that a confederation of the colonies was not at present eligible that the present association ouorht to be farther relied on for bringing about a reconciliation with the parent country, and a farther confederacy ought only to be adopted in case of
views were not received with favor.
tion of
;
the last extremity." But even Dr. Franklin avoided the idea of a too
fect centralization.
])er-
effect that
common defense against their enemies, for the security of their liberties and properties, the safety of
and
families,
and
their
laws, customs, peculiar jurisdiction, delegates to be chosen from each colony annually to meet in a Congress, their sessions to
to retain its
own
be held in each colony by rotation. power of determining on war and peace, sending and receiving embassadors, and entering into alliances, settling disputes between colony and col ony about limits or any other cause, and the planting of new colonies when proper. To have the power to make
Congress to have the
such general ordinances
:
as,
eral welfare, particular assemblies can not be competent to use those that may relate to general commerce or general currency, the establishment of posts,
Chap. XIV.]
259
tion of the
common
forces,
and
An
CXGClltiVG
executive council
was
-,
to
be appointed by Congress
.
,
out of their
Limited power to be conceded to the
persons, oi
,
.
J.
one third,
four for
viz., four,
shall
be
for
one year,
for three years ; years, said terms expire, the vacancies shall be filled
two
and four
and
as the
by
appoint-
ments for three years, whereby one third of the number will be changed annually." "This council (two thirds to be a quorum in the recess of Congress) are to execute what shall have been enjoined by that body to manage the general continental business and interests; to receive applications from foreign countries; to prepare matters for the consideration
;
of Congress; to fill up pro tempore continental offices that fall vacant ; and to draw on the general treasury for such moneys as may be necessary for general services, and
appropriated by Congress for such services." Such are the chief features of Dr. Franklin's plan. It shows how clearly he recognized the principles that safety lay in union, and power in consolidation. It shows, too, that, though he foresaw an impending centralization, he accepted it with reluctance. An executive council of
twelve was
he would permit. With a jealous eye to public liberty, he fettered Congress with restricwith numbers tions, and enfeebled his executive council an illustration of and changes. His plan, therefore, was
all that
" the statement that the making of Constitutions consists in inventing antagonisms, and rendering them precarious
by
soon as the step of declaring the independence of the colonies was taken, it became obvious that this or some other plan of confederation must be resorted to.
As
0(30
TIIE C<
,N
'
'"' ;1
'KKATION.
[Sect. III.
Such a plan was therefore reported to ConSSS333*. gress in July, 1776, and adopted. by tliat body for recommendation to the states, NoThe
Articles of
vember, 1777.
The
circular letter
*f.
from Congress to the states submitthe proposed " Articles" to their considting , .. , ..,
.
eration,
-i
by
its air ot
i
entreaty,
-i
shows with
i
"
:
liberality becoming brethren and fellow-citizens, surrounded by the same imminent dangers, contending for the
and deeply interested in being forever bound and connected together by ties the most In short, this salutary measintimate and indissoluble. ure can be no longer deferred. It seems essential to our very existence as a free people, and without it we may soon be constrained to bid adieu to independence, to liberty and safety, blessings which, from the justice of our cause, and the favor of our Almighty Creator visibly manifested in our protection, we have reason to expect, in an humble dependence on his divine providence, if, we strenuously exert the means which are placed in our
same
illustrious prize,
power." In the discussions ensuing in the various states on the " question of adopting these Articles of Coner states thauSe federation," an instinctive dread that confed"
..
would pass into consolidation is very * obvious. The little states were afraid of beUnder this sentiment ing swallowed up by the larger. to the vast territorial possessions of Maryland objected " Virginia, and desired to have commissioners appointed who should be empowered to ascertain and restrict the
eration
"-
.-,
Chap. XIV.]
OPPOSITION OF MARYLAND.
261
South Sea."
In this she was strenuously joined "by Island, who desired that the domains in question should he taken
Rhode
from the great states, and disposed of or appropriated by DelCongress for the benefit of the whole confederacy. aware accompanied her act of accession to the Confederstates acy with resolutions to the effect that the great ought to be curtailed that she considered herself entiof the Union, to tied, in common with the other members
;
the territories of the West, for the reason that they had been or might be gained by the blood and treasure of
all,
estate.
The
instructions given to the delegates from Maryland sll0W clearly the apprehensions of the smaller st ates
"
:
diate calamities, the dread of their continuance, favor the of disunion, and some other peculiar circum-
appearances
stances
and present confederation contrary to their own interests judgments, it requires no great share of foresight to predict that
those causes cease to operate, the states which have thus acceded to the Confederation will consider
when
the
first
ing
as no longer binding, and will eagerly embrace occasion of asserting their just rights, and securIs it possible that those states their independence.
it
who
are ambitiously grasping at territories to which, in our judgment, they have not the least shadow of exclusive right, will use with greater moderation the increase
of wealth and power derived from those territories when acquired, than what they have displayed in their endeavare convinced think not. ors to acquire them ? that the same principle which hath prompted them to insist on a claim so extravagant, so repugnant to every
so incompatible with the general welprinciple of justice, fare of all the states, will urge them on, and add oppres-
We
We
262
sion to injustice.
OPPOSITION OF MARYLAND.
[Sect. III.
If they should not be incited by a superiority of wealth and strength to oppress by open force their less wealthy and less powerful neighbors, yet de-
population, and consequently the impoverishment of those states, will necessarily follow, which, by an unfair construction of the Confederation,
interest,
of virgmia.
ginia indisputably possessed of the extensive and fertile country to which she has set up a claim, what
would be the probable consequences to Maryland of such an undisturbed and undisputed possession? They can
not escape the least discerning." "Virginia, by selling on the most moderate terms a
small portion of the lands in question, would draw into her treasury vast sums of money, and, in proportion to the sums arising from such sales, would be enabled to
Lands comparatively cheap, and taxes comparatively low, with the lands and taxes of the adjacent state, would quickly drain the state thus disadvanlessen her taxes.
tageously circumstanced of its most useful inhabitants its wealth, and its consequence in the scale of the conclaim so injurifederate states, would sink of course.
;
half, if
United
States, ought to
Yet what evidences of that right have been produced, what argument alleged in support
evidence of the right.
heard
None, that either of the evidence or the right ? a serious refutation." of, deserving
"It has been said that
we have
boring state
some of the delegates of a neighhave declared their opinion of the impracticability of governing the extensive dominion claimed by that state. Hence, also, the necessity was admitted of diits territory and erecting a new state under the viding auspices and direction of the elder, from whom, no doubt,
Chap. XIV.]
it
263
would receive its form of government to whom it would be bound by some alliance or confederacy, and by whose councils it would be influenced. Such a measure, if ever attempted, would certainly be opposed by the other states as inconsistent with the letter and spirit of the proposed Confederation. Should it take place by
establishing a sub-confederacy, imperium in imperio, the state possessed by this extensive dominion must then
either submit to all the inconveniences of
an overgrown
suffer the authority of Congress to interpose at a future time, and to lop off a part of its territory, to be erected into a new and free state,
and admitted into the Confederation on such conditions as shall be settled by nine states. If it is necessary for the and tranquillity of a state thus overgrown that happiness Congress should hereafter interfere and divide its territory, why is the claim to that territory now made, and so pertinaciously insisted on % We can suggest to ourselves but two motives either the declaration of relinquishing at some future time a proportion of the country now contended for was made to lull suspicion asleep and to
or, if
.
,
the thought
.
was
She claims an equal
share iu unsettled
.
seriously entertained, the lands are now , * , n claimed to reap an immediate profit from
.
are convinced policy and that a country unsettled at the commencejustice require ment of this war, claimed by the British crown, and ceded
their sale.
We
to
by the Treaty of Paris, if wrested from the common enemy by the blood and treasure of the thirteen states,
it
should be considered as a common property, subject to be parceled out by Congress into free, convenient, and
independent governments, in such manner and at such times as the wisdom of that assembly shall hereafter direct." "
"
trust reposed
264
And
a,
[Sect. hi.
..
tliorize
to
lit*
%}
have coolly and dispassionately considered the subject; we have weighed probable inconveniences and hardships against the sacrifice of just and essential rights, and do instruct you not to agree to the Confederation unless an article or articles be added thereShould we sucto in conformity with our declaration. in obtaining such article or articles, then you are ceed
hereby fully empowered to accede to the Confederacy."
We
To
by the
ing swallowed up by the larger, was added apprehension arising from the concentration of military power in the general
government.
Carolina
that
troops
J-
BS?"
foroe '
state by which The Congress, or Grand may, when they think proper, make
on any state for two thirds of the troops to be which requisition shall be binding upon the said raised, states respectively, and the remaining third shall not be liable to be drawn out of the state in which they are
raised without the consent of the executive authority of the same. When any forces are raised, they shall be un-
der the
in
command
which they are so raised, unless they be joined by troops from any other state, in which case the Congress or
Grand Council
of the states
may
appoint a gen-
command of the whole, and, until the the command shall be in the senior ofshall
who
be amenable
and
shall
Under the
Chap. XIV.]
9(55
Western landg New Jer sacrificed the objections she had urged Delaware folsey lowed, and, after two years, Maryland. Thereupon Virof ceding
.
were made.
New York
;
set the
exam.
ginia ceded her claims to the Northwestern Territory, giving an imperial domain to the Union, and thereby insur-
ing
its
permanency.
these events
From
we may
England
Misgivingsrespecting centralization.
Dut
tllat tliere
Were
m ^J
HlisgivingS that
COn feCl era ti U WOlllcl lead to Consolidation, and the germ of an imperial authority be planted. But
the great
stood at the general point of view the irresistible necessity. Washington says recognized that ever since he had been in the service he had labored
to discourage all kinds of local attachments and distinctions of country, denominating the whole by the greater name of American, but that he had found it impossible to overcome prejudices.
men who
On March
Final adoption of the "Articles of Confederation."
1781, the Articles of Confederation were Under the finally adopted by the states.
1st,
.
lhe United States of Amerdesignation oi " a firm league of friendship was mutuica," ally contracted between each other for their defense, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general
,
"
_,-
_T
_.
welfare, binding themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them or of
any
CHAPTER XV.
DEVELOPMENT OF UNIONISM AND PROGRESS OF CENTRALTHE CONSTITUTION. IZATION.
The Confederation
proves to be inadequate to the wants of the nation, and is supThere is a struggle in several of the states planted by the Constitutional Union. Executive power is eventually lodged in one man, and to resist their destiny. "Washington is elected the first President. It becomes apparent that in the American Republic, as in all great communities, the concentration of power is inevitable.
few
years of trial demonstrated tlie practical ineffi" ciency of the Confederation." The war had
,
*-,
closed,
independence and
-,
jDeace
se-
ed
concessions
cured.
The
extorted solely
events, proved altogether inadequate to the necessities of the nation. It became apparent that too much power
states,
too
little
granted to Con-
protest against the This gave a central authority of London. ,. ,, x1 A tone to the action of the associated colonies.
r.
.
, -,
They were bent on making personal rights and provincial rights secure. The jealousy they had manifested to the English king and Parliament they transferred to the government they themselves proposed to create. They looked upon their Union as a league, each
state standing in a sovereign attitude, each, large or small, having an equal vote. The privilege of taxation they
had refused
ernment.
They gave it the power of contracting debts, but not the means of paying them. It had not even the means of paying accruing interest. It might make requiThirteen independent Legissitions, but nothing more.
Chap. XV.]
267
pecuniary grants. With a defective worldly wisdom, the Confederacy was made to trust to sentiments of patriot-
ism and honor, not to obligations that were capable of being enforced. Washington declared that the prolongation of the Avar through so many years was due to ConIt was not pergress not having the power of taxation. mitted to levy import or export duties. It had no conIt had no independent revenue. trol over foreign trade.
to be paid by the different states to meet the needs were levied, not in proportion to the popugeneral lation, but on the value of real estate. There was no fed-
The quotas
~No standing United States army was eral judicature. It was thought that liberty would be less permitted.
armies, each state controlling its own fragment. Mr. Bancroft, in his examination of the Confederation
:
U. S., vol. ix., p. 446), makes this remark " government which had not the power to levy a tax, or raise a soldier, or deal directly with an individual, or keep its engagements with foreign powers, or amend its Constitution without the unanimous consent of its members, had not force enough to live." The people had yet to learn that, to perpetuate liberty, a portion of freedom must be
(Hist.
surrendered.
one comprehended more clearly the position of affair's, or foresaw more plainly the inevitable no one recognized yiewsWspecting event, than Washington
No
ly.
the feebleness of the Confederacy more quickIn 1784, in a letter to the Governor of Virginia, he
"
says
The
.
states to vield ^
r*
gress for the federal government, the unreasonable jealousy of that body and of one another, and the disposition which seems to pervade each of being all-
268
[Skct. III.
wise and all-powerful within itself, will, if there is not a change in the system, be our downfall as a nation. This is as clear to me asABC; and I think we have opposed
and have arrived at the present state of and independence to very little purpose, if we can peace The powHe 8 ecs that a por- not conquer our own prejudices. m^bfaSender- e rs of Europe "begin to see this, and our new(
u'cat Britain,
;rtJ
'
acting
upon
ly-acquired friends, the British, are already this ground, and wisely too, if we are de-
folly. They know that individual opto their measures is futile, and boast that we are position not sufficiently united as a nation to give a general one. Is not the indignity alone of this declaration, while we
termined in our
are in the act of peace-making and reconciliation, sufficient to stimulate us to vest more extensive and adequate
powers in the sovereigns of these United States ?" In a letter to Henry Lee (Oct., 178 6), Washington says "You talk, my good sir, of employing mfluHis letter to Lee. ,, ence to appease the present tumults in Massachusetts (Shay's Rebellion). I know not where that influence is to be found, or, if attainable, that it would be a
:
proper remedy for the disorders. Influence is not government. Let us have a government by which our lives, libor let us know the erties, and properties will be secured,
worst at once." In another letter to Mr. Jay, Washington says " Your statements that our affairs are drawing rapHis letter to Mr. g What of a necessity idly to a crisis accord with my own. d J stronger govern, ment the event will be is also beyond my iorehave probably have errors to correct. sight. had too good an opinion of human nature in forming our
:
'
We
We
Confederation. Experience has taught us that men will not adopt and carry into execution measures the best calculated for their own good without the intervention of
coercive power.
Chap. XV.]
269
do not conceive we can long exist as a nation without lodging somewhere a power which will pervade the whole Union in as energetic a manner as the authority
I
"
of the state governments extends over the several states. To be fearful of investing Congress, constituted as that
with ample authority for national purposes, apme the climax of popular absurdity and madCould Congress exert this for the detriment of the ness. people without injuring themselves in an equal or great-
body
is,
pears to
Are not
the rotation of appointment, must they not minIs it not rathgle frequently with the mass of citizens % er to be apprehended, if they were possessed of the pow-
By
ers before described, that the individual members would be induced to use them on many occasions very timidly and reluctantly, for fear of losing their popularity and fuWe must take human nature as we find ture election ?
it
perfection falls not to the share of mortals. are of opinion that Congress have too frequently
;
Many
made
use of the suppliant, humble tone of requisition in their applications to the states, when they had a right to assert
their imperial dignity and command obedience. Be this as it may, requisitions are a perfect nullity when thirteen
and disunited states are in the habit of discussing and refusing them at their option. Requisitions are actually little better than a jest and a
sovereign, independent,
by-word throughout the land. If you tell the Legislatures they have violated the treaty of peace and invaded
the prerogatives of the Confederacy, they will laugh in
your
face.
feared, as
What, then, is to be done ? It is much to be you observe, that the better kind of people, be-
minds prepared
"
ing disgusted with these circumstances, will have their for any revolution whatever.
We
are apt to
To
270
anticipate
[Sect. III.
and prevent disastrous contingencies would be wisdom and patriotism. " What astonishing changes a few years are capable of I am told that even respectable characters producing of a monarchical form of government without horspeak
the part of
!
ror.
is
From thinking proceeds speaking thence to acting But how irrevocable and tre;
mendous
What
!
a triumph for our enemies to verify What a triumph for the advocates of
we
selves, and that systems founded on the basis of equal Would to God liberty are merely ideal and fallacious that wise measures may be taken in time to avert the consequences we have but too much reason to apprehend." Washington knew well, for he had realized it in many a
!
bitter
the war, that the battle of the Revolution had been fought between a centralized govern-
moment during
ment on one side and an incoherent league of quarrelsome provinces on the other. A shifting sand may, as
geologists tell us, be made to cohere into stone if it be submitted to a sufficiently severe pressure for a sufficient
time, but such a sandstone, at the best, jwssesses
bility
:
no
flexi-
it is brittle,
resisting qualities,
it
and can not stand a blow. To give it must either be infiltrated with some
fire.
Washington knew that it was a clear perception of this loose aggregation by " our newly-acquired friends" that led them to refuse the
cementing material or melted by
concession of a treaty of commerce. No guarantee could be given by America of her ability to discharge her part He saw that " state influence" of obligations contracted.
would make the states the sport of European policy, and that there must be a continental power. The opinions thus expressed by Washington were also
Views of Hamilton.
held by Hamilton, the ablest statesman of _ _ TT the Kevolution. He saw that it was abso"^
.
Chap. XV.]
271
lutely necessary to establish a solid coercive union that it would never do to have an uncontrollable sovereignty
in the states, capable of defeating the powers it had conHe saw, also, the necessary ineffiferred on Congress.
ciency of an
army belonging
to thirteen different
and
would have a chief execufrequently rival powers. tive officer, and give complete sovereignty to Congress,
foreign affairs
He
and a control over He would finance, trade. a general government acting directly on the people, have and with ample means for its own defense. In a letter to Mr. Duane (1780), Hamilton describes
surrendering to
it
the
purse,
His description of
the confederation.
vei
forcibly the imperfections of the Confec] er ation, and indicates the organization
which he thinks the country requires. "The Confederation itself is defective, and requires to be altered. It is neither fit for war nor peace. The idea of an uncontrollable sovereignty in each state over its own internal police will defeat the other powers given to Congress, and make our Union feeble and precarious. There are instances without
eral good,
number where
and which must interfere with the internal police of the states; gress, and there are as many instances in which the particular
states,
acts necessary for the genrise out of the powers given to Con-
by arrangements
though indirectly, counteract the arrangements of ConYou have already had examples of this, for which gress.
The Confederation gives I refer to your own memory. the states individually too much influence in the affairs of the army; they should have nothing to do with it.
The
and disposal of our military forces to belong to Congress. It is an essential element ought and it ought to be the policy of Congress of the Union,
entire foundation
and
make
it
For
o-o
[Sect. III.
pointments, promotion, and provisions whatsoever ought It may be apprehended that this to be made by them.
may be dangerous
evident to
to liberty.
me
than that
we run much
weak and disunited Federal government than one which will be able to usurp upon the rights of the people. Already some of the lines of the army would obey
ing a
their states in opposition to Congress, notwithstanding the pains we have taken to preserve the unity of the
army.
If
sonal influence of the general a melancholy and morticonsideration. The forms of our state Constitutions fying
this
it
would be the
per-
must always give them great weight in our affairs, and will make it too difficult to blind them to the pursuit of a common interest, too easy to oppose what they do not like, and to form partial combinations subversive of the general one. There is a wide difference between our situation and that of an empire under one sinrple form of
government, distributed into counties, provinces, or districts, which have no Legislatures, but merely magistratical bodies to execute the laws of a common sovereign. There the danger is that the sovereign will have too much power, and oppress the parts of which it is composed. In our case, that of an empire composed of confederate states,
each with a government completely organized within itself, having all the means to draw its subjects to a close
dependence on
It is that the
ficient to unite
itself,
the danger
is
common
sovereign will not have power sufthe different members together, and direct
the
common
whole.
The Confederation, too, too entirely to the state Legislatures. It should purse in the disposal of Congress, by a provide perpetual funds,
All imposts upon comland-tax, poll-tax, or the like. merce ought to be laid by Congress, and appropriated to
Chap. XV.]
273
government can have no power; that power which holds the purse-strings absolutely must rule. This seems to be a medium which, without making Congress altogether independent, will tend to give reality to its authority. Another defect in our system is want of method and energy in the adminisThis has partly resulted from the other defect, tration. but in a great degree from prejudice and the want of a proper executive. Congress have kept the power too much in their own hands, and have meddled too much with detail of every sort. Congress is properly a deliberative corps, and it forgets itself when it attempts to play the executive. It is impossible that a body numerous as it is constantly fluctuating can ever act with sufficient decision or with system. Two thirds of the members one half the time can not know what has gone before them,
what connection the subject in hand has to Avhat has been transacted on former occasions. The members who have been more permanent will only give information
or that promotes the side they espouse in the present case, and will as often mislead as enlighten. The variety of business must distract, and the proneness of every assem-
bly to debate must at all times delay. Lastly, Congress, convinced of these inconveniences, have gone into the measure of appointing boards. But this is, in my opinion, a
bad
plan.
would be greatly preferable. It would us a chance of more knowledge, more activity, more give and attention. responsibility, and, of course, more zeal Boards partake of the inconveniences of larger assemblies
administration
;
their decisions are slower, their energy less, their responThey will not have the same abilsibility more diffuse.
an administration by single men. Men pretensions will not so readily engage in them because they will be less conspicuous, of less imities
and knowledge
of the
first
as
I S
074
[Sect. III.
portance, have less opportunity of distinguishing themThe members of boards will take less pains to selves.
inform themselves and arrive at eminence, because they "I shall have fewer motives to do it."
Hamilton proposes
Mrtrongerformof
government.
now propose the remedies which appear to tit, me applicable to our circumstances, and nec
,1
essary to extricate our affairs from their present deplorable situation. The first step must be to give Congress
The Confed-
eration should give Congress a complete sovereignty except as to that part of internal police which relates to the
rights of property and life among individuals, and to raising money by internal taxes. It is necessary that every thing belonging to this should be regulated by the state Legislatures. Congress should have complete sovereignty in all that relates to war, peace, trade, finance, and to the
the right of declaring war, of raising armies, officering, paying them, directing their motions in every respect, of equipping fleets, and doing the same with them, of building fortifications, arsenals,
management of foreign
affairs,
magazines, etc., of making peace on such conditions as they think proper, of regulating trade, determining with
be carried on, granting indulgences, laying prohibitions on all articles of export or import, imposing duties, granting bounties and premiums for raising, exporting, or importing, and applying to their
it
what countries
shall
own
the states on
of revenues
use the product of these duties, only giving credit to whom they are raised in a general account
and expense, instituting admiralty courts, etc., of coining money, establishing banks on such terms and
with such privileges as they think proper, appropriating funds, and doing whatever else relates to the oyjerations of finance, transacting every thing with foreign nations,
making
alliances offensive
etc.
and
commerce,"
"The second
Chap. XV.]
275
that Congress should instantly appoint the following a secretary for foreign affairs, a great officers of state
is,
:
president of war, a president of marine, a financier, a president of trade these officers should have nearly the same powers and functions as those in France analogous to
them, and each should be chief in his department, with subordinate boards composed of assistants, clerks, etc., to
execute his orders."
Disheartened by the condition of affairs, the leading men one after another had abandoned the
members.
congress by
its
In 1783
it
,
migrating to various places. After the peace the states usurped its authority in matters relating to foreign debts,
disloyal persons,
fused to deliver
and other particulars. The English reup the Western posts, because Congress
its
could not
make good
The
princi-
ple that had been successfully maintained by the small against the large states in the division of Western terri-
upon by demagogues, who incited the people to demand that property should be divided and held in common, since all had been engaged in saving it
tory
was
seized
from British
The spread of dissatisfaction.
confiscation, and, therefore, were equally entitled to it. Such motives lay at the bot-
Rnrrpctinn snrrection.
shay's in-
toui oi
okays
*>
c~n
i it i i rebellion, which,
'
would have
tit
debts.
annihilated all property and canceled all That rebellion gave the most intense anxiety to
manshipofthe
times.
He imperfect statesmanship of the times. T| i i p says "It would be the extreme oi vanity us not to be sensible that we began this
-i
-i
,
i_
revolution with very vague and confined notions of the To the greater part practical business of government.
o^(]
REVOLUTIONARY STATESMANSHIP.
it
[Sect. III.
was a novelty. Of those who, under the former Constitution, had had opportunities of acquiring experiof us
ence, a large proportion adhered to the opposite side, and the remainder can only be supposed to have possessed ideas adapted to the narrow colonial sphere in which
they had been accustomed to move not of that enlarged kind suited to the government of an independent nation.
men
affairs
with
in all respects qualified for conducting the public skill and advantage but their number was
small; they were not always brought forward in our councils, and when they were, their influence was too com-
monly borne down by the prevailing torrent of ignorance and prejudice. On a retrospect, however, of our transactions under the disadvantages with which we commenced, it is, perhaps, more to be wondered at that we have done There are, so well, than that we have not done better. some traits in our conduct as conspicuous for indeed, sound policy as others for magnanimity. But, on the other hand, it must also be confessed that there have been many false steps, many chimerical projects and Utopian speculations in the management of our civil as well as our military affairs. part of these were the natural effects of the spirit of the times, dictated by our situation. An extreme jealousy of power is the attendant on all
its
It is to this source
we
are to trace
many
of the
mistakes which have so deeply endangered the popa want of power in Congress." ular cause particularly
fatal
With that horror of anarchy which is innate in elenation withvated minds, Hamilton elsewhere says "
:
out a national government is an awful spectacle." Shay's insurrection, the danger of losing possession of the Mississippi River, the commercial policy of England, and a general sentiment of the complete inefficiency of
Chap. XV.]
277
i a
made
t
it
iederal
-1
powers must be 1
increased.
America
m
.
an attitude
of equality
with the great powers of Europe unless she stood as one republic, not as thirteen petty sovereignties. Those powers were willing enough to treat with her as a collection of rival states, and to receive consuls from each. And if that was the condition in the outward relations, it was no
better in the domestic.
Rivalries, jealousies, conflicting
interests, were bringing the states into hostility to each other. They were ready to make subordinate leagues,
dictated
by
Washington declared
that the true source of all the trouble lay in the tenacity of the states to retain their power.
bl e
purpose.
by New York;
but Congress still retained the old jealousy of any thing that could possibly have a leaning to aristocratic or monarchical intentions.
Unable, however, to
proposaiofcon3
gress
inkle's of confed -
calling a meeting of delegates from all the states for the sole and express purpose of
revising the Articles of Confederation, and rejDorting to Congress and the several Legislatures such alterations
and provisions therein as should, when agreed to in Congress and confirmed by the states, render the federal Constitution adequate to the exigencies of the government and the preservation of the Union. Delegates were accordingly appointed from all the states except Rhode Island. The meeting took j)lace at Philadelphia, and Wash-
ington was unanimously elected to preside over its delibIt was at once found impracticable to revise erations.
2fg
r,
THE CONSTITUTION.
'
[Sect. III.
Articles of Confederation, as had keen ordered, and a majority of the Conventk)U resolve(1 to form
entirely
new
Con-
stitution.
The Constitution agreed upon and transmitted to Conof the gress was submitted to Conventions
.
several states.
.-
j_i
sued among some of these "bodies the politwas very clearly set forth. As a striking example may be quoted the speech of Patrick Henry in He demanded why the old the Convention of Virginia.
ical position
Confederation had been abandoned, and by what authorto make a consolidated ity the Convention had assumed
government.
"
worthy
char-
eraj
impressed with the necessity of forming a great consolidated government instead of a confederation. That this is a consolidated government is demonstrably clear, and the danger of such a government is to my mind very I have the highest veneration for those gentlestriking.
demand what right had sir, give me leave to to say We, the people ? political curiosity, exthey of anxious solicitude for the public welfare, clusive leads me to ask who authorized them to speak the lanmen, but,
My
my
guage of we,
States
If are the characteristics, the soul of the Confederation. the states be not the agents of the compact, it must be
one great consolidated government of tlie people of all the I have the highest respect for those gentlemen states. who formed the Convention, and, were not some of them
here, I
would express some testimonial of esteem for them. America had, on a former occasion, put the utmost confidence in them a confidence which was well
Chap. XV.]
IT.
279
and I am sure, sir, I could give up any thing to I would cheerfully confide in them as my representatives. But, sir, on this great occasion, I would demand the cause of their conduct. Even from that illustrious man who saved us by his valor, I would have a reason for his conduct that liberty which he has given us by his valor tells me to ask this reason, and sure I am, were he here, he would give us this information. The people gave them no power to use their name. That
placed,
them.
they exceeded their power is perfectly clear." "The proposed system produces a revolution as radical as that which separated us from Great He affirms that is
it
-r
destructive of state
rights.
liritam.
t t i It is as radical
/
t>
it
,1
this transi-
ed,
and privileges are endangerana the sovereignty of the states be relinquished and
tion our rights
;
can not we plainly see that this is actually the case ? The rights of conscience, trial by jury, liberty of the press, all
your immunities and franchises, all pretensions to human rights and privileges, are rendered insecure, if not lost, by
this change, so loudly talked of by some, so inconsiderIs this tame relinquishment of rights ately by others.
worthy of freemen ?
Is it
forti-
tude that ought to characterize republicans ? It is said I declare that that eight states have adopted this plan. if twelve and a half had I would, with manly adopted it, firmness, and in spite of an erring world, reject it." " Should it go into operation, what will the states have to do ? Take care of the poor, repair and make highways, erect bridges, and so on, and so on. Abolish the
state Legislatures at once.
they be retained
?"
From such
Nature of the pom1
facts it
were u P on tne Constitution by those who^ to reject it was that it substituted disposed
or a
c on fe( j eraC y
a centralized government,
OgQ
MR.
[Sect. III.
operating upon every individual, and declining the states which by it lost their sovereignty. The political problem was to combine power in the government with lib-
The conditions under which it individual. erty in the had to be solved had never before existed in any nation.
In America there was no
the people together.
uniting of faith, so powhad gone to an erfully promoted by the Reformation, It was impossible to introduce such an eleextreme.
The decomposition
an Established Church, and secure influence in that way. Up to this time there had been but two pow-
ment
as
Reers in the world, the military and the ecclesiastical. on the fact that man tends spontaneously lying, therefore,
to centralization in government, and has a horror of anarchy, the statesmen of the time were driven to political
combinations alone, hoping to secure strength from the union and liberty from the state governments. Many years subsequently Mr. Webster defined the gov,r
, Mr. Webster s
or2;anO
IhTrac^oVthl
Constitution.
^ rj^ ^
He
showed,
not a league, confederacy, or compact between the people of the several states, in their sovereign capaciof the peoty, but a government founded on the adoption
States
is
ple,
"
and creating
2d.
direct relations
between
itself
and
indi-
viduals.
power to dissolve those relations that nothing can dissolve them but revolution; and that, consequently, there can be no such thing
;
That no
stitution of the
Chap. XV.]
281
preme law as often as it lias occasion to pass acts of legislation and in cases capable of assuming the character of a suit, the Supreme Court of the United States is the
;
first interpreter.
That the attempt by a state to abrogate, annul, or an act of Congress, or to arrest its operation withnullify in her limits, on the ground that, in her opinion, such law is unconstitutional, is a direct usurpation on the first powers of the general government and on the equal rights of
4th.
"
the other
a plain violation of the Constitution, and a proceeding essentially revolutionary in its character and
states,
tendency."
The
essential difference
the Constitution which displaced it was therefore this: that the former acted on the states, the latter on individthe former was a union of states, the latter a sovereignty over the people.
uals
;
The
Adoption of the
first
Constitution was at length ratified and adopted. The states srave up the distinctive attributes
39 '
washingtoS'the
President,
f sovereignty
diplomatic
.
relations
with
is-
Congress under it met at suing of coinage, etc. New York on the 4th of March, 1789, and in the next
first
The
of the
In fourteen years the inarch of events had been very It is a great step from Franklin's unsuccessful rapid.
proposal of an executive council of twelve, changing year by year, to one president holding his office for four years,
and capable of
that liberty
al restraint.
The nation clearly discerned could not be made safe without governmentre-election.
, progress of
to concentration.
eration"
The
"
Articles of Confed-
centralization.
282
WASHINGTON.
[Sect. III.
a perpetual union of the states. The Revolutionary War Lad sanctified the idea of nationality. On that grand
occasion, when Washington, who knew equally well how to command and how to obey, appeared in the hall of
Congress and resigned his commission as commander-inchief of the army, the President of Congress no longer spoke of Confederated Colonies, but invoked the favor
God on the Nation. A little time elapses, and Washington reappears as the chief executive officer
of Almighty
of that nation.
The moral grandeur of the first President was as strikmanifested by his conduct in reference characterofwash- Wgfj ingtcm. ^g Constitution as by the events of the ^ War. The forces at his disposal at the Revolutionary epoch of the Declaration of Independence amounted only
to about 17,000 men. After the disaster on Long Island, the retreat from New York, the action at White Plains,
the passage of the Hudson, they had dwindled down to barely 3000, ill provisioned, and without blankets or
tents.
civil
war,
how
in-
With
unfailing courage,
Washington held firm in the dreadful retreat through New Jersey, and the forced passage of the Delaware. He did not despair when the militia, whose term of service was expiring, left him, nor when his regulars deserted. He was still hopeful when worsted at the Brandywine, and after his ineffectual attempt to save Philadelphia, His constancy and after his repulse at Germantown. was not shaken in the winter at Valley Forge, when he was almost destitute of clothing, of shelter, of food. His march from New York to co-operate with the fleet of De Grasse, expected in Chesapeake Bay, was a model of skillful combination and celerity. Sir Henry Clinton,
until
the British commander-in-chief, did not suspect his design After a siege of Yorktown, lasting it was too late.
Chap. XV.]
WASHINGTON.
283
to sur-
only thirteen days, he compelled Lord Comwallis render his whole army of 7000 men and 160 guns. That siege was the end of the war. Washington had shown that he could "bear adversity
with fortitude, and strike when his opportunity came with In a manner unparalleled in history, irresistible vigor. he had declined the blandishments of ambition, descending without reluctance from the plenitude of power. When, in the evening of his life, he was constrained to " confess, Perhaps we have had too good an opinion of
human
nature," he did not, as the aged too commonly do, adhere with a delusive consistency to his former ideas,
but, estimating justly the blessings that were to be gained or forever lost, he recommended to his reluctant coun-
trymen a
them that
He solemnly taught can not exist without order, and that liberty Once clearly perceiving the inorder implies restraint.
distasteful centralization.
evitable course of events, and that, for the harmonious development of a great and growing nation in all its parts,
power must be lodged at one point," his chief was to guide what it was obviously impossible
"
solicitude
to avoid.
With
tion
and obloquy. A bill for the increase of the army was denounced as proving the existence of monarchical designs on the part of his administration. The proclamation of neutrality at the breaking out of the war between the French Republic and England and Holland was stigmatized as a high-handed assumption of power on
his part
sition.
a royal
In this
edict,
we
which had led New mation requiring the taking of an oath of allegiance to the United States as an invasion of her state rights.* If Franklin is to be regarded as the representative man
of the final colonial period,
evincing his monarchical disposee a revival of the jealous sentiment Jersey, in 1777, to regard his procla-
Washington unquestionably
284
WASHINGTON.
[Sect. III.
assumes the same attitude in the first generation of independent America. From his appointment to the command of the Revolutionary army to the day of his death
(1700), he
life.
is
He
dealt with
the central figure in the picture of American two great political facts the eman-
cipation of his native country from foreign rule, and its subsequent political organization. He dealt successfully
Indeed, these were the two facts with which the generation in which he lived was concerned. They
with both.
else,
the
public attention. There was no time, no opportunity for the cultivation of literature or science. Inventive talent
slept, for it
life
was not
that Whitney's
until nearly the end of Washington's gin gave an earnest of what that tal-
Washington
In him the jarring and jealous states not only acknowledged, but claimed a common ruler. He was found
to excel in peace as well as in war and as he fearless in action, so he was wise in council.
;
guine in prosperity, he never desponded in adversity. Superior to all selfish considerations, he was, without reward, faithful to the interests of his country. Cool, deliberate, indefatigable, and of unsullied integrity, he was
of his
never envious of another's virtue, for he was conscious own and happier even during life than most of
;
silenced envy. Considering every thing it as subordinate to truth, his statesmanship was simple consisted only of uprightness and straightforwardness.
he
human
character was expressed in the austere As if he had been more of his countenance. severity than mortal man, the admiration that was cherished for
his
memory by
Chap. XV.]
STATE-SOVEREIGNTY.
285
to veneration, a sentiment that will last as long as honor and justice, virtue and liberty, are prized by the human
race.
epoch surrendered
of Confederation, but the people quickly recognized that that relation was changing un-
They began
to dis-
cern that the power they thought they had delegated was in fact surrendered, and that henceforth no single
meet the general government as a sovereign and equal. In vain, in subsequent years, did South Carolina assert her right and intention to interfere as a sovereign and arrest the action of the general government. In vain, in her address to her own people in 1832, did she affirm that the government is not national, but only a mere creation of the states that power has only been delegated to it, and may be resumed that there is no such " body known to the laws as the People of the United
state could
;
;
States;" that a state has a right to resist; that the SuP*eme Court is no tribunal in such affairs, continued
protest
r
aS^ttSt con-
since it is only the creature of the government. In vain did she assert that the primary allegiance of a citizen is due to his state. The course of events has shown that President Jack-
son truly expounded the actual political position w hen he declared that the laws of the United States must be executed, and that any attempt at disunion by armed
T
force is treason.
If
now we
,
_ colonies, in The
en
review the various acts in which the generation living from 1775 to 1805 were concernO ed, we find that they may be included in
one
gland idea of
^ erm fa e establishment of the New EnNational Unity. For that the old colo^
23(5
CENTRALIZATION.
[Sect. III.
Its advantages once experienced, for under ly worked. a most imperfect form it delivered them from English
restriction
prove
it
and English rule, they set themselves to imand give it durability. Detecting the imperthey replaced
it
by a Con-
Union, and Washington, the first President, became the incarnation of the idea. Meantime there was germinating in secrecy and unsuspected an antagonistic
stitutional
principle, destined in a future generation to dispute the empire in mortal conflict with Unionism.
Confederation passes into union, union produces consolidation, consolidation condenses into cenThe inevitable m tj n^ a of poiiti- tralizatiou. It is well tor every reflecting progress " cal consolidation. man to consider that inevitable sequence.
-1
'
Contrast the feeble and unheeded cry of the Continental Congress its supplications its inability to touch
civil
war.
But, though the course of empire is unvarying and reIn an sistless, its character may be determined by men.
ignorant and annualized nation, the central power will be profligate and tyrannical on the contrary, an intelli;
it
as they please.
Perhaps no political assertion is more distasteful to an American than this, that his institutions inevitably tend
to centralization.
It is
equally oifensive to
North and to the independence of the South, but it is none the less true. Forms of polity are the ephemeral products of human
invention, but the course of political life is beyond conIt proceeds in an unavoidable, a trivance or control.
necessary way.
We have
an illustration of this
irresistible progress in
Chap. XV.]
CENTRALIZATION IN PLANTS.
to
287
The tendenc
life.
^ ne
From tlie
is
first
an inevielMwledtopirsonai table order of development. Many forms in succession are assumed previously to birth, and after that he pursues an invariable course infancy, childOver these, and the atdecline. hood, youth, maturity, tributes that belong to them, he can not exert any volto the last there
moment
untary control
old are guided
by
We
by
came
without our
our
own knowledge, we
personal
life,
depart from
is
against
own
will.
But
if thus, in
there
opportunity is not denied for a manifestation of individual peculiarities. The sketch, the outline of our career is
imposed upon us
as
please. It is the same
it
we
are permitted to
is
fill
in the colors
we
which
its
must
necessarily pass.
Centralization
forms.
Centralization
Manifestation of
may be
;
brute force
former kind
may
The
Nature.
course of empire
is
prefigured
botanist, looking
11 "
,.., ^ multitudes 01 geographical tracts plants starting up in an inextricable confusion where only one can now grow. But that, though
ization illustrated
-.
draVy^Tcentmi-
back on the past history of the vegetable kingdom, will tell us that in the early days there were dense jungles covering
.
,
vast
,
-,
we
speak of
it
238
CENTRALIZATION IN ANIMALS.
[Sect. III.
The buds
als
;
tudinous forms collected, ordered, concentrated together. that have appeared in successive seasons upon the oak of a thousand years were each of them individuthe tree itself
is
their combination, a
bouquet
in vis-
The forests teach us ibly tied by the hand of Nature. the inevitable concentring of power.
The
tration
botanist will also tell us that this gradual concenwhich he every where sees is the necessary result
;
of natural causes that plants, such as palms, are the rep* resentatives of a declining but nearly uniform heat, and that others, such as the oaks, of which we have been
speaking, the stems of which, when we cut them across, exhibit the appearance of annual rings, could only come
after the seasons
were
spring, summer, autumn, and winter established in the year! The seasons were the
whole
tree, is
The
Considered in the largest, the philosophical sense, the concentrated tree is the inevitable result of the continuous operation of natural law. Now we do not quarrel with the botanist because he
points out these things to us; on the contrary, we experience a positive pleasure as he expands our views of the The higher relations of these beautiful organic forms.
more
our degree of previous mental culture may have been, the clearly do we see fitness and even magnificence in
law law pervading the without variableness or shadow of turning. In the same manner the physiologist will speak.
this universal operation of
'
ages,
He
It is farther illus-
will tell us that in that orderly progression n i t i 1 n of animals which have appeared upon our
earth there
One may
Chap. XV.]
CENTRALIZATION IN MAN.
289
cut such creatures in pieces, and each portion is as perFrom this condition, fect, is as good as any of the rest. in an inevitable order, a progress is made parts that were
;
confused together are separated one duty is assigned to above all, one is selected for domthis, another to that It sends forth its volitions, they execute inating control.
; ;
strikingly do we see the issue of this of the insect tribes the bees and ants. in the last comers
its decrees.
Very
munication of their thoughts they have ideas of government, and, therefore, of law the one prefers a republican, the other a monarchical form.
;
But the
And
especially
physiologist, moreover, says that this orderly progression, this tendencv to concentration. ^ in
.
'
"
-J
also in the life of individual man. He passes a predestined series of developments every man through must, without exception or variation, pass through them. Each form has its special lineaments, and also its special
-
man
g e al p deve iopment o f
1S
seen no *
omT lu
the slumber of infancy, the activity of childhood, the hope of youth, the staid gravity of the mature period of reason, the doubt, distrust, imbecility of
attributes.
is
There
life
There are very great astronomers and very great mathematicians who tell us that in the besnnIt is also illustrated n i i i i the system of by nma; all the substance of which the various the
.
-i
world,
a neb-
By natural operations, which affirm they can explain, a condensation ensued, they and, one after another, in an order that might have been
precalculated, for
it
I.T
290
after orb
ily
CENTRALIZATION IN NATURE.
[Sect. III.
of worlds the
was
cast off from the revolving mass, and a fameach of these solar system arose.
On
resulting globes, in a
binations and redistributions of the original principles, the matter and the force, occurred, here issuing in mechanical movement, there finding an expression in the production of organic forms organic forms which are
only local and temporary concentrations of power, ever ready to be redistributed and re-used. Round the cen-
by reason of his predominating mass, predominating power had concentred, these obedient
tral sun, in
which,
all
worlds, with
their
servitor
satellites,
pursue their
;
There was no hanging back in the movement courses. no vagrant, wanton wandering, no revolt. Through unutterable ages this universe was, as it is now, an exhibition of inconceivable energy, mathematical precision, paramount and predominating law. The concentration of power is equally manifested by the humble moss that grows upon the wall, and by the awful magnificence of
the heavens.
did not quarrel with the botanist, so we do not with the physiologist, the mathematician, the asquarrel tronomer, for what they say. We perceive that it is not the expression of their own opinions or desires, but strictly a relation of facts facts which would remain the same whether they spoke of them or not. We may have objections or dislikes to them, they may not accord with our preconceived notions, but that has nothing to do with their value, because it has nothing to do with the truth. So, when the historian, who has examined the progress of human societies, declares that the same
As we
And by
It is of philosophical spirit the evidences he presents. no avail to express our dislike or displeasure it is of no
;
Chap. XV.]
CENTRALIZATION IN SOCIETY.
291
we
and that what has applied to others will not can not too clearly bear in mind hold good for us. there is one law, one destiny for all. that If the things of which we are thus told be true if there be this latent,
We
this irresistible
dominion of Nature
if
the inevitable
consequence be the separation of society into grades, and the convergence of power to one point, does any thing more remain than that we should accept the truth, and
deal with
in
it
as best
we may?
To
that concentration,
cul-
which
all social
and
it minate, to be the concentration of violence and brute force, or the controlling influence of reason. Its advent we can
we may
give characteristics
we may permit
not avoid, its character we may determine. Democratical communities too often hide out of sight these obvious truths, considering them inconEepugnance of democrades to these
. .
sistent
-,
_.
of man. Perpetually resorting to organization for the accomplishment of their ends, they decline an acknowledgment of the principle implied in that term
the partition of duties, the imposing of responsibilities, In any organized democracy, the delegation of power.
though
is
all
the
reign, if
it
they will only open their eyes, they will perceive that
CHAPTER
Through improvements
XVI.
obtain a monopoly in the cotton supply, but to insure this they must have more Their political necessities coincided with their indusland and more laborers. trial necessities; they must have more territory to maintain a balance of power in the United States Senate, and more slaves to give weight in the House of Representatives. They expected to secure these objects by an alliance with the
Democratic party.
of Independence, the
seen,
first
gen-
was occupied in form i U g a nation out of what had, up to that been disconnected colonies. The annals of that petime, riod are the annals of the foundation and consolidation of
eration, as
we have
In the second generation, from 1805 to 1835, witness the growth of the antagonistic principle, and apparentslavery, which, from being in a languishing ly moribund condition, suddenly, under the influence of
the Union.
we
The accidental circumstances, gained a new lease of life. ominous and lowering aspect of this dark apparition
throws into insignificance
all
contemporaneous events.
of Burr, the war with England, the purchase of Florida, the Hartford Convention, the establishment of a National Bank, the tariff disputes, and
Nullification, gather their chief interest from their bearing the development of this baleful power.
upon
It
has been already stated that negro slaves were first introduced into Virginia in 1620. The cul... Statistics of its i i i i gradual develop- tivation oi tobacco led to a pressing demand. ment. for laborers, and the supply from Africa
. /
.
-.
Chap. XVI.]
STATISTICS OF SLAVERY.
293
continually increased. In 1645 the value of a negro in Virginia was about $100 the black population
;
man
was
(1776), counting from the first importation, probably about 300,000 slaves had been brought from Africa. Several of the colonies remonstrated against the trade.
Rhode
Island had prohibited perpetual servitude; in In opposition to Georgia, Oglethorpe had interdicted it.
these attempts, the British government steadily encouraged it. In 1774 the Continental Congress resolved that
the importation of slaves should be stopped, but in 1789, at the formation of the Constitution, Congress was restrained from interdicting the trade until 1808, when it
was ended.
the slave-trade piracy. The following table gives the slave population of the United States from 1790 to 1860:
Years.
204
CULTIVATION OF COTTON.
[Sect. III.
are probably connected with the increased importation of African slaves from 1800 to 1808, in view of the impending prohibition of the trade. The progress of their
by blood-admixture is also very obvious. In 1850 one ninth of the colored population was returned as mulattoes; in 18G0 the proportion had risen to one eighth.
modification
great staples of the South eventually became cotton anc tobacco. Indian corn in sufficient cotton and tobacco
The
Swonh?
10 '
was
;
pro-
the marshy lands furnished rice the cooler upper states yielded large quantities of live-stock and hemp. In the extreme South, where the temperature
;
duced
is
was made. which is here exclusively derived from the anCotton, nual varieties of the cotton-plant, the perenGeographyofthe
high, sugar
cottSnSomain.
trop i C g fo^g not orQ y un suited to the climate, but yielding a very inferior product, has for its northern boundary the annual isothermal
treeg Q f
.
line of 60
therefore found on that part of the great tertiary dej>osits which reaches from North Carolina to
;
it is
the Rio Grande (see map, page 40). For its luxuriant growth a large amount of water is required, and this, as
we have
by the
vicinity
Stream, which follows the shore-line in the Atlantic Ocean. Cotton was first planted in Virginia in 1621.
Textile fabrics of
it
remotest times.
great improvements in the cotton manufacture in England in the latter half of the last century, the application of the steam-engine as a motive power in mills, replacing the uncertain winds and restricted waterfalls, and
The
pennitting the establishment of manufactories anywhere, the invention of Whitney's gin, successively gave an im-
Chap. XVI.]
COTTON STATISTICS.
295
petus to the growth of this fibre. The product of cotton furnished from America in
.
the whole world; it amounted It should be millions and a half of bales (4,675,770). that the weight of the bale has unremembered, however,
dergone variations; thus, in 1840, it was 380 lbs. nearly; in 1850 it had risen to about 450 lbs. In 1821 the cotton crop amounted to less than half a m H of its pro- million of bales at the end of the next six Statistics ,., duction, years it doubled; in twelve years more it had doubled again at the end of the next twenty years
; ;
it
had
ao-ain
doubled.
Production of Cotton.
Years.
Of)0
[Sect. III.
producing
it
so se-
More-
over, the cotton countries were intrinsically more fertile than the tobacco ones. So far, therefore, as the soil was
concerned, there
demand.
was no impossibility of meeting the great But very different was it in regard to the oth-
labor.
duction requires
pected to give an increase of as much as p thirty per cent, in the course 01 ten years.
.
,
,-i
The prospective demand for cotton in the same period would increase one hundred per cent. It was therefore obvious that the slave system, continuing without change, would be altogether inadequate to the requirements of the case. Under these circumstances two
population
of
its
1st.
labor was
translation from points where the value less to those in which that value was at
res-
maximum;
As
regards the
first
jl
of these
it had already besrun to slave a population j o ta^ e effect. The colder grain-growing states
redistribution
of the
were being drained of their negroes. competition was arising between the two great staples, tobacco and cotton. It was merely a question which of them, all things considered, would prove to be the more profitable. But the issue could not be mistaken
when it was seen that in the ten years ending in 1850, the slave population of Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina had only increased from two to six per cent.,
while in the Gulf States
it
thirty-five
to fifty-eight per cent. The relative progression of three chief proa u o Rice and tobacco ^Kuonfnthe ducts, cotton, tobacco, rice, is seen in the folJ.
j.
siave market.
Chap. XVI.]
297
Year.
298
[Sect. III.
Some English
Bngiw. improve-
u& weavtagmt?
who, about the middle of the last century, were obtaining a scanty living by spinning, weaving, and other such occu-
pations, turned their inventive talent to the improvement of their art. Paul and Wyatt introduced
operation of spinning by rollers; Highs, or Ilargreaves, invented the jenny, by which a great many threads could be spun as easily as one. Paul devised
the
the rotating carding-engine Crompton the mule; Arkwright the water-frame, which produced any number of
;
threads of any degree of fineness and hardness. These ingenious machines constituted a very great improvement
and on the from Asia, or perhaps spinning-wheel, originally brought reinvented in Europe. At length one spinner was able to accomplish as much work as one hundred could have
distaff of ancient times,
formerly done. While the art of producing threads was undergoing this singular improvement, Cartwright, a clergyman, invented, in 1785, the power-loom, intended to supersede the operation of weaving by hand, and to make the pro-
duction of textile fabrics altogether the result of maAfter some modifications, that loom successfulchinery.
ly accomplished the object for which it was devised. As these inventions succeeded, they necessarily led to a demand for motive power. In the first little cotton
factory, the
germ of that embodiment of modern industry, the cotton -mill, a water-wheel was employed to give movement to the machinery. The establishment was, therefore, necessarily placed near a stream, where a sufficient fall could
be obtained.
The invention
invention of the
of the steam-engine by "Watt, which was the consequence of the new and correct views
lished
by
of the nature of vapors that had been estabDr. Black, supplied, in due time, the required
Chap. XVI. ]
THE COTTON-GIN.
299
motive power, and by degrees the water- wheel went almost out of use. Textile manufacture needed now but one thing more to become of signal importance it needed a more abundant supply of raw material. Though far less perfect than in our times, so completely did spinning and weaving machinery answer its purpose, that England now seriously contemplated her ability to furnish clothCotton, the fibre chiefly concerned in ing for the world. these improvements, was obtained in limited quantities from various countries but, at the time of the adoption of the Constitution, not a single pound was exported from
here
was
for do-
Every good housewife had her consumption. spinning-wheel, every plantation its hand-loom.
cotton fibre in quantity sufof the new machinery was
for separating the cotoperation, for the picking
a tedious
The
.
be separated from the seeds with rapidity and at a trifling cost. There was nothing now to prevent an extraordinary detion of "the cottongin.
difficultv.
y
fibre could
,
very few
years showed what the result would be. In 1790 no cotton was exported from the United States. Whitney's
it provides a sup-
g m was introduced in 1793. The next year i 1 j_l about -ii'lV 1| million ot pounds were exported; in 1795, about 5^ millions; in 1860, the quantity had reached 2000 millions of pounds. The political effect of this mechanical invention, which ^ nus P rove(l to be the completion of all the Effect of these inX?
n
Q?s
ulation in England.
y nece8saTy
WOS
at
300
once seen in
INVIGOHATIOX OF SLAVERY.
[Sect. III.
its accomplishing a great increase and a redistribution of population in England. The manufacturclass of society obtaining its ing towns grew rapidly.
wealth from the new sources overbalanced the old rich landed proprietors. In the United States the effects were still more important.
all
the Southern
profitable
re-
than any other crop but it was raised by slaves. Whatever might have been the general expectation
They invigorate the slave power in
America,
It
was more
.f
it
specting the impending extinction of slavery, i 1 i was evident that at the commencement 01
. ,
changed.
this century the conditions had altogether powerful interest had come into unforeseen
Europe and America which depended on perpetuating that mode of labor. Moreover, before long it was apparent that, partly because of the adaptation of their climate to the
existence both in
growth of the
plant, partly
because of the excellence of the product, and partly owing to the increasing facilities for interior transportation, the
cotton-growing states of America would have a monopoly in the supply of this staple.
But, though mechanical invention had reinvigorated ^ ne s^ ave power by bestowing on it the cotAnd are followed
tlL^forTrlnlporta-
ton-gin,
it
ism by another inestimable gift the steamAt the very time that the African slave-trade was boat. prohibited, Fulton was making his successful experiment of the navigation of the Hudson River by steam. This improvement in inland navigation rendered available, in a manner never before contemplated, the river and lake system of the continent it gave an instantaneous value
;
to the policy of Jefferson, by bringing into effectual use the Mississippi and its tributaries it crowded with pop;
it
conti-
Chap. XVI.]
THE STEAM-BOAT.
nent open to commerce, , ,
central
XT7
-
301
it
.
Political effect of
power at Washmoton by dimmishing space, and while it extended geographicdomain of the republic, it condensed it politically. ally the It bound all parts of the Union more firmly together. The locomotion of the Indians, the former occupants of
-,
strengthened the ,
-,
themveutionofthe
the continent, may be said to have been altogether pedestrian. The canoe could only be taken advantage of by It was imperfect locomotion which made riparian tribes.
the American nations so inferior in their civilization to
the Asiatic, and eventually led to their destruction. Already we have remarked that, had but one of the numer-
ous varieties of horse or camel that once abounded in the country escaped extinction, America would have had a
very different history. It is not improbable that she would have preceded Europe in civilization. The colonists who settled on the Atlantic border
brought with them the horse. Through its aid distances were shortened, and transporting power greatly increased. But, had no better means of locomotion been introduced, the republic would with difficulty have extended beyond the Alleghanies its feeble states would hardly have had
;
in-
was the
the horse
hardly doubled that speed; but the steam-boat fully quadru P led i*' and likewise indefinitely increased of
the facility of transport of freight. But in thirty years more the next generation saw
It
302
TIIE
LOCOMOTIVE ENGINE.
[Sect. III.
could be reached. A fatiguing had diminished into an insignificant trip of day's journey a few minutes. The consequence of all this was, that political power was rapidly concentrating at Washington.
an hour
if needful, sixty
The
railroads,
military roads of
perial
j
Rome
:
aimtaryvaiueof
power
and
accordingly the
country was
pair.
to
thing the legions did in a conquered build substantial bridges and roads.
With sedulous
But
activity they kept them in thorough rethe railway, as a military appliance, far ex-
ceeds in value the ordinary road. On subsequent pages, in the relation of army movements, its important advantages will be seen.
The locomotive engine aids in neutralizing climate inThe locomotive en- Auences by promoting travel, of which it so
gme
'
the expense.
death-rate
conspicuously increases the speed and lessens It improves the health of towns by carry;
it
diminishes the
by
be brought
up in a fresh, uncontaminated atmosphere it equalizes the business seasons of trade, being independent of the
heat of
time.
summer and the ice of winter; it lessens our ideas of distance, and increases our estimates of the value of
In the concentration of political power the electric
And the
electric
tel-
telegraph.
Along
its
passes at the rate of 18,000 miles in a second noiselesssound emitted when a gentle wind is ly, for the moaning
noiselessly
blowing does not belong to the telegraph, but corresponds Ideas that have come to the notes of the iEolian harp. or across the continent, or from innumerunder the ocean, able points of the country, are flitting about from station to station. There is no danger that the extremities of
Chap. XVI.]
3Q3
the republic will ever be out of reach of the controlling power at its centre while the o government at These inventions
HUc ai
tlon
"
Washington can transmit orders to its officers at San Francisco, at New Orleans, or at the Lakes, in the course of a few moments. The foot-passenger, the canoe, the sail, the horse, the canal, the steam-boat, the locomotive, the telegraph, mark out the degrees of human motion. They also mark out
?" centr aiiz a
the concentration of civilized power. In the Constitution it had been agreed that three fifths
political reasons
apportionment of federal VjJ J representation. political advantage was thus given to slave labor. This closed the eyes of the South to all other nieans*of solving its industrial difSculties. Accordingly, it never looked for relief except in the
Snfmechanical
inventions.
numbers
,
in the
,
"I
In this
its
forgot the incidents that had brought it into extraordinary position. It forgot the mechanical causes
it
that lay at the bottom of the great industrial revolution in England spinning machinery, the power-loom, the It also forgot what had been the influence steam-engine.
Whitney's gin on
courses were open. He manual force, or he might resort to machinery. Nothing was impossible to the latter had inventive talent been stimulated and rewarded. Mechani-
cal agriculture doubtless has its difficulties, but they are not insurmountable. The existing slave force of the South
its
in-
by
In this the South followed the example of antiquity, for all the great empires of old preferred slave labor, and
Agricultural
304
[Sect. III.
implements remained untouched for thousands of years. In Europe the rural population was impenetrable to know Ledge and hated improvement it would tolerate no change in that venerable implement, the wooden plow. There was the same want of enterprise as respects me;
The saw-mill was not introduced chanical machinery. that event until a little time previously to Henry VII.
:
was actually an epoch in civilized life. It is affirmed that by it lumber was cheapened to one twentieth of its previous cost. The immediate consequence was the improvement of dwellings. Wooden floors ministered to human cleanliness, diminished disease and human affliction, and lengthened human life. The glazing of windows had a
similar effect.
In a servile community meclianical invention will always be held in low esteem. In his forced daily toil,
what does it signify to the slave whether the implement The thing that in his hand be an improved one or not ? concerns him is the passing away of the weary hours he
:
has no
And
as to the
master, political penetration for him to perceive that the introduction of machinery must in
required no deep
the end result in the emancipation of the slave. Machinery and slavery are incompatible the slave is displaced by the machine.
aged the introduction of machinery. Under the Constitution an increased negro force had a political value, machinery had none. The
cotton interest
was
therefore persuaded
its
by
those
who
were in a position to guide movements, that its proscould be secured only through increased manual perity labor; and though with so many wonderful examples
before of the successful application of machinery in the most unpromising cases, it persisted in affirming that in
it
Chap. XVI.]
KESULTS OF MACHINERY.
3Q5
atten-
this instance it
tion.
was
chimerical,
what machinery
is
sacrificed
capable of accomplishing, x 1
,
who have
-i
witnessat-
macnmery could
fuTrlased ?te?iw-
have been
tainecl
by the ingenuity of man, look forward without any misgivings to the time when
not alone the cultivation of cotton, but agricultural operations of all kinds, will be conducted by its use. It is
surely as likely that engines may plow and sow, hoe and gather, even on the site of a last year's forest, as that
they should compute mathematical tables for the use of astronomers more correctly than the most expert calculators can do. Yet that they have accomplished. , When the Liverpool and Manchester railway was built,
has elsewhere accomplished.
saw it reward of $100,000, offered by the English Parliament for finding the longitude at sea, led to the invention and perfection of Harrison's chronometer, and the desired ob-
could hardly believe their eyes when they running at the rate of thirty miles an hour.
-i
was accomplished. But in the Free States, notwithstanding an influx of immigrants, there was a continual demand for labor. It was manifested by the high rate of wages. Ingenuity was, however, here stimulated, and inventive talent gathered an abundant reward. In a manner unparalleled in the history of any other peoj^le, attention was given to the construction of labor-saving machinery. It was the machinery of the North that told with such fearful effect
ject
upon her antagonist in the civil war, and strangled the slave power by maintaining a blockade along three thousand miles of
coast.
LU
30(3
Ill
DEVELOPMENT OF SLAVERY.
1805 the number of slaves was about one
,
1
[Sect. III.
million.
7
Development of
lu'twlcnTiir
The African trade was to cease in 1808, a measure that had met with the concurrence
of the South, principally perhaps from moral It is true that Virginia was accused of considerations.
having given
it
in that respect were fully supplied, and that any increase in the number of negroes would only lessen the value of
In the Northern States, slavery, though lingering nominally here and there, was substanIt had ceased to be of any political contially extinct.
those in her possession.
sideration.
At the close of the second generation, in 1835, the numThis inber of slaves had become about 2\ millions.
was internal or spontaneous that is, no part of it 1808 was due to immigration. In this respect the black laboring population of the South differed from the white laboring population of the North, for the latter
crease
after
;
England remained
in fact, from the
to the reign of William and Mary it had not tripled itself. But as soon as the progress of the industrial arts created a demand for more men, there was a great increase. The same event
Norman Conquest
in the early days of the feudal system, when the value of an estate came to depend on the number of retainers it could furnish.
The
cause
increase of the slave population of the South a phenomenon of a similar kind. There of that de-
was was
emancl for labor-power. Considerations, not of an economical, but of a political nature, led to the discouragement of machinery, and to an increase in the
a
(j
veiopment.
number of
slaves.
Chap. XVI.]
307
Two
renewing the
things were therefore necessary to the development of the cotton culture, the laborer and
am- the land.
As
cau slave-trade.
come too
it
had
-,.
be-
-,
expediency
of the prohibition of the African trade that was an irreversible political fact. So great had been the barbarities
practiced while that trade was permitted, that the civilized world had set its face against the system. Propositions for conducting the importation of Africans on prin" Middle Passage" as ciples of humanity, of making the free from objection as the voyage of emigrants from Eu-
Had
,,.
not the
was
110 "
The
free-line
,.
high the price that a negro was worth in the that the South must have necessarily underStates, gone a political disintegration. Nothing could have prevented the draining of the Border States of their slaves.
"
war occurred, so urgent was the cleof the cotton planters for increased la1 bor-power, so remunerative their pursuit, so
civil
mand
Gulf
In view of the opinions of the civilized world respecting the African trade, there was no probability that it could ever be re-opened, not much could be done by the importation of Chinese or coolie labor from Asia, and apparently the inevitable result was the bringing down of
As
land arises.
The great crops that were evenurgent. tually (18 GO) raised did not occupy much more than 10,800 square miles a moderate proportion of the en-
tire
which was estimated at about 666,000 square miles. But as there was a political consideration, the fths slave provision, which led to the exclusion of machinery and a preference for manual labor, so
available territory,
308
[Sect. III.
another political consideration led to a craving for terriThe balance of power in the United States Sentory.
ate
inces-
slaveholding enlightened policy, looking to the future, approved of that course, for the deterioration of the land caused by the
sant creation of
new
states.
Doubtless an
growing of cotton was, under the circumstances, irreparable. Artificial means, by manures or amendments, were out of the question, and the whole operation implied a
a killing of the soil. present destruction of fertility natural causes, in the slow lapse of years, a parThrough tial restoration of the virgin qualities of the soil might
occur, but that was, at the best, an affair of time, therefore unavailing.
and
It is
Political foresight thus agreed with political expediency in connecting the slave system with terstrengthened
....
.
by
political coosid-
erations.
was twice
French
ntorial expansion. During the epoch 01 x i which we are now speaking, that longing gratified in the acquisition (1803) of the
-i
t-v
,i
in
j)ossessions
known
as Louisiana
by
Jefferson,
and
the Spanish Territory of Florida (1819) by Monroe. The subsequent annexation of Texas was occasioned by
the same policy. There is no better indication of the distribution of jdolitical
Southern influences preponderate
in the republic,
.,
distribution of politi
i
,-i
ical
it
(rinded by that principle, patronage, x ^ x may be perceived that the South, as stated
i
.
on page
dominant power
in the republic.
position acquired by Virginia during the Revolution was still retained by her. With the exception of Mr. Adams, the immediate suc-
The leading
were
Virginians.
;
been re-elected
Washington was a Virginian, and had Jefferson was a Virginian, and had been
Chap. XVI.]
3Q9
it was the same with Madison, and the same with Monroe. Up to that time the only Northern again President had been Mr. Adams, elected because, perhaps,
re-elected
no election of a successor to Mr. Monroe having been made, Mr. John Quincy Adams was chosen by the House of Representatives, but his term was not renewed upon its expiration. General Jackson, a Carolinian, succeeded him, and he w as re-elected.
look a
little farther,
T
.
we
During a period of forty-eight years (1789-1837), the Slave States had held the reins of government for forty
It followed, of course, years, the Free States only eight. that in the distribution of patronage, the former had had
Between the
parties,
which, with various fortune, divided the suffrages of the North, the slave influence held the balance of power, and, uniformly with the Democratic , And are maintain- affiliating ed by the alliance part v, it s subservient allv.it maintained its of the slave power , , i Tr with the Democrat- hold on the With that party ~ government. J ic party. it shared the profits of political victory, but
.
.
-,-,
-,
-,
-x
J-
>
remorselessly exacted a full equivalent in all things that touched the interests of slavery. With so much certain-
count on these concessions, that, had not the occurred, it would have required, the restoraIt actually did expect what, of the African trade. tion
ty did
civil
it
war
an
w as
T
still
more extravagant
aid in
necessarily suicidal.
s
South habituated to look for subserviency Northern Democracy, that, when it found itself disappointed in that extraordinary expectation, its anger knew no bounds. It poured When the atforth bitter complaints and invectives. at secession ended in disaster, it laid the blame on tempt
riou^fy demauTied'
in the
the treachery of
its
old ally.
310
[Sect. III.
On
minor
political points
difference of opinion
was
but the mopermissible among the Southern population, ment questions arose affecting the interests of slavery,
absolute uniformity was exacted. With not more tyrannical sternness and severity did papal Rome, in her most
arbitrary days, compel implicit obedience. Subsequently to 1830, the philanthropical latitude that had been allowed in the early part of the century was no longer pos-
On clergy themselves were not excepted. slavery the whole South acted as one man. This was the power, resolute, compact, unrelenting,
sible.
The
It
revolts
it
when
it
nuds
ger
can no ion-
rule.
for so many years had dominated in , , .-^ , -,.. the national councils, swaying the decisions of Congress, and appointing presidents. Ap-
which
...
.
prehensive of its future, as, under such circumstances, such a power must be, it seized the sword as soon as it recognized plainly that
its
it
grasp.
SECTION
IV.
THE ANTAGONISM BETWEEN THE NORTH AND SOUTH ASSUMES THE CHARACTER OF A SOCIAL CONTEST.
CHAPTER
EISE
XVII.
IDEA.
The development of slavery in the South provoked resistance in the North. MasThe narsachusetts led the way in forming public opinion in the Free States.
own domestic slavery and the African slaverapidly anti-slavery ideas found favor with her. The abolition of slavery by England gave an impulse to abolition in America. The anti-slavery ideas of the Declaration of Independence, of the Confederation, and of the Constitution, were held in check by the alliance of the slave power and the Democratic party. The incessant attacks of the Abolitionists on the slave institution led to an exasperated retaliation on the part of the South.
rative of her action respecting her
trade shows
how
It
lead.,
would
tion,
'
ing part in the Revolution, _the Confedera.. n TT and the formation of the Union, that
. .
K.
ion
aneon8ly
slavery
it
would
die out of
itself.
As
to its
there
was no
difference of opinevil.
But, though such was the estimate in which the slave system was held, considered from the moral point of view, it must not be supposed but that it had strenuous defenders on grounds of personal interest and of state power. Its influence is perceived at the very organization of the Confederacy, in the exemption of slaves from taxation,
and
in the resistance of
South Carolina to
of
its
interciti-
zenshij)
slavery.
312
It is sustained by sonth Carolina and
[Sect. IV.
Ueorjria.
tion society
uphold it. Massait* and Pennsylvania were not unwilling to destroy it. Even in 1774 an aboliwas founded in Philadelphia. It was this
i
" which, a few years subsequently, urged Congress to step to the very verge of its power to remove the inconsisten1'
cy of slavery from the American people, and to discourage every species of slave traffic. South Carolina and Georgia not only regarded slavery, but also the African slave-trade, as absolutely essential to
did they urge these views in the discussions respecting the Constitution, that some of the Northern States were willing to
give
their prosperity.
With
so
much determination
way
to the
fail
union should
But
as the
,
,
rather than
7
demand
The development
of slavery provokes
resistance.
co-ordinately was developed its great antag,i i l cr\ l onist, the anti-slavery idea, slavery becomJ
**
must needs be, aggressSo intense, eventually, was the animosity, that it swallowed up all other matters of dispute, the free North and the slave South being piting, as such a system ive, provoked a fierce resistance.
Of the ted against each other in geographical parties. latter it may be truly said that all legislation, both dothe protecmestic and federal, had but a single object When the tion and advancement of the slave system. civil war broke out, the boundary between freedom and
slavery
It
poAvers.
first
Con-
Condition of the
imously condemned negro slavery. In the at the Revolution. assoc i a ti n" prepared by it, and signed by the delegates of Maryland, Virginia, North and South " Carolina, it was agreed, We will neither import nor purtneunitldstate^
Chap. XVII.]
3^3
next, after
any slaves imported after the first day of December which time we will discontinue the slave-trade, and will neither be concerned in it ourselves, nor will we
cliase
who
are concerned in
it."
But that
Attitude of south
there
was really no such unanimity we may a^ ner from what Mr. Jefferson says respectg
ni g the striking out of the clause
dependence (see page 189). He expressly declares that South Carolina and Georgia wished to continue the slaveAnd Mr. Adams, referring to the same document, trade. observes: "I was delighted with its high tone and the flights of oratory with which it abounded, especially that
concerning negro slavery, which, though I knew his Southern brethren would never suffer to pass in
Congress, 1 certainly would never oppose. n This was on the occasion of the meeting be'
. .
.
It illustrates the
r^
-
-,
-,
,,
opposing seuti-
have in this chapter to describe the progress of the This will perhaps be most clearly done anti-slavery idea. the circumstances under which domestic by recalling slavery and the African slave-trade, respectively, came to an end in Massachusetts. Then, turning to the United
I
States, I
may consider
concerned, the points to be particularly brought into mind are instructively related in Moore's Notes on the History of Slavery in that state, previously referred to (page 184). But though from the American point of view we may correctly consider Massachusetts as the focus of the antislavery power, and attribute her action, as we have done (page 24), partly to the influence of climate and (page 25)
314
SLAVERY
IN
MASSACHUSETTS.
[Sect. IV.
partly to an awakened conscience, it must not be forgotten that during the period of time involved she, as well as all the Atlantic States, were in such a condition of
intellectual
European and especially by English opinion. Hence it was not possible but that the anti-slavery ideas of England should produce an energetic reflex action here, and, in a review of the American movement, that taking place contemporaneously in England can not be overlooked. Not without reason do I turn to Massachusetts, for she has been the intellectual guide of the nation. If it be
true, as Sallust says, that the glory of ancestors casts a
on posterity, serving to show what are the virtues and what the defects of successive generations, Massachusetts, loyal and noble, coming forth from the blood and smoke of the civil war, has no need to screen herself from the rays converging upon her from Puritan and Revolulight
tionary times.
The
anti-slavery
movement did not fairly begin till when measures were taken by several 17G6, of the Massachusetts towns, anions; others by Boston, for domestic abolition. This was by
,
instructing their representatives to obtain a law for putting an end to that unchristian and impolitic practice,
the
making
slaves of the
human
"
species.
And
for the
total abolishing of slavery among us, that you move for a law to prohibit the importation and purchasing of slaves for the future." In 1767 a bill was accordingly brought in to prohibit slavery and the slave-trade, but it did not The attempt was renewed in 1771, but failed for pass. want of the governor's approval. Again it was renewed in 1773, under instructions from several of the towns, the
design being either to impose a prohibitory impost duty, or to declare the imported slave free as soon as he was in
Ciiap.
XVII.]
315
Once more it was tried in 1774, and the jurisdiction. again failed to obtain the governor's approval. The controversy really was between the American colonists on the one side and the British governors on the other there therefore entered into it something more than abstract
;
philanthropy.
for the
policy of England at this time was of slavery. By the Treaty of Utrecht promotion she had obtained the exclusive right for thirty years of
selling African slaves to the
The
coast of America.
rica
Spanish West Indies and the The negro trade on the coast of Af-
was regarded
as the chief
of the British colonies and plantations. It is, therefore, not to be wondered at that these governors " should frown
upon
with the interests of British commerce, or that the modest efforts of Massachusetts in 1774 should be met by Hutchinson and Gage with the same spirit which, in 1775, dictated the reply of the Earl of Dartmouth to the earnest remonstrance of the agent of Jamaica against the policy
can not allow the colonies to of the government. check or discourage in any manner a traffic so beneficial " to the nation.'
'
We
in Massachusetts, anti-slavery
gthe RevomtionTry
opinions were steadily gaining ground. They gathered force from the opposition of the
As just mentioned, the British governors. Continental Association, in 1774, unanimously made provision for the discontinuance of the slave-trade. The
Continental Congress, 1776, resolved that no slave should be imported into any of the thirteen United Colonies.
The
conscience of Massachusetts
mittee of Safety in 1775 passed a resolution " that it is the opinion of this committee, as the contest now between
Great Britain and the colonies respects the liberties and privileges of the latter, which the colonies are determined
31(}
SLAVERY IN MASSACHUSETTS.
[Sect. IV.
to maintain, that the admission of any persons into the army now raising, but only sncli as are freemen, will be
Inconsistent with the principles that are to be supported, and reflect dishonor on this colony, and that no slaves be
happened that shortly afterward (177G) two negro men, taken prisoners at sea, were advertised to be sold by public auction at Salem. Indignation and symresolution was offered in the were aroused. pathy
It so
Massachusetts House of Representatives to the effect that "the selling and enslaving of the human species is a direct
violation of the natural rights, alike vested in all their Creator, and utterly inconsistent with the
principles on which
this
men by
carried their struggle for liberty even to the last appeal, and that therefore all persons connected with the said
negroes be, and they are hereby forbidden to sell them," etc. It is to be remarked that the resolution eventually passed omitted the foregoing general declaration of antislavery principles, and simply forbade the sale of the two men. Abolition in Massachusetts was still only in an incipient state.
Doubtless the spirit of the insurgent colonists writhed under the taunts and contemptuous jeers of the Tory Loy" alists It is It can not be Negro slaves in Boston nevertheless very true for, though the Bostonians have grounded their rebellions on the immutable laws of Na: ! !
'
ture,'
in their town-meetings, that it is the first principle in civil society, founded in Nature
and
reason, that
individual without his consent, given by himself in person or by his representative, of his own free election, yet,
notwithstanding the immutable laws of Nature, and this public resolution of their own in their town-meetings,
Chap. XVII.]
SLAVERY IN MASSACHUSETTS.
2,11
they actually have in town two thousand negro slaves, who, neither by themselves in person, nor by representatives of their own free election, ever gave consent to their present state of bondage." The effect of these sarcasms is seen in a preamble to a bill before the Massachusetts
Legislature in 1777 for preventing the practice of hold" Whereas the pracing persons in slavery. It recites
:
tice of
or any other person, in slavery is unjustifiable in a civil government at a time when they are asserting their natural freedom," etc. But public opinion came very slowly to the correct stand-point. In the Constitution proposed
for Massachusetts in 1778, the fifth article read, "Every male inhabitant of any town in this state, being free and
formed of the
ants."
For
this
chaplaincy. That Constitution was, however, rejected. It was not until the adoption of the state Constitution
constitution of
17S0.
of 1780 that slavery could be regarded as " ^ abolished in Massachusetts. The first Artiare born free
and equal, and have and inalienable rights, among which may be reckoned the right of enjoying and defending their lives and liberties that of acquiring, posin fine, that of seeksessing, and protecting property and obtaining their safety and happiness." ing
Article
I.
318
ABOLITION IN MASSACHUSETTS.
la Ilochefoucault
[Skct. IV.
Liancourt gives the folaccount of the termination of slavery lowing " tabes slavery in in Massachusetts In 1781, some negroes. that state. prompted by private suggestion, maintained Their counsel pleaded, 1. that they were not slaves. That no antecedent law had established slavery, and that
i
The Duke de
fc>
'
the laws which seemed to suppose it were the offspring of error in the legislators, who had no authority to enact them 2. That such laws, even if they had existed, were annulled by the new Constitution. They gained their
;
cause under both aspects, and the solution of this first question that was brought forward set the negroes entirely at liberty, and, at the same time, precluded their
all
they were proved to have possessed and held them in As there were only a few slavery without any right. slaves in Massachusetts, the decision passed without opposition, and banished all farther idea of slavery." In 1782 a petition was presented to the House of Representatives by Nathaniel Jennison, reciting that "he was
deprived of ten negro servants by a judgment of the Supreme Judicial Court on the following clause of the Constitution, that
'
all
men
and
"
setting forth his grievances, he quaintly adds, What the true meaning of said clause- in the Constitution is your memorialist will not undertake to say, but it appears to
equal.' "
After
thereof, in the
manner aforemen-
from what the people apprehendtioned, ed at the time the same was established." Jennison evidently was of opinion that slavery had been abolished in Massachusetts without the knowledge of the people, who were only now opening their eyes to the fact. In truth, slavery was imperceptibly extinguished in few years before his death, Mr. WebMassachusetts. ster was unable to determine when and in what manner
very different
Chap. XVII.]
it
siavery
is
ABOLITION IN MASSACHUSETTS.
319
had ceased
to exist.
"
'
imper-
tice
.
Shaw
remarked,
How
or
ceptible.
by what
act
particularly slavery was abolished in Massachusetts, whether by the adoption of the opinion in Somerset's case, as a declaration and modification of the com-
mon
law, or by the Declaration of Independence, or by the Constitution of 1780, it is not now very easy to determine ; and it is rather a matter of curiosity than utility, it
being agreed on
all
hands
fore, it
was
" The reader can not fail to paragraph of Moore's Notes notice the strong resemblance in the mode of the extinction of slavery in Massachusetts and that of villeuage in
:
may
by the Declaration of Rights." here make the following extract from the last
so
England.
that
'
Of
may, in point of law, subsist at this of manners and customs has effectday, but the change If the parallel ually abolished them in point of fact.'
villains in gross
may be
could be said with equal justice that slavery, having never been formally prohibited by legislation in Massachusetts, continued to subsist in ]3oint of law' until the year 1866, when the grand Constitutional
continued,
it
'
amendment terminated
of the United States."
it
While
Resistance
internal state slavery was thus imperceptibly brought to its termination in Massachusetts, to the
6
priw-tothfRevoiu -
the foreign slave-trade was more abruptly closed. There had never been wanting: bit-
ajDostle,
John
me
" Eliot, declared to sell souls for money seemeth to a dangerous merchandise." He had written to Boyle,
the philosopher, in 1683, to obtain his intervention in behalf of some Indians who had been sold from New En-
gland to Tangier.
tried to pre-
[)-2(]
[Sect. IV.
vent Indians and negroes being rated with horses and hogs, but could not prevail, published a tract in 1700,
entitled
ties
u
.
The
odus
and quoting with emphasis Ex" xxi., 16, said, He that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, shall surely be
of the slave-trade,
God hath
put to death."
of the trade.
He
states the
They
are the
used to the middle of the nineteenth century. " 1st. Blackamores are the posterity of Cham, and Arguments tn defeusc of that traffic, j.1 j 1 i n therefore are under the curse 01 slavery. 2d.
j_i
ty
"1
the niggers are brought out of a pagan country into places where the Gospel is preached. 3d. The Africans have
4th.
Abraham had
servants bought
Thus
We
to the captain of one of their slave-ships in 1785, directing him to make the best of his way to the coast of Africa,
slaves.
It
to proceed in a critical inspection before paying for them. It instructs him what to do for the preservation of the health of his cargo, since on that the profits of the voyage
depend, sagaciously observing that all other risks but the death of the slaves the underwriters are accountable for. He must beware of the factors on the coast lest they cheat him, for, like the Israelites of old, they do whatever
is
His compensation, among right in their own eyes. other things, is to be four slaves out of every hundred, and four at the place of sale. His employers piously con" clude by commending him to the care of the Almighty
Disposer of
all events."
slave-trade
was
at last effected
Chap. XVII.]
i
ITS PROHIBITION.
321
prohibition of the
sacnusVtt^LegMa-
law was enn Massachusetts in 1788. acted that no citizen of the Commonwealth,
or other person residing in the same, shall import, transport, buy or sell, any of the inhabitants of Africa as slaves or servants for a term of years, on penalso misused, and two fifty pounds for every person hundred pounds for eveiy vessel fitted out or employed All insurance on such vessels to be void. in the traffic. That there were Massachusetts slave-ships at that time at
ty of
the act expressly exempts them. It is worthy of remark that in 1779 some South Carolina negroes, who happened to be recaptured ~ * x L Dispute between ScaroMon by a Massachusetts ship, gave rise to a consea
is clear, for
'
The Legtoingie Eebiu- troversy between the two states. islature had voted them to be returned, but
the judges of the
Supreme Judicial Court had decided The Governor of South against their being given up. Carolina comments with much bitterness on the circumremarking that it discloses a specimen of Puritanism I should not have expected from gentlemen of my On many occasions the temper of the South profession." was carefully considered. Thus, in the debates that took
stances,
"
place in 1779 in the Convention, it was affirmed, "By shall greaterasing this clause out of our Constitution we
Jennison, ly offend and alarm the Southern States." above referred to, in his memorial, argues that it could
never have been the intention of the framers of the Massachusetts Constitution to offend the Southern States in so capital a point with them, and thereby endanger the
Union.
The development
Anti-slavery ideas are not of Puritan
.
amrmea,
the offspring of Puritanism on the contrary, they forced their way in spite of it. The New England
IX
300
[Sect. IV.
Puritan saw nothing wrong in the exportation of Indian prisoners of war, the buying of Africans, the retention man in slavery of American-born children of color.
of texts, he could wrest portions of Scripture to his justification in this, as also in the burning of witches and
the hanging of Quakers.
He
be guided by the
by
the letter of
There is a period in the lated or fragmentary passages. life of a nation when it is ashamed of the opinions handed down to it. That period had been reached in Massachusetts.
It magnified its Puritan ancestors, but it deIn history we see that clined to follow their precepts. one cycle of ideas succeeds another ; some are going to
their culmination, and some are in their wane, passing living government recogaway never more to return. nizes the true and rising ideas, and places itself at their
head.
On
Manner
In the progress of a new idea three things are concerned the argument on which it is based, the
-,.
tl -,.-,.. medium through which it is seen, the interest of him who is considering it. In the case
-,
of slavery in Massachusetts, the interest in its behalf was never very important. At an early date it was ascertain-
ed that that form of labor was unprofitable, and the number of slaves was at the most insignificant. The long resistance to its suppression
overthrow it was viewed. In New England, as in Great Britain and France, it was not by ecclesiastics, as perhaps might have been expected, that the truth was As the fog of Puritan fanaticism first clearly discerned. lifted from the air, first one and then another of the men
of education and
and thus
it
men of business caught a clear view, not incorrectly said that slavery came to was
Chap. XVII.]
its
lic
ABOLITION IN ENGLAND.
303
end by imperceptible degrees through "advancing pubsentiment" and " the temper of the times." We have seen that the Massachusetts Legislature, at quite a late period, refused to commit itself to the expression of anti-slavery sentiment, and that, in point of fact, it never acted efficiently in the matter. Deliverance for the slave was gained, not by the enactment, but by the interIn this there was an illustration of the pretation of law. remark respecting the Romans, who were the first to discover that the power of interpreting the laws is often of more value than that of making them. Where there is
suffrage,
Legislatures are unwilling to take the initiative in great reforms they do not lead, but follow public sentiment.
The arguments
,. , The American Rev.
mother
country,J
slavery,
ifestly
in behalf of
pSSt Snst
rican slavery.
If-
ing in the Revolutionary armies, and hence might justly claim, as he did, a part of the benefit for which he was
shedding his blood. His master's cause and his cause were alike. There can be no doubt that considerations of this kind exerted very great influence and to this not a little feeling was added from the fact that the English
;
governors, guided
by the general
on the part of
In England, as in America, hostility to African slavery first decisively manifested itself among edutiomtoi^En^'
eland.
news
CiSlOn.
cated persons and statesmen. The slavet 1 i t\ t of Jrarliament so trade was regulated by act
.-
1*
in
'
-,
lately as 1788.
Wrw^
T It
of Granville Sharp, who may be regarded as the precursor of the Abolitionists, that Lord Mansfield's decision in
324
[Sect. IV.
that decision
;
beinsr to
the effect that the master of a slave could not compel him to go out of the kingdom. Active abolition movements
the English Quakers they gathered strength under the leadership of Clarkson and Wil-
soon commenced
among
berforce.
abolished liament.
Attempts were repeatedly made from 1785 to 1807 to secure parliamentary action. It was
Par-
'.. proved
ni
successful,
and the
slave-trade
was
abolished.
That point gained, Clarkson, Wilberforce, and Buxton commenced an agitation against the existThe Abolitionists . , attack slavery in ihe moveence ot slavery in the colonies,
-,
.-p,,
the colonies,
ment was powerfully aided by a pamphlet published by Elizabeth Heyrick, a Quaker lady, advo-
*ii
At cating immediate instead of gradual emancipation. in 1833, the Abolitionists carried their point; the length,
And m is34 succeed owliers f slaves received as
in their attempt.
j.
compensation from the national sterling treasury, and on August 1st, 18 34, the slaves were set free. France had preceded England in this great moral movement, but not with such noble equity. Her National Assembly in 1791 abolished slavery throughout the French
wen j.y
jV]i ons
dominions.
Geologists observe .that extinct animals are never rein-
troduced and never reappear. They have passed away because they have become incompatible with the progress of Nature. So, likewise, a political institution that has failed to maintain itself against the progress of J3ublic intelligence
restored.
In the United States, at the epoch of the Revolution, there were, as we have said, both in the North and South, conscientious convictions against the morality of African
Chap. XVII.]
305
slavery; in many instances they were strengthened by considerations having reference to the policy and actions of the English government. There was also an influential and rising party favoring the opposite views. The incidents connected with the* celebrated passage struck
out of Mr. Jefferson's original draft of the Declaration of Independence illustrate, in a significant manner, the position of things. He had written, referring to the king
:
11
The
Determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he has X prostituted his O paragraph exnegative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execra-
DeXrtuoTonldependence.
ble
commerce.
And
that this
assemblage of horrors
fact of distinguished dye, he is now exciting those very people to rise in arms against us, and
might want no
purchase that liberty of which he has deprived them by murdering the people on whom he has obtruded them,
thus paying off former crimes committed against the liberties of one people with crimes which he urges them to
commit against the lives of another." As mentioned (p. 189), Mr. Jefferson states that thi$ clause was removed not only out of complaisance to South Carolina and Georgia, but also as a concession to the feel" ings of our Northern brethren."
At
Number
at the
this time it is
of slaves
epoch of the
Constitutiou.
people, inhabitants of the colonies, nearly , , _ . _,. Jialt a million were slaves. I he exact nurn-
accurately determined.
ber and their distribution can not now be The census of 1790 furnishes the
an approximation.
326
DISTRIBUTION OF SLAVES.
Distribution of Slaves in 1700.
[Sect. IV.
Chap. XVII.]
327
it
origino
cStutio^really, but were grafted upon it as comprospecong slavery. migeg> Carolina and Georgia were the Profitable abuses are nevchief champions in its behalf. er quietly given up. Virginia, in which nearly half the existing slave population was to be found, desired the
^^
prohibition of the trade, because, as her rivals affirmed, her own necessities being satisfied, she considered that
if the
the intrinsic value of her slave property would diminish other states were permitted to continue importation.
The
tion
proposition originally submitted to the Convenby its committee of five, who were respectively from
be prohibited."
;
This proposition was subsequently modified by a special committee, consisting of one member from each state it then read
:
"
The migration
several states
shall not
now existing shall think proper to admit be prohibited (by Congress) prior to the year 1800; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such migra-
tion or importation, at a rate not exceeding the average of the duties laid on imports."
provision finally inserted in the Constitution was, " The migration or importation of such perThe slave-trade not p 1 to be abolished be- sons as anv oi the states now existing shall fore 1S03
.
The
in
think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year 1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation not exceeding
ten dollars."
While thus
it
slave-trade
303
[Sect. IV.
word
was carefully avoided, and the awakened conscience of the Convention, bearing in mind the fundamental article of the Declaration of Independence, satisfied itself with
a circumlocutory phrase. The scruples of the North were thus satisfied
by the
proposed stoppage of the trade at the end of twenty of the fugitive slave clause, years, and, after the insertion
the wishes of even South Carolina were so completely met that she ratified the Constitution by a vote of 149
to 73.
The sentiments
dis-
which took place. Mr. Pinckney declared that South Carolina would never
adopt the Constitution if it prohibited the slave-trade. Mr. Rutledge, of that state, affirmed that religion and humanity have nothing whatever to do with the question that interest alone is the governing principle of nations. The delegates from South Carolina and Georgia declared that these states could not do without slaves. They considered that a stoppage of the trade was equivalent to an exclusion of those states from the Union they declared
;
:
that they had no intention of ceasing their importations On the other hand, the Virginians in any short time.
desired to give the general government power to prevent the increase of slavery, and Mr. Sherman, of Connecticut,
avowed that
it
was better to let the Southern States imthey made that a sine qua non, than j>art
after her ratification of
the
m the cession of
Similar
^^^vw ^ State of
regulation tending to Georgia did the emancipate slaves in it. same as respects the cession of Alabama and Mississippi, and thus it became impossible to carry out Jefferson's
acuoSof
gress should
make no
Chap. XVII.]
ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETIES.
329
The
New
Boston in 1832. Bv this time the shiftJ n g sands of public opinion on the slavery AntSS soquestion in Massachusetts had hardened into a rock. New York and other large cities soon after followed that example. This movement was apparently
. -...,.. , Establishment of d g
the offspring of the anti-slavery excitement simultaneousIt was not confined to the ly occurring in England.
Northern
States, but
was perceptible
in the South.
Even
Virginia at that time contemplated emancipation without Movements were disfavor, and dreamed of colonization.
made in her Legislature having the former object in view. The great interests of the state soon, however, outweighed
Anti-slavery intentious Virginia are arrested.
philanthropical considerations, and the rt,i i i ,i i entire boutn, quickly appreciating the social i O / a common opposition. An result, joined
all
..
'
.'
-l
ill-timed intermeddling of agents from England added resentment to that opposition. Without difficulty the
having brought
of great peril,
its
West
neighbors to the
same
mu The
state.
But, though the tide of anti-slavery sentiment was thus arrested in the South, very different was it w J New England n In them there in tne N ew En gl ancl States. !mtiX? Xi
'
"
were no great interests to oppose it. As had been the case in England, all the machinery for political agitation which in late times has been brought to perfec-
and through the pulpit, the press, and innumerable other agencies, an insocieties, lectures, To such an extent was the cessant attack was kept up. Post-office burdened with anti-slavery newspapers, pamphtion
set in play,
was
engravings, that President Jackson, in his annual message (1835), was constrained to call the attenlets, letters,
330
[Sect. IV.
tion of Congress to the subject. bill was brought into the Senate for the correction of the evil, but it was nega-
New England senators. North was met by fanaticism at the South; and while one party denounced slavery as "the sum of all villainies," the other lauded it as the greatest of social blessings, consecrated by antiquity, and authortived through the votes of the
Fanaticism at the
ized
it
resistance should
Law
practically
nullified. ,
.
Law
.
of 1793, passed
.
under the administration of Washington. The Supreme Court of the United States having decided (1842) that it was the business of the federal, and not of the state magistrates, to carry that law into effect, an agitation, intended to nullify it practically, was commenced.
from executing
Several of the Legislatures prohibited their magistrates of the jails for the safe-keeping it, the use of fugitives was denied, personal-liberty bills were passed,
and the
^ntak e
er
act
became
practically a
dead
letter.
The small
ad^an:
body of dissatisfied or disappointed politicians in the South, who had for several
years past desired a rupture of the Union, took advantage of these events to promote
i
,i
tt
were very powerfully aided by the agitation that shortly arose (1846) respecting the AVilmot Proviso, the intention of which was to prevent
their schemes,
and
in this they
The quarrel was, the spread of slavery in the Territories. however, for a time composed by the adoption of Mr. Clay's compromise measures in 1850, but only to break
out again with increased violence four years subsequently, on the occasion of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise.
The Missouri Compromise, accepted rangement between the free and the
in
Chap.XVIL]
colonization.
331
thus lasted for thirty-four years. Its repeal was occasioned by the movements for establishing a territorial It was considered as being in Nebraska.
government
by
Congress with slavery in the states and territories estabInduced by consideralished by the compromise of 1850. tions of which events have shown the impolicy, every Southern senator voted for the repeal. violent conflicts arise in congress. v j j en ^ anc[ im equal conflict at once ensued
between the
of Kansas.
official
free
President Buchanan threw the weight of his influence with the latter, and, in consequence, Con-
gress
Anti-slavery operations in the United States assumed two forms colonization and abolition. The two forms of a t ;i pl , Airican colonization originated with the anti-siavery opera^^
tious
tion.
Rev. Dr. Hopkins previously to the RevoluHis intention was, by the settlement of emancipated blacks on the Coast of Africa, to accomplish the
suppression of the slave-trade.
The
intervention of the
Revolution checked his movements, but he renewed them at the end of the war. Three missionaries were sent out but the plan was carried out in an inadequate by him,
and desultory manner. It was not until 1815 that about fort y black The colonization emigrants went to Sierra Leone, failure. scheme, and t]ie next yeaJ the Colonization Society was established. An abortive attempt was made four years subsequently at Sherbro Island, but in 1821 the more fortunate establishment of the settlement at Monrovia, destined eventually to become the Republic of In the course of forty years Liberia, was commenced. about nine thousand black emigrants were sent over. The colonization movement can not, however, be considerits
ed as having
fulfilled
the hopes of
its
advocates.
It
has
332
accomplished
little for
LUNDY.
[Sect. IV.
It
still less influence on American domestic slavery. found favor in the South chiefly from the circumstance that it afforded a means for the removal of free negroes.
and had
Even
states
class.
when
the
The
first
The erst Abolition Abolition Society was founded, as has been society. mentioned, in Pennsylvania, in 1774. The was Dr. Franklin. Other similar societies were president
afterwards established in
land, Connecticut, etc.
great principle spreads most rapidly when it en^ . of the O o ojao-es the enthusiasm of an individual man. Narrative , v
Be ^minl!uudy n
the Abolitionist.'
from
Jersey about 1789. In early life he migrated to Virginia, and, aroused by the enormities he witnessed in the slave system, dedicated his
to its destruction.
New
life
A harness-maker
;
or saddler
by
trade,
he removed to Ohio, and there, in 1815, organized what he called a humane society it was, in fact, an anti-
Its first meetings numbered only slavery association. half a dozen persons, but shortly they increased to several hundreds. He next entered upon a newspaper enter-
prise ; the title of the journal, The Philanthropist," indiHis journalism and his harness-makcates its character.
ing, as
"
might have been anticipated, proved incompatible, and he lost all he possessed. In 1821 he commenced a monthly publication, " The Genius of Universal Emancipation ;" learned the trade of printing, and traveled about in various directions, propagating his views. These journeys he made for the most part on foot. Thus he walked about 400 miles in Ten-
Chap. XVII.]
LUNDY.
ggg
nessee, 600 in Pennsylvania, and eventually transferred " his Genius" to Baltimore, carrying what he had in a
knapsack on his back. In these migrations he delivered addresses wherever he could collect an audience, receiving encouragement from the Quakers as he passed along. He went in 1825 to Hayti, on an expedition connected with the removal of slaves, and on his return found his wife dead, and his children distributed among his friends. Undeterred by such calamities, which apparently only increased his zeal, he journeyed to New York and Boston, and even as far east as Maine, delivering addresses in the various large towns. Again he went back to Hayti on a colonization expedition, and on his return was nearly killed by a negro-trader in Baltimore, on whose avocation he had made some unpalatable remarks. Next he went through Texas into Mexico, on a scheme for founding a free-negro colony, supporting himself
by
harnessBalti-
mending.
He
more to Washington, and thence again to Philadelphia, where at length it took the name of " The Pennsylvania Freeman." With a view of inquiring into the condition of fugitive negroes he went to Canada, and his property and papers having been burnt in a riot in Philadelphia, he eventually removed to Illinois, recommenced issuing " his Genius," and died in 1839. While Lundy was in Boston he became acquainted with William Lloyd Garrison, who had al... Wilham T1 ,_ Lloyd Gar/
d v ? to th ecause of ready entered on a similar path, editing sucAbolition " " The National cessively The Free Press,"
i
-
The Philanthropist," and an anti-slavery newspaper, Journal of the Times." He joined Lundy in the publication of the " Genius" while
it
"
was
ing given offense to some of the slave-traders of the city by his publications, was fined and committed to jail. He
fine
then being
334
[Sect. IV.
paid by Mr. Arthur Tappan, a merchant of New York. In 1830 he established "The Liberator" in Boston, conducting it on the principle of war to the knife with slavIt played ery. lition cause.
The
began
$5000 for the arrest of Mr. Garrison, but that only served to bring him more prominently into
fered a reward of
notice,
to his cause.
The mails
to the
with anti-slavery publications. Attempts were now made in the Slave States _ Resistance encoun,. tercd by the Aboii- to repress the Abolition movement 2:01110: on x tionists. in the North, and to these some of the Northern governors lent their influence. Riots took place in New York, Philadelphia, and other towns churches were attacked, and houses of Abolitionists and colored people In New Hampshire, a preacher, who was endestroyed. in prayer at an anti-slavery meeting, was arrested gaged as " a common rioter and brawler." In Boston itself, a " mob, described as most respectable," seized Mr. Garrison, dragged him through the streets with a rope round his body, and threatened to tar and feather him. The Southern newspapers raised a clamor for the instant death of every Abolitionist who could be caught. Let them, said
filled
,
. .
00
.
the
the crime of interfering with our domestic institutions by being burned at the
stake."
men
in
Let an Abolitionist (one of the most eminent South Carolina declared) come within our bornotwithstanding
all
ders, and,
the interference of
all
the
governments of the earth, including the federal government, we will hang him." In Charleston
e
(1835) the mails were seized and searched. Whatever objectionable matter they contained was burnt; the Postmaster General de-
Chap. XVII.]
335
claring that though he could not sanction, he would not condemn that step. At Alton, in Illinois, Elijah P. Lovejoy, the editor of an Abolition paper whose press had been repeatedly destroyed, was murdered by a mob (1837) he received five balls in his breast. Another mob in St. Louis roasted a mulatto to death over a slow
;
fire.
In 1835 South Carolina passed a law whereby every colored person found on board any vessel South Carolina imi i ^ colored seized and prisons entering her ports ., was to be ,, ,, ,. .., , persons found on iii ships entering her iail until the vessel should be lodged in " ports. cleared for departure, when he should be re.
'
payment of the
legal costs,
and
charges incurred for his subsistence. This act chiefly affected colored sailors, coots, etc., of Northern vessels and, in view of the provision of the
;
Federal Constitution, that " the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens
in the several states," Massachusetts resolved (1844) on
testing its constitutionality.
The mission of
feTthefegaiityof
those proceedings.
Her governor, therefore, directed Samuel Hoar, a venerable citizen, to proceed to Charleston and institute the nec"
The Legislature eggary legal procee dhigs. of South Carolina, happening to be in session at the time of his arrival, passed resolutions directing the governor to
him from the state. He was accordingly constrained to leave the city. The incidents mentioned in the preceding paragraphs are sufficient to show that at this epoch the contest between the Abolitionists on one side and the slaveholders on the other had become a mortal duel. Petitions began
expel
to
and increasing traffic kind having gradually been established in Washof that had been received ington City. At first these petitions
in the District of Columbia, an active
330
THE
[Sect. IV.
grew more
u?"toc <g2g
ceivedbythat
body.
with resistance from the members of the Mr. Calhoun denounced some of them as gross, false, and malicious
slaveholdinff states.
He
gress had no more jurisdiction over slavery in the District than it had in the State of South Carolina. Eventually " that no petition, memorial, resolution, or it was resolved
other paper praying for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, or any state or Territory, or the slave-trade between the states or Territories of the United
t
States, in
which
it
now
exists, shall
be received by
this
way
whatever."
While these unhappy controversies were in progress, fuel was added to the flame by the decision of the Supreme Court in the case of Dred bag in the Free x States from the Dred scott dedScott, which, it was asserted, denied to the
'
human
moreover authorized the slaveholder to take beings. his negroes into the Territories, and hold them there, notwithstanding all conflicting Congressional or territorial legislation, until the Territories should be prepared to as-
sume the position of states. The Anti-slavery party, which had absorbed all the minor political Rapid development r -^ ii t of the.Kepubikau organizations ot the Jbree states, and had be" come consolidated as the Republican party," at once denounced this decision. Even of the Democratic party a very important portion pursued the same course the Douglas Democracy, whose principle was
. .
that of squatter sovereignty, or the right of the tlers to determine the future of a state.
this state of affairs to
first set-
to their
views.
Chap. XVII.]
337
di-
in
vision of their antagonist, the Democratic party, extended the sphere of their operations, and now aspired to the
suppression of slavery in the states themselves. Among the plans for accomplishing that result
publication of
was
one
wn
^.^
^ g^^
;
A ^^
Impending Crisis," was published by Mr. Helper, a North His principles were, " Never another vote Carolinian. for a slavery advocate no co-operation with slavery in
in religion no affiliation in socino patronage to pro-slavery merchants; no guestety; ship in a slave- waiting hotel no fee to a pro-slavery lawyer none to a pro-slavery physician no audience to a pro-slavery parson no subscription to a pro-slavery newspaper no hiring of a slave, but the utmost encouragement of free white labor." He adds, " We have determpolitics
;
no fellowship
ined to abolish slavery, and, so help us God, abolish it we will. If by any means you do succeed in your treasonable attempts to take the South out of the Union to-day, we will bring her back to-morrow. If she goes away
with you, she will return without you." Of this book, which was written with considerable ability, at the recommendation of sixty-eight Republican members of Congress, editions of many thousand copies were published, and disseminated in all directions. It excited the South to frenzy. The raid of John Brown,
for the purpose of producing a slave-insurrection in Virginia, increased the
angry
feeling, especially
when
it
was
known
martyr
that,
all
upon
his execution,
he was accepted as a
over the Free North. Such was the condition of things at the meeting of the Charleston Convention (1860). The South had at last
it
recognized that
LY
its
old ally,
338
[Sect. IV.
the Democratic party of the North, which had been disorganized in consequence of the illogical poDisintesjration of.. i 1 1 i 1 t
the Democratic
party.
sition
which
.
it
so Ions:
to sustain. ingenuity could coordinate the doctrine of the equal rights of man in the North with the doctrine of human slavery in the South. The day must inevitably come in which that great party
No human
would have to accept the consequences of such a contradiction. The South saw this, and appreciated at once that henceforth it must rely on itself. The decomposition of the Democracy, the triunrph of the Republicans, the election of Mr. Lincoln, and the secession of the Cot-
CHAPTER XVIII
DIGRESSION ON THE INFLUENCE OF THE NORMAN INVASION IN PRODUCING THE EXTINCTION OF VILLEINAGE IN ENGLAND. REFLECTIONS ON THE OVERTHROW OF SLAVERY BY ARGUMENT AND BY FORCE.
The
extinction of slavery by persuasion or argument is hopeless great interests upholding it, and the medium through which it
when
is
perverted.
The
social disasters and ruin attending its forcible extinction are illustrated by the events ensuing on the partial abolition which took place in England at the Nor-
man
Conquest.
In national controversies, such as that between the South and the North, each party may conscientiously feel
that
it is
right,
and that
its
antagonist
is
blinded by
in-
terest or
the majority of
quiesce in
Both may
all,
forget that
ac-
but simply
hear, or simply reject it, insensibly biased by interest, education, or associations. The South and the North had each its own point of
Difference in the
what they
view, and saw things through an atmosphere ., i i i i t ot its own. .bach had its social maxims and
-rr\
social interests,
and
from the other nor was it possible for them to occupy the same point of view, and therefore not possible The Northern States to have a sameness of opinion.
differed
;
could not adopt the mode of thought of the slaveholder, nor appreciate the bias of his imagination. The Southern States could see nothing except through the glass of In this they resembled the daughters of Phorslavery.
cus,
who had but one eye among them one after another in common.
Acted
uj:>on
all,
and used
it
by
340
ABOLITION BY PERSUASION.
[Sect. IV.
live, the population of the South were fast the capability of vividly appreciating European losing modes of thought. Their higher classes constituted a sub-tropical aristocracy, resembling that existing among
which they
the people of the southern verge of the Mediterranean^ and the historic nations of Asia (page 114). They had
already attained to such a point that they could no longer perceive the immorality of slavery, and were rapidly becoming more and more unable to understand the Teu-
tonism of the North. It has been already remarked that in the propagation of an opinion three things are concerned: Three conditions in m the propagation of 1st. llie argument on which the opinion rests;
_,
.
-.
-.
-.
2d.
The medium
or intellectual atmosphere
;
through which it is contemplated 3d. The predisposition of the person to whom it is addressed. He who looks at the landscape through a painted window sees strange modifications of color, and o Influence of the u h alterations of the true order of light and whfchkiea8 a rl shade. Hence, remembering how much our
"
ideas
are tinctured
by
which we
live, we may
learn to
contradictory sentiments of others. Suspecting that, on many occasions, we accept for a reality what may be only
an illusion, we should become tolerant, and learn to admit that there may be honest convictions in an antagonist, and innocence in what seems to us to be error. Constituted as human society is, the intrinsic truth of an opinion is by no means enough to secure its adoption, but, on the contrary, has quite commonly an insignificant
influence, the
medium through which the opinion is seen, and the predisposition with which it is contemplated be-
Chap. XVIII.]
ABOLITION BY PERSUASION.
34 1
Whoever has the opportunity of so doing; J o 1 x will seek to compel those less fortunate than thfcal^ofAmer^ can slavery, himself to minister to his wants, and hence
, ,. , Application of
This tendency depends upon temperature; it increases with the heat. From a physical cause there thus arises an individual predisposition; and since that individual predisposition is participated in by every member of such
a community, an intellectual atmosphere, as
it
may be
termed,
is
all social
must be
fensible
belief in the lawfulness of slavery is thus not the result of reason for slavery is utterly indeseen.
problems
it is a delusion of the intellectual atmosphere of a slaveholding society. To overthrow a social system believed to be right is It can not be done by argu therefore no easy affair.
;
ment
alone.
Argument weighs
little
they are
satis
The
It
passing currently for truth social repudiation of error is hence of slow progress
place
commonly takes
by almost imperceptible de
grees.
civilization and by political but favored by a hot climate, slavewhich must neces- economy, saniy be mtoieraut. ^ ex j s America, must perpetually It must resort to arbitrary means. It must struggle. brutalize the slave by compelling him to remain ignorant. It must control discontent by terrorism.. system the basis of which can neither be intellectually nor politically defended, is necessarily compelled to be a system of persecution, intolerant of examination, and forcibly
Condemned by modern
extinguishing dissent. Under such circumstances, communities justify acts against which the whole tenor of
modern
civilization protests.
342
ABOLITION BY FORCE.
[Sect. IV.
Climate tendencies facilitate the abolition of slavery in a cold country, but oppose it in one that Illustrations from mi i i llie circumstances winch accomis warm, viiieinage in En.
gland would not have had the same effect in the Gulf Yet the history of the decline of States of America. slavery in that country is not without lessons of interest
and of ominous warning. I shall therefore, with my reader's consent, devote a few pages to a reminiscence of the Norman Invasion. It illustrates the suffering and ruin that must attend even a partial suppression of a
slave system
by
force.
At
Norman Conquest
to
the Anglo-Saxon
millions.
Extent of slavery
Imd'Thjef wfsesof
its
population amounted
two
At
.
extinction.
one period three fourths of that population Qf vij leinage? but flytf condi &
^^ ^
tion
was gradually brought to an end through the operation of three causes 1st. The law enacted by the Wite:
na- gemot in the reign of King Alfred, that if any one bought a Christian slave, the time of servitude should
not exceed six years, and on the seventh the slave should go free. The effect of this was to make the sale of
and an ascertained means of emancipation was provided by law. 2d. The Danish and Norman invasions, and subsequently the Civil Wars, by destroying so many of the chief proprietors, gave efficacy to the law
slaves difficult,
a slave was not claimed by his master in a limited he should be considered as free. 3d. The example time, of monastic institutions, and this I believe was, in fact, more important than the other two. The invasion of England by William the Conqueror that
if
Circnmstances of the Norman conQuest
was not like the predatory excursions of fori ti mer foreign adventurers. It was not witn'
/>
'j/1
out a color of right. Founding his claim the nomination of his kinsman, Edward the Conupon
Chap. XVIII.]
EXTINCTION OF VILLEINAGE.
343
and strengthened by the renunciation of his competitor Harold, sworn upon the altar, the army he brought into England was by no means equal to the forced subjugation of the country. It was not so much the victory of Hastings as the death of Harold that gave him success. From that bloody field, on which he had left more
fessor,
retired, sedulous
Encouraged by the dissensions of his antagonists, perhaps also by treason, he saw at length that he might venTo bring ture to press forward and secure his prize. those whom he had overthrown the more willingly to accept his rule, he at first adopted a policy of
ted cou? quered people by wiliiam the cona
towa?ffi
conciliation.
n
.
He
..
resisted
him, with kingly munificence bestowing faHe tried to conciliate the clervors on Harold's friends.
benefits. Declining the attitude of a conqueror, he desired to assume the position of an elected monarch. In Westminster Abbey the Archbishop of York demanded of the nobles and people as-
sembled whether they would consent that he should be their king, and was answered with warm gratulations. To the chief towns, particularly to London, he accorded
forbade oppression of the Saxon people pointed judges charged to administer strict justice paired ecclesiastical edifices that were going to ruin
privileges
; ;
ap;
re-
en-
joined an observance of the ofiices of religion opened the ports to commerce gave encouragement to the marIt seemed that he riage of his Normans with Saxons.
;
was the
ceased.
and that
all resistance
had
Astute though he was, William, however, forgot that the leaders of a crushed revolt are not to be conciliated by
favor.
Their loyalty
is
measured by their
fear.
During
344
lie finds
it
[Sect. IV.
imposei-
the ceremony of his coronation in Westininster Abbey the edifice was set on fire. The
C1.j
me was
soldiery, but it Have in periling the life of their leader. The assassination of Saxons of eminence, who had affiliated with the invaders, and had made themselves obnoxious to the defeated party, was followed by the assassination of Normans. The king took alarm. He had already built for his personal security a fortification or tower in London he perceived that in like manner he must garrison all the
;
laid to the charge of his Norman is difficult to see what interest they could
large towns. Taking advantage of his temporary absence in Normandy, the Saxon leaders began to conspire,
An inintriguing with the King of Denmark for help. surrection broke out in the north of England. William, a soldier from his childhood, put it down. The overthrown barons
fled to Scotland.
Their partisans,
disj^ers-
ing over the country, plundered and abused their own people. petty but fearful war of extermination en-
The Saxons took oaths of loyalty with the intention of breaking them. It was found that they could not be
sued.
trusted.
An inexorable fate oppressed both parties, and drove them to atrocious extremities. The Saxons called
r6S01tSj
9.S 9,
1.(5
in the Danes,
*
totheSncfpi^'
tion of their slaves.
n the
first
reverses.
pow
j^
one side it was suspicion culminating in vengeance on the other, faithlessness finding a false justifica;
On
tion in patriotism, and hatred sharpened by personal misWilliam had sworn, under the provocation of fortunes.
Danish invasion, that he would lay desotne nortn of England. With ferocious cha^es Ms policy to one of cruelty. JJ e made a degert cmelty kept Mg 0Bfa of all that was beyond the Humber not a castle, not a
Exas eratea b
re-
^ ne
l ate
Chap. XVIII.]
345
cottage
was
In the
first
Famine and
pestilence followed. Strong-holds were built all over the and given to trusty soldiers. The Saxon clergy, country, who had become mixed up with these movements, were
remorselessly deposed
retribution.
even the Pope consented to that Universal confiscation ensued. The propriIt ceased to be etary of the whole country was changed. Saxon it became Norman, and then there was peace.
; ;
The
gled, brought William to the conclusion, illustrated in other ages and in other countries, that a great social revolution is not final until it has touched the proThat he encountered these horrors prietorship of land.
stern pressure of events against which, to do him it must be said that he re- justice, vainly strug.
reluctantly is shown by the circumstance that in his old age he tried to learn the language of the conquered race,
that he might in person understand their complaints, and be just to them. On his death-bed he looked back with
remorse on the cruelties to which he had been driven; and though he gave his dukedom of Normandy to his son
Robert, he refrained from imposing a successor on the kingdom of England, lest he should cause a repetition of the horrors he had witnessed, and, Conqueror though he
was, he only expressed a hope that William Rufus might be permitted to possess it. Through such an awful ordeal Saxon England passed.
Th.6 propriGtorship of the land
Yet out of these evils good was brought. ^ The Norman invasion did not diminish the
*-'
liberties of the country, but it inaugurated a national improvement. It did not destroy " the Witena-gemot, it only called it the Parliament." It
eiaveTcured
swept away a demoralized and worn-out proprietary, replacing it by a new and living one, strong enough in succeeding years to extort from reluctant sovereigns valua-
34(5
INFLUENCE OF MONASTEPvIES.
[Sect. IV.
ble privileges.
The new landlords and new masters submitted to laws which the old ones would never have tolIt may be said that William delivered from the erated.
depths of bondage nearly
all
gave them
legal rights.
The
prive a laborer of his land if a just service had been rendered for it. No man could be sold out of the country.
residence of a slave for a year and a day, without being claimed, in any city, or walled town, or castle, en-
The
him to perpetual liberty. The case of the peasant thus came into the courts of the king, where justice was
titled
sure to be
meted
out.
be, the
bondsman were carefully recorded in DomesBook. The laws of this king made all the laboring day population look up to him as their friend. If once the emancipation of the slave had been publicly proclaimed, and the emblems of war, a lance and a sword, had been openly put into his hand, our warlike forefathers held
rights of the
From
that
moment
the
man was
signal-
ized the gradual extinction of slavery in En, , ... t\ Ji/UHand * but neither in -r\ t i nor JHmgland
;
have
rope generally would such social convulsions had there not come into effect that third cause to which I have alluded the influence of monastic
sufficed
institutions.
It is
condition resulting from the Norman Conquest was felt more by the villeins in gross than by the villeins regardant.
owner to
another, the latter were annexed to the land. Antipathy to exertion soon engenders a sentiment of
the disgracefulness of labor. The tendency then is to accumulate wealth in the hands of a few, and to prevent
Chap. XVIII.]
INFLUENCE OF MONASTERIES.
of,
347
the existence
middle
class.
From
or to destroy if it already exists, the these evils not only England, but
Europe, owes its deliverance to monastic institutions. The monastery was usually built in the most charming
and picturesque
site
its solidity
was
in strong contrast
with the rude peasant-cabins around it. It had its closemown lawns, its gardens of flowers, its shady paths, and
many murmuring
and
streams.
The
;
devotion,
and
charities,
the eye of the vulgar, is a proof of separation from the world and dedication to heaven, gave weight to their example of industry. Under their holy hands the wilderness
was turned
into the
autumnal
harvest-field. It
monk who
in the
first
ennobled labor.
But
no equivalent to
isfouiTtaAmer-
American slave countries of the nineteenth century there is nothing that can do what
There
is
Middle Ages.
is, however, necessary to the peaceful extinction of slavery. Indeed, for all radical social changes there must be a change in the intellect-
ual atmosphere through which things are contemplated. It is because of the modification it thus gradually impresses on that atmosphere that each generation has actually more influence over the thoughts of its successors
than
it
has over
its
own.
of nity , , manual labor among the American , , , , slaveholders was thus so discouraging;, not
.
much more
favorable
human
society
may be
said to
348
dividual discontent.
LABOR
IN AMERICA.
[Sect. IV.
The hope of bettering his condition work he craves for things he does
;
not possess he lives in the anticipation that the advantwill be the means of procuring ages he has gained to-day to-morrow. For this reason, whohim new gratifications
a ,. f f Such discontent.
ever desires the improvement of the emancipated slave must teach him to be dissatisfied with his
present lot, else he will sink into idleness, laboring no more than his absolute wants compel, indulging in the gratification of his lusts, and, an!!ru\VemandiKued
imal-like, living
The wonderful
the basis of. the progress of the
It is at
jj
~\
it gladly encountered in the expectation that reward. For this reason it is that will bring an adequate the civilization of the North is altogether pacific, and that it looks war, save under very exceptional circum-
upon
own life, as mere stances, such as the preservation of its Its condition of progress is self-interest, enlightfolly. as far as can be accomplished, by a diffusion of
ened,
knowledge.
individual, changing his prospect without reluctance, not only becomes reconciled to, but aids in
The
the accomplishment of rapid social changes. The intellectual atmosphere through which things are regarded is is perpetually imbeing continually modified; opinion The social progress thus occurring inevitably proving. Govcalls for a corresponding progress in government. ernment ceases to be a mere mechanism, which, once constructed, is
unchanging;
it
SECTION
CONFLICT OF THE FREE
V.
CHAPTER
XIX.
ITS
COMPEOMISE.
Virginia, having for many presidential terms retained control of the Union, exThat party had been irrepcluded the Opposition or Federal party from power. arably injured by its domestic policy and by its resistance to the English war.
Attempts were made by persons thus excluded from power to overthrow the VirFor this purpose they selected slavery as their object of attack, ginia dynasty. hoping for success through an appeal to the moral sense of the Free States of
the North.
They proposed the restriction of slavery when Missouri applied for admission the Union as a state. The Slave States resisted their attempt.
into
In the foregoing section I have described the gradual formation of two geographical parties in the republic, the North and the South, and have shown under what circumstances they tended to come into antagonism with
each other.
The
conflict in
which they subsequently engaged exhibits two phases 1st. parliamentary con2d. War. test in the houses of Congress. In this section I shall have to relate the
:
They
are
order.
The Missouri Struggle. 2. The Tariff Question. 3. Nul5. The Mexican 4. The Annexation of Texas. lification. War. 6. The Kansas-Nebraska Conflict.
In 1812, the Territory of Orleans, a part of the country
330
Application of Miss,.u, to be admitteil as a state.
i
[Sect. V.
obtained
T ,*, J enerson,
.
by purchase from iiFrance by Mr. i .1 i tt 1 was admitted into the U nion under
the
title
Six
years subsequently, the Territory of Missouri, the more northerly portion of the purchase, made application to
be also admitted as a
tion
state.
At
unsuccessful, but it was ing year in the House of Representatives. During the debates that ensued, a most important amendment was
was
introduced
fect:
by a Northern member
to the following
ef-
"Provided that the introduction of slavery or invola slave restriction untaiy servitude be prohibited, except for proposed. fae punishment of crimes whereof the party has been duly convicted; and that all children born
_
state, after
Union, shall
years."
flict
be declared
This restriction at once gave rise to a sectional conbetween the North and the South, and the bill
lost
was eventually
agreeing.
dis-
In the following Congress the attempt was again renewed. Though Arkansas, which was a part of the Louisiana purchase not embraced in the proposed limits of Missouri, had in the mean time been admitted as a slave Territory, the South made the most determined resistance to the advocates of restriction.
By some
the
constitutional right to enact the provision was denied; others, anticipating a course of action which was event-
ually to assume importance, asserted the doctrine of " Congressional non-interference" that Congress has no power to mould the institutions of a new state, more
particularly that it has none to interfere either with the It was affirmed introduction or prohibition of slavery.
Chap. XIX.]
35 j
that the restriction put a stigma on the whole South, and threats were not wanting that, rather than submit to it,
On
the other
hand, the Legislatures of several of the Northern States transmitted to Congress resolutions in its favor.
Meantime a
The Missouri
promise.
bill
as a state anc* at this juncture the Senate comreturned that bill with an addition authoriz-
ing Missouri to form a state Constitution, the intention being to force the admission of Missouri by means of the
admission of Maine.
The House
refusing to concur in
the action of the Senate, a conciliatory proposition was introduced in the Senate, known as " The Missouri Com-
promise
"
:" it
was
be it further enacted, That in all that Territory ceded by France to the United States under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude, excepting only such part thereof
as
is
And
contemplated by this act, slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall be, and Provided always, That is, hereby forever prohibited. into the same from whom labor or any person escaping
service is lawfully claimed in
any
state or Territory of
the United States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or herlabor or service as aforesaid."
In this proposition the House refused to concur. In *he Committee of Conference that ensued it circumstances atwas proposed that the Senate should give mtesSn^Mit souri as a state. i? tit* 'i ~\T up its combination of Missouri with Maine, and the House its restriction of slavery in Missouri, but that slavery should be excluded in accordance with the Compromise from all other territory north and west of
-1
'
>-.)
[Sect.V.
In this form the bill passed. When, however, Missouri presented herself for admission at the next sesher Legislature to sion, with a Constitution prohibiting
Missouri.
emancipate slaves or to prevent their immigration, but the immigration of free negroes requiring it to prohibit or mulattoes, the North, considering that this was a violation of that clause of the Constitution which guarantees to the citizens of each state the rights of citizens in every additional condition, state, compelled the adoption of an
that no act should ever be passed by the Legislature of Missouri " by which any of the citizens of either of the states should be excluded from the enjoyment of the
privileges
and immunities to which they are entitled under the Constitution of the United States."
in the
the
MSr
n of
It presents itself so
to excite surprise.
mitted into the Union in 1812, there was no objection on account of slavery when Mississippi was admitted in 1817, the only reluctance to the measure was the size of her territory, and that was remedied by the separation of what became the State of Alabama from her. Ala;
bama,^
In like
its turn, was admitted without question in 1819. manner formerly Vermont, Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio, Indiana, had been received wdthout any question as
come cted
ly
y'!h
mora?ityoYtfe times
something had occurred which was bringing the Slave Question more conThirty years later, spicuously into view. the consequent disputes had risen to when a fearful and fatal height, Mr. Seward, in one
of his speeches, said (1850)," Sir,in my humble judgment, it is not the fierce conflict of parties that we are seeing
Chap. XIX.]
ITS INTERPRETATION.
353
and hearing, but, on the contrary, it is the agony of disa convulsion resulting from the too traction of parties
narrow foundations of both the great parties, and of all foundations laid 1n compromises of natural jusparties tice and human liberty. question a moral question the too narrow creeds of parties, has aristranscending en the public conscience expands with it, and the green withes of party associations give way, and break and fall off from it. No, sir, it is not the state that is dying of the
merely a paralysis of parties, of their restoration with new elepremonitory, however, ments of health and vigor, to be imbibed from that spirit
fever of party spirit.
It is
is
the Declaration of Independence was a protest against slavery, and that, as had formerly been the case in Mas-
had
sachusetts in her domestic slavery, the public conscience at last awakened to the fact.
Doubtless society at the North had been experiencing the silent influence of that " spirit of the age which is The Puritanism of New England had called Progress."
no little extent been cast off; its narrow conceptions, and many of its austerities, had been abjured. It had been exorcised of its evil spirit, and made more worthy The things in which it had once seen no of the times.
to
wrong, or perhaps had defended the deportation of Indians, the African slave-trade, the perpetual bondage of American-born persons of color it would now no longer
endure.
,
,
But
cr.
But beneath these moral considerations lay others of a political kind, in which were contained the
politically
was
convulsive lorce that caused, alter several premonitions, the social earthquake which
LZ
To comprehend
this, it
354
is
JEFFERSON'S EXPLANATION.
[Sect.V.
only needful for us to learn the opinions of some of the leading men who were, at the time of the Missouri struggle, standing at the general point of view. President Jefferson, then in the decline of life, but, perhaps, better able to judge of the state of public affairs
than any contemporary, says " The (Missouri) question is a mere party trick. The h?aclers of Federalism are taking jefferson-8 views of advantage us character. v i r t uous feeling of the people to effect a division of parties by a geographical line they ex:
pect that this will insure them, on local principles, the majority they could never obtain on the principles of
Federalism."
"The
coincidence of a
marked
principle,
moral and
political, with a geographical line once confeared would never more be obliterated from the ceived,! mind that it would be recurring on every occasion, and renewing irritations, until it would kindle such mutual and mortal hatred as to render separation preferable to " The people of the North went blindeternal discord." fold into the snare, and followed their leaders for a while with a zeal truly moral and laudable, until they became sensible that they were injuring instead of aiding the real interests of the slaves that they had been used as tools for electioneering purposes and that trick merely of hypocrisy then fell as quickly as it had been got up." The Federal party had been excluded from power for
;
Long exclusion
the Federalists
of.-,
from power.
nearly twenty years .. since the close of Mr. -,... n Adams s administration. rr,-,heir ideas or cen1
,
-,
times
harmony with the the enactment of the Alien and Sedition Laws liad
tralization
were not
afforded the rival party an opportunity of accomplishing their defeat. They had again committed the mistake of
openly ojyposing the war of 1812. On its declaration the All flasks in Boston had been lowered to half-mast. the East the pulpits were thundering against it. through
Chap. XIX.]
355
Exertions were made to prevent any portion of the government loan being taken in New England. President Madison had found himself constrained to advert in his message to the want of patriotism evinced by the governors of Massachusetts
furnish the required detachments of militia for the defense of the maritime frontier. mystery surrounded
the Hartford Convention, which met in the autumn of 1814; it was suspected of contemplating measures of secession.
While thus
Their conduct 111 n ieav?s fhem without hope.
,
disfavor,
jurious to the best interests of the country, -^ wag grained with the warmest approval
emperor and his exile to Elba, it became clear that it was not possible to continue the English struggle any longer, and, indeed, had there not been the foreign consideration
power of England, now disengaged from her conflict with France, would be drawn into play, the state of the American finances would have brought the war to an end. The dominant party could not conceal
that the whole
their mortification that peace
had been made without difficulty which had led and were only too ready to lay the blame on
the other hand, the Federalists now disperilous it is, when war is once commenced,
;
On
covered
to
how
and the
public, intoxicated
by
the frigates, and wrought up to the highest pitch of military enthusiasm by the victory at New Orleans, were in no temper to forgive them.
these circumstances, no hopes remained to the Federalist leaders from persevering in their past intenIt had become absolutely necessary for them to tions.
Under
350
T.IH.KALISTS
AND REPUBLICANS.
It
[Sect.V.
was
to this con-
of taking advantage of the virtuous feelings of the people to effect a geographical division of parties by raising a
The
The
original
were used, their am, decomposed into on and a English matins; Jr vigorous action. x o principles were O French party. There was a party, as we have seen (page 268), headed by Washington, which saw safety for the
unionist*
had been
alist
and
Long it>
.
it
.Republican,
.
m
.
colonies
league
only in centralization, another inclined to a the former perceived that restraint was neces-
sary to order, the latter would sacrifice nothing of individual liberty, and as little as possible of state -rights. Even as early as the time of Washington's appointment
commander-in-chief of the Revolutionary army, Mr. Adams says there was a Northern and a Southern party the Northern yielded on that point to the wishes of the
as
:
Virginians. The action of these parties was manifested in the formation of the Confederation it is still more
Washington heads
the former, jefferson the latter.
ton's cabinet
ed to that each should sympathize with ideas 'corresponding to its own, at that time agitating, and, indeed, convulsing all Europe.
France, in her revolution, had put herself forth as the England claimed to be the representative of Liberty.
The tranquillity of Washingwas disturbed by them he vainly attemptcompose their dissensions. It was not possible but
;
/ii
Mr. Jefferson, who in due time representative of Order. became the recognized head of the Republican party,
leaned altogether to the former, accepting without
re-
Chap. XIX.]
JEFFERSON'S POLICY.
357
His opinions were exOn tensively adopted throughout the Southern States. the other hand, Washington, partly from state considerations and partly from religious ideas, inclined to the EnBut no one, whatever his opinions might be, glish side. could defend the atrocities perpetrated by the French Republic, or excuse its action toward foreign powers. In that respect the American government had special causes of complaint, which became more and more aggravated
serve all her democratic ideas.
through the policy of Napoleon. In the important events ensuing in consequence of the enactment of the Alien and Sedition Laws, Jefferson's party is triumphant. we ag aj n see ^g i n fl uence f geographical Of these acts Mr. J. Q. Adams observes, " The parties. Alien Act was passed under feelings of honest indignation at the audacity with which foreign emissaries were practicing, within the bosom of the country, upon the
passions of the people against their own government. The Sedition Act was intended as a curb upon the publication of malicious
President, or the
them.
liberty of foreign emissaries Mr. Jefferson took advantage of tiousness of the press." their extreme unpopularity not only to throw the Federal
party out of power, but even to array the states against the Union. The Virginia and Kentucky resolutions, both
of which were drafted
by him
ed the right of individual states to interpose as against and from them originated the doc;
trine of Nullification.
From these various incidents we see how strong was the tendency to the formation of geographical parties even early in the history of the republic. Already there was politically a North and a South already they had
;
355
JEFFERSON'S POLICY.
[Sect. V.
and French, respectively. Loforeign affiliations, English cal ideas were still dominating over the general good. Tims, as we have seen (p. 202), it was thought better for New England that there should be an advantageous
than that the treaty with Spain
per-
mission for the navigation of the Mississippi. It was such inspirations as these that led Mr. Jefferson and his war would party to cling to peace with France a French have been their ruin. The history of the United States would have been altogether different had the contest of 1812 been with France instead of with England. When
once a war
tex
;
is
any linger, be overwhelmed. The war of 1812-15 took place; the Federalists resisted it and were ruined. At the close of that n at es Sflout hem iS t war there was every prospect that the domtain to
if
declared, all parties are swept into its vorare ceror, still more, if they resist, they
inant x party would perpetuate its long en*L ,-p,, joyment of power. Ike old questions and old issues were determined. The Virginia dynasty had become master of the situation. In vain New England
p a nllonbyThe purchase of Louisiana.
.
-,
-,
-.
had entertained the idea of joining with Calhoun, Cheves, Lowndes, and other South Carolinians, who were animated
by
putting it down. That dynasty had gained great strength from the acquisition of Louisiana and the free navigation of the Mississippi. There was nothing to stop the slave-
was now a power in the state, from indefwestward extension. Cotton had become so paramount that a protective tariff was actually imposed by the South upon New England, in order that the development of the new industry of the Slave States might be encouraged. It was not until subsequently that both
system, which
inite
of parties detected, to their surprise, the true working such a tariff, and mutually changed their ground.
Chap. XIX.]
359
the Federal party to its end. Its leaders ,1 -vr it saw that all was over. JNew and living
,
-,-,
issues
must be sought
tor.
__ 1 JNot without
,
combat
select another stand-point, and prepare their adversary in his most vulnerable part.
-1
is
and eventually
to destroy
of state-rights.
with the sentiment of the times. In this manner the North became the champion of Unionism, the South necessarily falling into The Slave States ,, i 1 t adopt the doctrine the theory oi state-rights, with its xlan^erous J
,-, r>
, ,
consequences of nullification and secession. In this manner, also, slavery became the political touchstone. The introduction of the Missouri dispute banded
the South together it agitated to their profoundest the populations of the North. They accepted the depths proposed Constitution of Missouri, which prohibited the
;
emancipation of slaves and forbade the immigration of freedmen, as a cartel of defiance. As in the dissolving views depicted by a magic lantern on the wall, the Federalist
sion
its
party disappeared, and out of the ruinous confuanti-slavery successor began slowly to take on
CHAPTER XX.
THE TARIFF QUESTION.
The South
fensive
declined the assault of her antagonist on slavery, and assumed the ofon the Tariff Question. The tariff, originally a Southern measure, operated in a manner unexpected by both parties, who were obliged to change their ground. It was denounced by the South as unjust to her, and tending to political debauchery it was defended by New England as a wise and necessary national
;
policy.
the Northern politician, who, during Mr. Monroe's administration, recalled the past annals of the republic, the future was without hope. Incited by his devotion
to Unionism, he had tried to strengthen the central ])ower at Washington, but had been defeated on the occasion
To
of the Alien
dis-
favor on the free navigation of the Mississippi, but the river had been bought he was disinclined to territorial
;
expansion, but Louisiana had been purchased he had resisted the admission of new states from that purchase,
;
but, one after another, they were coming in. He had opposed the English war his opposition had brought nothing but discredit. In supercilious pride his Southern an;
impositionofa
weaver
tagonists had imposed a protective tariff, that they might make him their spinner and he had resisted it in vain, little dreaming what
be.
It
its issue
would
was intended
mercial gains
by touching
But the
New
its
growth, quickly showed what it was about to do. Every mill and machine-shop became a centre from which wealth was diffused. The protective tariff was originally a Southern meas-
Chap. XX.]
35 1
lire, clue,
southern meas-
no small degree, to Mr. Calhoun, who, in 1816, being then a member of the House, advanced It was expected to prove it very effectually. of great benefit to the South by promoting
dis-
the interest of the cotton-planters. In the decade between 1820 and 1830 the essential
tinction
between the labor of the North and its effects on the labor-system. of become cl earl y man i. In the former it was machinery, in the latter slaves. fest. The stimulation that had been administered to machine development at the North produced the same wonderful effect that had been observed in Western England The South had plainly overreached thirty years before.
^ g^^ ^
herself.
The
was a blow
at
In due time, as
we
shall
presently see, it was retaliated by Nullification, a blow These were but preat the labor-system of the North.
had become known by geoIt had made a North and a South. graphical names. The political instinct of each had become distinctly markin the other ed. In one it was manifested by Unionism by State-rights. The labor-basis on which the two societies were resting had now become distinctly separate in one it was machinery, in the other slaves. Labor is the basis of national prosperity the basis of
sections,
and they, of
course,
wisdom
North
of the
in raising
national power. Not without reason, there, , , , n did the two sections, in their rivalry, lore, J strike at each other in that part. To regain
-.
'
'
'
in
her lost influence in the republic, the North acted wisely commencing the Missouri struggle, because she could
idea,
3QO
[Skct.V.
no matter what may be the physical resistance it encounters, will inevitably, at last, force its way. For the same reason, the South discreetly changed its
ground.
<
Even
its
most anxious desire was, as in " Btraggie subsequent years, only to be let alone." It did not dare to meet its rival on the Slave Question, for throughout Southern society there were the most serious misgivings as to the morality of the assailed institution. Religious men, and what, perhaj)s, was still more important, religious women, earnestly prayed that it might be brought to an end. They had not yet concluded that it was of patriarchal origin, and had received apostolic sanction. They thought that for the slave and his master" there was but one common Redeemer, and that an inevitable day would come in which He would be their common Judge. Instead, therefore, of maintaining a defensive war on the indefensible question of slavery, the South boldly assumed the offensive, carrying her operations into the
BoSi
to
dSLiiig
'
struggle
on the
territory of her antagonist, and, by striking at the tariff, Her action in this matter struck at her basis of labor.
was known
,
as Nullification.
Great political principles soon become embodied in rep n becomes resentative men. Mr. Clav presents himself, Mr. Clay a man of Southern birth and "Westof ffiE taSS- though tnai interests, em resid encej as the defender of the laborsystem of the North. His American system protects the
, */
'
home
manufacturer, and puts its trust in machinery. has no faith in the slave. His love of the Union stinctive it is the attribute of his party.
;
He
is in-
the other side stands Mr. Calhoun, the defender of of the South. He has no Ana Mr. caihoun tne labor-systeni of southern. confidence in and no patronage for machinery.
On
his
maxim
is state-rights.
Chap. XX.]
MR. BENTON ON
THE TARIFFS.
3(33
The
and revenue the incident, appears disx r At that time, and up to tinctly in 1816. 1824, the Eastern States may be considered as having commercial interests that predominated over their manufactures, and hence they were advocates of free trade, and, as has been stated, opponents of a protective tariff, which had heretofore found its chief support in the SouthIn the course ern, the Middle, and the Western States. of a few years manufacturing industry underwent a rapid
'
.
principle that in the imposition of a tariff the protection of home industry should be the ob-,
,
-,
New England discovered that it had become of singular value to her; the Southern States detected the mistake they had made and the leading repdevelopment.
;
The . . North
rm.
and the
'
'
mnteJ^toSge compelled to change their position. Thus their ground. Mr Webster> who tad first app eared as an
advocate for free trade and an opponent of the principle of protection, adopted in due season high-tariff views ;
and Mr. Calhoun, who had looked with favor on tariff principles originally, was brought into strenuous opposition to them.
State^of in 1824.
In the discussions that took place on this subject in k tLe lead aS tlie Cnam Ml C t( the subject
^H pion
*"
"
^>
Mr. Webster
was found
Mr. Benton, relating the circumstances under which the " bill eventually passed, remarks The attack and support of the bill took much of a sectional aspect Virginia, the
:
two Carolinas, Georgia, and some others, being nearly unanimous against it; Pennsylvania, New York, Ohio, Kentucky, being nearly unanimous for it. Massachusetts, which up to this time had a predominating interest
in commerce, gave all her votes except one against it. With this sectional aspect, a tariff for prohibition also be-
304
MB.
[Sect.V.
gan to assume a
political aspect, being taken under the since discriminated as the Whig." care of the party This sectional aspect which the Tariff Question had as-
more sectional in
iu 1828.
sumed became much more strongly marked The tariff then enacted was orio;-
interest
inally designed for the benefit of the woolen but, one after another, other manufactures were
included, until a sufficient legislative strength was gathered to carry it. It was a sacrifice of public to local interests.
The
its
West were
conjoined with
and
Many of those who, under the stress passage. curing domestic influence of their constituents, voted for of the
publicly protested against its principles; they foresaw the abuses it was introducing, and that it offered a ready means of widespread bribery in presidential and other
it,
elections.
In his historical sketch of the tariff of 1828, Mr. Ben_ . becom- ton remarks " Tariff bills, each exceeding o The
.
:
South,
degree of protection, had beSSSiaSSuSSffi come a regular ajypendage of our presidential elections, coming round in every cycle of four years
* ne
other in
its
with that returning event. The year 1816 was the start1820, 1824, and now 1828 having successively ing-point renewed the measure, with successive augmentations of The South believed itself impoverished to enrich duties. the North by this system, and, certainly, a singular and unexpected result had been seen in these two sections. " In the colonial state the Southern were the rich part of the colonies, and expected to do well in a
of independence. Thev had the exand felt secure of their proj:>erty not ports, so of the North, whose agricultural resources were few,
state
-i
-I
But
in the
first
Chap. XX.]
MR.
3Q5
of the North
this expectation
was
The wealth
was enormously aggrandized that of the South had deNorthern towns had become great cities. Southclined. ern cities had decayed or become stationary, and Charleston, the principal port of the South, was less considerable than before the Revolution. The North became a moneylender to the South, and Southern citizens made pilgrimages to Northern cities to raise money upon the hypothecation of their patrimonial estates and this in the face of a Southern export since the Revolution to the value
;
of eight hundred millions of dollars a sum equal to the of the Mexican mines since the days of Cortez, product
and twice or thrice the amount of their product in the same fifty years. The Southern States attributed this redouble action of levying revenue upon the industry of one secand estion of the Union and expending it in another
sult to the action of the federal
government
its
To some degree this atpecially to its protective tariffs. tribution was just, but not to the degree assumed, which
evident from the fact that the protective system had then only been in force for a short time since the year
is
the
and the reverse condition of the two sections of Union had commenced before that time. Other What those other causes must have had some effect."
1816
;
causes were I shall point out hereafter. On the occasion of the tariff of 1828 Mr. M'Duffie
The speech of Mr.
M'Duffie, showing the political demoraiization that must ensue.
clearly set forth the opinions held by the ., n feouth on the principle involved. "Sir, if x x the union oi these states shall ever be sev.-,
..-,.
-.
in
torian
who
ered, and their liberties subverted, the hisrecords these disasters will have to ascribe
I do sincerely beto measures of this description. lieve that neither this government nor any free govern-
them
ment can
exist for a quarter of a century under such a of legislation. Its inevitable tendency is to corsystem rupt not only the public functionaries, but all those
por-
300
t
Mil.
M'DUFFIE'S SPEECH.
classes of society
[Sect.V.
ions of the
Union and
who have an
in-
terest, real or
imaginary, in the bounties it provides by other sections or other classes. What, sir, is the taxing essential characteristic of a freeman? It is that inderesources
own
pecuniary bounties.
And
I confess
that
nothing in the conduct of those who are the prominent advocates of this system has excited more apj>rehension
and alarm in my mind than the constant efforts made by of them, from the Secretary of the Treasury down to the humblest coadjutor, to impress uj)on the public mind the idea that national prosperity and individual wealth are to be derived, not from individual industry and economy, but from government bounties. An idea more fatal I said, to liberty could not be inculcated. tariffs on another occasion, that the days of Roman protective ^ will renew the pobauchery were numbered when the peoj)le conliberty o f Roiri e sented to receive bread from the public granall
i ti
aries.
From
that
moment
it
patriot
who
had shown the greatest capacity, and made the greatest sacrifices to serve the republic, but the demagogue who would promise to distribute most profusely the spoils of
was elevated to office by a and mercenary populace. Every thing bedegenerate came venal, even in the country of Fabricius, until finally And what, the empire itself was sold at public auction and tendency of the system we are dissir, is the nature cussing ? It bears an analogy but too lamentably striking to that which corrupted the republican purity of the Roman people. God forbid that it should consummate
the plundered provinces, that
!
its
triumph over the public liberty here by a similar catastrophe, though even that is an event by no means improbable
continue to legislate periodically in 'this way, and to connect the election of our chief magistrate
if
we
Chai-.
XX.]
QQf
Its effect
on the
presidential eiection.
with the question of dividing out the spoils of i i -r certain states degraded into Koinan prov.
.
inces
among
-,
'-'
Union
by a
single act like the present, from five to ten millions of dollars may be transferred annually from one part of the
to another
community
disinterested patriotism
profligate ambition
under which the basest and most may perpetrate such an act of injustice
political prostitution, I can not hesitate for a moment to pronounce this very system of indirect bounties the most stupendous instrument of corruption ever placed in
and
and wealth
into a combination
it is
almost impossible to
not perceive, at this very moment, the extraordinaand melancholy spectacle of less than one hundred thoury sand capitalists, by means of this unhallowed combination, exercising an absolute and despotic control over the opinions of eight millions of free citizens, and the fortunes and destinies of ten millions ? Sir, I will not anticipate
or forbode evil. I will not permit myself to believe that the Presidency of the United States will ever be bought and sold by this system of bounties and prohibitions
;
Do we
but I must say that there are certain quarters of this Union in which, if a candidate for the Presidency were to come forward with the Harrisburg tariff in his hand, nothing could resist his pretensions if his adversary were
opposed to
that bill
self to
all
this unjust
system of oppression.
Yes,
sir,
would be a talisman which would give a charmed existence to the candidate who would pledge himsupport
"
the
and, although he were covered with multiplying villainies of nature," the most imit
;
maculate patriot and profound statesman in the nation could hold no competition with him if he should refuse
to grant this
new
3(3g
[Sect.V
The
Mr. Webster's de
take otitelutcliiiii ir G
5iMd,andher
of views
Lad led New England to change hei and to become henceforth the advo views, " cate of the protective tariffs, or American System," were at the same time (1828) set forth by Mr. Webster, who had himself fol-
lowed that change in the opinion of the Eastern com"New England, sir, has not been a leader in On the contrary, she held back herself, and this policy. tried to hold others back from it, from the adoption of the Constitution to 1824. Up to 1824 she was accused of sinister and selfish designs because she discountenanced the progress of this policy. It was laid to her
munities.
charge then, that, having established her manufactures herself, she wished that others should not have the power of rivaling her, and for that reason opposed all legislative encouragement. Under this angry denunciation
the imputaagainst her the act of 1824 passed. tion is precisely of an opposite character. The present measure is pronounced to be exclusively for the benefit
Now
New England, to be brought forward by her agency, and designed to gratify the cupidity of her wealthy esof
tablishments.
" He
Both
, , t declares that
charges, sir, are equally without the slightest The opinion of foundation. England 1
-
New
<->
U P to 1824 was founded on the conviction stoinlVbygoveminent action, that, on the whole, it was wisest and best, both for herself and others, that manufactures should make haste slowly. She felt a reluctance to trust great interests on the foundation of government patronage, for who could tell how long such patronage would last, or with what steadiness, skill, or perseverance it would conIt is true that, from the very first tinue to be granted ? commencement of the government, those who have administered its concerns have held a tone of encouragement and invitation toward those who should embark in
11 "
Chap. XX.]
IT.
3(39
manufactures.
All the presidents, I believe without exconcurred in this general sentiment, and the ception, have
very first act of Congress laying duties of impost adopted the then unusual expedient of a preamble, apparently for little other purpose than that of declaring that the duties
which it imposed were imposed for the encouragement and protection of manufactures. When, at the commencement of the late war, duties were doubled, we were told
should find a mitigation of the weight of taxanew aid and succor which would be thus afforded to our own manufacturing labor. Like arguments
that
tion in the
we
were urged and prevailed, but not by the aid of New England votes, when the tariff was afterward arranged at the close of the war in 1816. Finally, after a whole winter's deliberation, the act of 1824 received the sanction of both houses of Congress, and settled the policy of the T country. What, then, was New England to do? She w as
fitted for
a mg been driven to manufacturing, she must now
manufacturing oj)erations by the amount and character of her population, by , 1 1 her capital, by the vigor and energy 01 her
iiixi'
by
the
'
free labor,
skill,
economy, enterprise,
repeat,
what was
she,
ous rival in her near neighborhood, threatening to draw from her a part, perhaps a great part of her foreign commerce, was she to use or to neglect those other means of seeking her own prosperity which belonged to her character
Was
ing on one side, and yet making no efforts to sustain herself on the other ? No, sir, nothing was left to New England after the act of 1824 but to conform herself to the will of others. Nothing was left to her but to consider that the government had fixed and determined its own
policy,
I-Aa
protection."
CHAPTER XXL
ATTEMPTED NULLIFICATION OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES BY SOUTH CAKOLINA.
In 1832, South Carolina, under the influence of Mr. Calhoun, placed herself in opposition to the United States on the Tariff Question, and passed an ordinance of President Jackson issued a proclamation, pointing out that the Nullification. movement was the work of disappointed and ambitious men, denouncing it as
He called upon treasonable, and declaring his intention to enforce the laws. At his recommendation the people to sustain him in the discharge of his duty. Congress removed just causes of complaint through the Compromise Measures
The
of Mr. Clay, and South Carolina receded from her position. life and character of Mr. Calhoun.
The
election of 1828,
to
General Jackson and the Vice-Presidency to Mr. Calhoun, was a renewed triumph of the South over the North, of the Slave over the Free States, and a repudiation of the
policy of protective
tariffs.
re-
pudiation reaffirmed. During; his first term no i t t n t or ornce, misunderstandings had taken place ' 1 &
-i
,
.-
sufficiently
aspirations might have been enterMr. Calhoun of attaining, in due time, to the by He Presidency, they were by these events destroyed. had become isolated from the party to which, by the general tenor of his views, he properly belonged, and yet he maintained a position of singular influence, often hold-
Whatever ambitious
tained
it
and
its
antagonist.
trol in
His extraordinary talent gave him great political conSouth Carolina, his native state, and since she
Chap.
XXL]
NULLIFICATION.
371
'
adopted his views and carried them into exen 1 1 1 *i 1 1 cution as tar as she had a biiity Ins disappomti republic. J ed expectations nave left a deep perhaps it ought to be added a baneful impression on the history His aim eventually was to assure suof the republic. preme power to an oligarchy of slaveholders and South Carolina, like a Cartesian image, moved under the presHis influence on
.
~
-1
*'i
, '
sure of his finger. Since the true effect of a high tariff had been discovered that it would inevitably lead to the aggrandizement
of the
North
Slave States
was
to their well-being.
The re-election
being now Vice-President, was generally accepted as an unmistakable demonstration of the intention and wishes Mr. Clay, the champion of the Protective of the nation. for the Presidency, Policy, and the opposition candidate had been totally overthrown. Out of two The principle of a le hundred and twenty-eight votes, he had r-en a,
>>
ri ff
"
cHueTb7the
tlon '
ceived only forty-nine. In view of the extinction of the public debt, the President, in his annual message, had recom Presiclent Jackson 4 mended a rearrangement and readjustment awrr^uiflcauon ofit of the tariff; there was every reason to sup' '
"
its
But South
South Carolina preS
Carolina, without waiting for that result, proceeded to act alone. She had held aloof r
fr
Nuiiraca^ion o?dinance.
tne election, and, within a tew days after it, she issued through a Convention " ordinance to nullify certain acts of the Congress of an
the United States, purporting to be laws laying duties and imposts on the importation of foreign commodities.
11
..
The
chief points in this ordinance were, that the acts referred to were declared to be unauthorized by the Con-
;;;_)
[Sect.V.
and therefore null and void; that any attempt to enforce the collection of duties under them was unlawthat no appeal to the Supreme Court should be perful mitted from any court calling the authority of the ordistitution,
;
nance in question that every officer in the state should and that, if the take an oath to execute the ordinance
;
;
general government should attempt to resort to force to accomplish its purpose, South Carolina would secede from the Union. The Convention issued two Address of the Conveution to the peoaddresses, one to the people of feouth Caroof South Carol>le
Vlua
,
'
states.
The
is
it is
of these affirms that the general government not national; that it is the creation of the states; that
to
only an agent with limited and defined powers, and be looked upon as the issue of a treaty between independent sovereigns: that there is no such body as "the people of the United States" known to the laws that the states may resume the powers they have delegated; that the Supreme Court is merely a creature of the government, and not an umpire that it is no tribunal for
;
settling constitutional questions ; that resistance is a constitutional right and that the primary allegiance of a citizen is due to his state.
;
In the second
And
to the people of other states.
it is
nothing more than to preserve the ConstitutioDj aud thereby the Union; that she will never submit to this system of taxation, nor to injustice uniform duty on all foreign articles and oppression.
is
itary coercion.
The
s f
intention of this
.
_ a Carolina ,. South
c
in-
movement was to bring on an issue between the United States and South
Carolina, the latter venturing to set herself in the attitude of a sovereign and equal, and
d
i:ni ted
pme ont he
Chap. XXI.]
373
judge of the question. That there might be no opportunity for Congress to carry into effect its intention of readjusting the tariff, and thereby
to constitute herself the gratify what was obviously the national wish, the Legislature proceeded to pass the acts necessary to give the
ordinance
effect, and the first day of the ensuing Februwas appointed for it to go into operation. ary In a few days after this ordinance reached him, Presi-
dent Jackson issued a proclamation, examining in detail the assumed veto of a state, and its right to secede from the Union. He had already ordered General Scott to
Charleston, and had made military and naval dispositions to assert the authority of the United States in that city.
declared "that the doctrine of a state veto upon the laws of the Union carries with it internal .-. President Jackson v, n * n ., 1 i issues a prociama- evidence of its impracticable absurdity. As x tion. " The Constitution of to secession, he says
;
He
-1
It the United States forms a government, not a league. are represented, is a government in which the people
which operates directly upon the people individually, not upon the states. Each state, having expressly parted with so many powers as to constitute jointly with other states a single nation, can not from that period possess any right to secede, because such secession does not break a league, but destroys the unity of a nation."
Enforcing the foregoing assertions by arguments, he denounces se- then addresses the 1 people of South Carolina, He cession. ]^ g "native state," in earnest expostulation and entreaty " Let me tell you, my countrymen, that you are deluded by men who are either deceived themselves,
,
-l
Mark under what pretenses you or wish to deceive you. have been led on to the brink of insurrection and treason
" on which you stand." Eloquent appeals to your pasto your sions, to your state pride, to your native courage, sense of real injury, were used to prepare you for the pe-
374
riod
[Sect.V.
when
the
mask which concealed the hideous features Look back to the arts off.
this state
;
look forward to
the consequences to which it must eventually lead." " You are not an oppressed people, contending, as they re-
peat to you, against worse than colonial vassalage you are free members of a flourishing and happy union.
;
no settled design to oppress you. You have, indeed, felt the unequal operation of laws which may have been unwisely, but not unconstitutionally passed. But At the that inequality must necessarily be removed. moment when you were madly urged on to the unvery fortunate course you have begun, a change in public
There
is
opinion had commenced but, as if apprehensive of the effect of this change in allaying your discontent, you were precipitated into the fearful state in which you now find
;
yourselves." "The dictates of a high duty oblige me solemnly to announce that you can not succeed. The
e
cefsion 'Ln
notbe
laws of the United States must be executed. , , T 1 have no discretionary power on the sub-.
-,
my
duty is emphatically pronounced Those who told you that you might
peaceably prevent their execution deceived you; they could not have deceived themselves. They know that a forcible opposition could alone prevent the execution of the laws, and they know that such opposition must be repelled.
Their object is disunion. Be not deceived by names: disunion by armed force is treason.
.,
T
It
you
i
on the heads of the instigators of the on their heads be the act be the dreadful consequences but on yours may fall the punishment. On dishonor,
are,
your unhappy
Chap. XXI.]
375
try.
It
mad project
;
of disunion, of
which you would be the first victims its first magistrate can not, if he would, avoid the performance of his duty." He then adjures them, in the most fervent language, not to be the authors of the first attack on the Constitution of their country
"
:
Its destroyers
be.
peace, you may you may cloud its reputation for stability, but its tranquillity will be restored, its prosjDerity will return, and the stain upon its national character will be transferred to and remain an eternal blot on the memory
its
You may
of
its
disturb
prosperity,
of those
who
them the
:
J.
f
st?ate s
^support
him-
" I rely with equal confimation, and adds dence on your undivided support in my de-
by
all constitutional
means, to
arrest, if possible,
by mod-
erate but firm measures, the necessity of a resort to force." In this proclamation, the President, without any hesita. ,, Imputes the blame t U t of n dLs appo? tel ambitiousmen.
tion, points l
'
aspirants, who, taking advantage of public discontents that were not without a just cause, were
goading the Southern communities into disunion. On a subsequent occasion, referring to these events, he remarked " The tariff was but a pretext. The next will be the
:
Slavery or Negro Question." In the mean time South Carolina organized troops, and provided arms and munitions of Avar. HereHe recommends to l 8 SuStSSEfST u P on tne President, early in January, made compiamt. & special communication to Congress, recom.
all just
had
He
37G
[Sect. V.
recognized clearly that the feeling of the dissatisfied people was just and reasonable, and that they simply wanted but he relief from what they considered to be a wrong
;
disappointed politicians who were inflaming this discontent for ulterior and personal objects. Congress there-
apply the necessary remedies, though not without misgivings on the part of some that the moment was inopportune when the protesting state was in
fore proceeded to
an attitude of armed defiance. proposition Mr. Verhad been for some time under discussion in bill planck's the House it contained large reductions and important when suddenly, on the evening of equalizations of duties as the members were preparing to retire, February 25th, Mr. Letcher, of Kentucky, a friend of Mr. Clay, s moved to strike out the whole of the Verciay s comproi planck bill except the enacting clause, and insert in its stead a bill that had been offered in the Senate " by Mr. Clay, since known as the Compromise." Mr. Ben" The bill, which ton, relating these circumstances, says
made its first appearance in the House late in the evening, when members were gathering up their overcoats for a walk home to dinner, was passed before those coats had got on the back, and the dinner, which was waiting, had
but
little
time to
cool, before
their
being taken, the substitute forthwith passed by 119 to 85. The general principle of Mr. Clay's Compromise was,
that one tenth of the excess over twenty per cent, of each existing impost was to be taken off at the close of the
current year (1833), a second tenth after two years, and so on until 1842, when all duties should be reduced to a
maximum
But
this
strance.
Chap. XXI.]
3ff
the wKole proceedings, declaring " that the root of the discontent lay deeper than the tariff, and would continue
when
"
the tariff was forgotten." Mi'. Calhoun himself had indicated his true sentiments in the Senate when he said,
Every Southern man true to the interests of his section, and faithful to the duties which Providence has allotted him, will be forever excluded from the honors and emoluments of the government." He had also said in reference
to the " Force Bill," " To suppose that the entire power of the Union may be jxlaced in the hands of this govern-
the various interests in this widely-extended country may be safely placed under the will of an unchecked majority, is the extreme of folly and madall
ness.
The
result
be exclusively centred in the dominant interest north of this river (the Potomac), and that all the south of it would be held as subjected provinces, to be controlled for
the exclusive benefit of the stronger section." Mr. Benton, in his work "Thirty Years' View," to which I have already referred, gives the " sehistory of that Compromise.
sec'ret
Compromise of 1833." t-s/t^i says substantially that Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Clay were early and long rival aspirants for the Presidency, and antagonistic leaders in opposite political sys-
He
-n
tems
the former
coalition
The
between them in 1833 was only a hollow truce, embittered by the humiliation to which Mr. Calhoun was subjected in the protective features of the " Compromise," and only kept alive for a few years by their mutual interest with respect to General Jackson and Mr. Van Buren. rupture was foreseen by every observer and in a few years it took place, and in open
Senate, in a way to give the key to the secret motives which led to that compromise. Attempts had been made by several senators to secure
^7S
[Sect.V.
an understanding between Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Clay, who were not on speaking terms, with a view to such modifications in Mr. Clay's proposed Compromise as would
more acceptable to its opponents, and aid in re" These South leasing South Carolina from her position.
it
make
" Carolinians," said Mr. Clayton, of Delaware, are acting very badly, but they are good fellows, and it is a pity to
Jackson hang them." Mr. Webster, who had been applied to to lend his influence in the movement, entirely " declined, saying, It would be yielding great principles to faction, and that the time had come to test the strength
let
and the government." An interview between Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Clay took place, but it failed to produce the intended result. Meantime the President, General Jackson, had determined that he would " have no negotiations, but would sou's de'termina" caihoun for trea- execute the laws." He would admit of no son. farther delay, but was determined at once to take a decided course with Mr. Calhoun" an arrest and
of the Constitution
Mr. Letcher, high, treason being understood. discovered one night what was about to take having place, went forthwith to Mr. Calhoun, found his way to
trial for
his danger.
him, though he had retired to bed, and informed him of " He was evidently disturbed."
Mr. Benton goes on to relate the incidents attending the eventual passage of the bill. Both Mr. S5&38l7 Clay and Mr. Calhoun were compelled to cumstances on 1 l t both Mr. clay and accept it, with the amendments that had 1 Mr. Calhoun. been attached, though both of them, under the form it now presented, had the utmost reluctance to do so. He adds that, "on an outside view of the measure, they appear as master spirits appeasing the storm they
,
iii/ii
'
had
on the inside view they appear as subaltern dominated by the necessities of their condition, agents and providing for themselves instead of their country"
raised
;
Chap.
XXL]
ABANDONMENT OF NULLIFICATION.
379
Mr. Clay in saving the protective policy and preserving the support of the manufacturers, and Mr. Calhoun in securing himself from the perils of his j)osition, and both
in leaving themselves at liberty to act together in future
against General Jackson and Mr. Van Buren. In his resolute course to put down Mr. Calhoun's Nulla his acts the
lification
versifiy^Sa
by the people.
been his opponents in the recent election vigorously sustained him. That support was unanimous in the North, and nearly so in the South. Virginia, indeed, sent a commissioner to South Carolina, and her governor expressed an intention of resisting the passage of troops through
11 '
uonMsTauhe
meafures'are satisfactory to her,
Shortly before February 1st, the date appointed for carrying Nullification into effect, it was resolved at Charleston that inhis state.
_
asniuch as measures were then pending Congress contemplating such reduction of duties on imports as South Carolina had demanded, the execution of
the nullifying ordinance and the consequent legislative The passage of the Comproacts should be postponed.
And
recedes from
m
.
mise
tarfff
Nullification.
^q
abandoned by
course that
General Jackson, however, deeply disapproved of the had been taken, being of opinion that the future prosperity and safety of the republic would have been better consulted had the promoters of Nullification been held to a strict account. He never ceased to regret that he had not brought Mr. Calhoun to trial for treason. There can be no doubt that the manner in which the
trouble
influence
olina.
was closed exerted a powerful and encouraging on the later secession movements of South CarMr. Calhoun always asserted that the military at-
3S0
titude of that state
\
CALHOUN.
[Sect.V.
ment.
Mr. Calhoun,
The biography of
iir.
who
movement, and, indeed, may be considQ au t] 10r f Secession, was a South Carolinian by "birth, but of Irish descent. At the age of twenty-nine he entered Congress. He promoted actively the war with England, the establishment of the United States Bank, internal improvements, and a protective tariff that of 181 G. During the presidency of Mr. Monroe he became Secretary of War, and in that capacity drew orders for General Jackson in the operations against the Seminoles. That general, headstrong and unbridled, was
t*on
caihonn.
ere( j ag
considered
by Mr. Calhoun,
and other acts, to have violated his instructions, and to be worthy of being brought to trial. At that time those personages were regarded as among the more prominent future candidates for the Presidency the one in civil, the other in military life. During Mr. Monroe's second term,
a very influential portion of the party inclined to bring Mr. Calhoun forward for that great office but eventually
;
was given
to the general, Mr. Calhoun beas Vice-President. ~No election for Presi-
House of Representatives
expiry of his term, the original carried out, General Jackson was being elected President, and Mr. Calhoun Vice-President.
On the
In these movements we perceive the crisis of Mr. Calhoun's life. There can be no doubt that he
His disappointed
expectations for the Presidency.
ielt
p1
-i
/>
-t
them was
military rival, and the bitterness between intensified by General Jackson's discovery of
-i
the course that had been pursued toward him in the matter of the Seminole War. Up to this time the general
Chap. XXI.]
CALHOUN.
gg^
supposed that Mr. Calhoun was his defender in the cabinow he found with surprise how comIrascible and impetuous, pletely he had been mistaken. it could not be otherwise than that he should become Mr. Calhoun's mortal enemy. General Jackson's national popularity was so great tuat -M- 1 Calhoun saw the uselessness of atHe abandons nanet in that affair
;
he had abandoned Among other things, he had ceased to look with favor on a protective tariff; he had become a free-trader. Perhaps these changes led him insensibly to more important ones. He abandoned national ideas, and advocated state-rights.
tempting any
SS
'-
With a sentiment not unlike that imputed to Caesar, he would rather be the first man in the Slave States than the second man in the Union.
hopes of national pre-emmence were at an end, he addressed himself He endeavors to g wS th?nak?6n with singular ability to the promotion of
theTariffQuestion,
Once
se ctioxialisixi.
He
South Carolina Exposition, and, by his letter to Governor Hamilton, led to the Nullification movement. He believed at this time that the South could be united on an
though disappointed in the genalways regarded his state as having substancarried her point against the United States. Contially scious of the intrinsic weakness of the Slave Question in view of the recent acts of Great Britain in the West Indies, and the general opinion of the civilized world, he
anti-tariff resistance, and,
eral result,
was unwilling at first to jeopardize the institution, though it was quite certain that the South could be united upon
in a national controversy. Massachusetts, at that time still intellectually colonial, was powerfully affected by the Abolition movement in
it
382
CALHOUN.
[Sect.V.
matory publications.
views
lie
now
In accordance with the political entertained, Mr. Calhoun asserted the right
of each state to interpose and prevent their dissemination through the Post-office. On the presentation of abolition
petitions to Congress, he ... o And then resorts to altogether.
rejected
^[ on more slave territory. Clearly perceiving that the strength of the North lay in her population supplies, he denied the power of states to give a vote to aliens and for the purpose of removing the scruples of conscientious persons in the South, he taught them that slavery is not only not an evil, but an absolute good, and the surest foundation
;
He
Question, and believing that the Union might without difficulty be divided upon it, he used every exertion to force the slavery issue on the North. Though at the
in favor of
time of the adoption of the Missouri Compromise he was it, his views had now so much changed that
he promoted to the utmost its repeal. Having experienced the blighting of his early expectations through the military renown of General Jackson, he was thoroughly averse to the Mexican War. Such experiences as that of r Calhoun will always make civilians in He opposes the Mexican war. eminent positions unfriendly to foreign wars,
and keep the republic at peace. war brings at once into political prominence a host of successful soldiers. Mr. Calhoun was not only a bitter opponent of the
Wilniot Proviso, as might be expected, he was also the originator of the doctrine that the United States Constitution carried slavery with it into the Territories acquired
With
ciples that were now guiding him, he sought to accomplish the organization of the Slave States ostensibly for
Chap. XXI.]
CALHOUN.
333
resisting
Northern abolition, in reality for separation. His project of a His remedy for the declining influence of dual presidency. t]ie g outn wag the establishment of a dual one President from the Free, the other from presidency, the Slave States. Not that his clear intellect for a moment regarded such a scheme as offering any permanency he saw in it rather a ready and quiet means of insuring secession and final separation. His biographers relate that, while he was yet a youth at Yale College, the president of that institution, struck with his singular merit, remarked that he had " ability enough to be President of the United States." Perhaps
;
that incident gave a color to all his subsequent life. From the days of his early inclinations to the New England politicians for the purpose of breaking down the
Virginia dynasty, which had become intolerable to all portions of the country, to the close of his life (1850), all
his exertions
national, if possible
if not, sectional.
Conscious of his
own powers, he looked with disdain upon the line of presidents who succeeded to Mr. Monroe. From his literary remains, collected and published by Mr. Cralle, we perceive without difficulty how it was that Mr. Calhoun exerted so much influence in his native state.
His ideas were in sympathy with her aspirations. They are expressed in simple and forcible language, with but As was said by Mr. Butler in his eulolittle ornament.
in the Senate, " He had the quality of inthe highest of earthly qualities." Virspiring confidence
tuous and just, he died, not wealthy, after for y years' responsible connection with the
of Mr. Calhoun, perhaps more truly than that of any other eminent American of his
^iines,
government.
The
The
life
logical characterofhisiife.
may
"b e
384
logical one.
CALHOUN.
[Sect.V.
Ave compare his views in 1811, at Lis with tLose at Lis death, Low wide and first appearance, It is the decline of Low melancholy tLe difference paNot without interest do we obtriotism into secession. serve the successive pLases through which lie passes; tLey manifest tLe pressure of exterior influences on an honor!
When
CHAPTER
The South,
finding
it
XXII.
new
ance of power in the Union, resolved on the annexation of Texas, an adjoining province of Mexico. It was seized by adventurers from the Slave States, who established it as an independent republic. It then applied for admission as a state into the Union, and, in spite of a strenuous opposition from the North, that measure was carried into effect.
General Jackson,
General Jackson s
having voluntarily surrendered to Spain, at t}ie time of the cession of Florida, all that fertile tract of country which, facing the Gulf of Mexico, is included between the Sabine and the Rio Grande. He
thebouuda^yof
Louisiana.'
said:
"Soon after my election (to the Presidency), in 18^9, it was made known to me by Mr. Erwin, formerly
our minister at the court of Madrid, that while at that court he had laid the foundation of a treaty with Spain for the cession of the Floridas and the settlement of the boundary of Louisiana, fixing the western limit of the latter at the
;
Rio Grande, agreeably to the understanding of France that he had written home to our government for powers to complete and sign this negotiation but that,
;
instead of receiving such authority, the negotiation was taken out of his hands and transferred to TexHe
s
Washington, and a new treaty was there coneluded, by which the Sabine, and not the Rio Grande, was recognized and established as the boundary of Louisiana. Finding that these statements were true, and that our government did really give up that importfe S si y
states that ad
surrendered
to spaiu.
ant territory I. B b
when
it
was
it,
was
38 G
filled
TEXAS.
[Sect.V.
with astonishment. The right to the territory was obtained from France. Spain stood ready to acknowledge it to the Eio Grande and yet the authority asked
;
by our
a limit
"
minister
in lieu of
it,
was adopted which stripped us of the whole of the vast country lying between the two rivers." He added:
important a territory was attributable to an erroneous estimate of the tendency of our institutions, in which
was mingled somewhat of jealousy as to the rising greatness of the South and West." It must, however, be
there
remarked, that this opinion seems not to be justified when we remember that the alleged surrender was made by a Southern President, and that the attempt to purchase Texas, presently to be alluded to, was by Mr. Adams, who was from the North.
made
in
1827
Texas, the country in question, under these circumstances became a part of Mexico. In 1820, it had become a
portion of Mexico.
]y[ oses Austin, a resident of Missouri, obtained the privilege of settling in it, under the plea of being
by Protestants. Dying prehis son, Stejihen F. Austin, earned out his inmaturely, tention, and thus the Americans obtained a foothold in
the country.
Eoman
Catholic persecuted
Attempts were now made by the American government in 1827 Elld 1829 t0 P^chaSe TeXaS Abortive attempts to purchase , om Mexico. They were ineffectual. It was obvious, however, that the possession of it was abso>
>
it.
Its possession
ec p to thTsia e system
u had
lutely necessary to the South, in order that ner system might have freedom of expansion
.
of the south.
westwardly, and an equipoise be maintained North in Congress. Adventurers from the with the neighboring Slave States were therefore encouraged by
the prevailing public sentiment to emigrate to it, with the intention of detaching it forcibly from Mexico. That
Chap. XXII.]
INDEPENDENCE OF TEXAS.
republic, torn i^tle a]-)i e t
387
by
internal dissensions,
was
so
made was altogether the Texans were defeated at Nevertheless, insignificant. the Alamo and Goliad, and those of them who were
taken prisoners of war were atrociously murdered in cold blood. At the San Jacinto they were avenged, the Mexicans being surprised while passing the river, and not on ty totally defeated, but Santa Anna, their They wrest fordit
commanci er the President of their republic, taken prisoner. The character of this conflict may be un,
wounded
208.
Santa Anna, at the mercy of his conqueror, General Houston, who was a Virginian by birth, was J The President of .-..,. Mexico, resisting, thus constrained his extremity to acknowlJ is taken prisoner,
m
y
ackVowielglus
independence.
edge the independence of Texas. Hereupon -^ wag iik erat e( j an(j ^he uew republic es-
tablished in October, 1836, with a Constitution modeled on that of the United States, and with GenThe United
States
its
acknowledge
Houston inaugurated as its first President. The United States forthwith acknowleral
TT
-,
-n
-i-
independence. than a year application was made to the United States government to receive the new repubtion tobVadmitted lie into the Union, and, though this was at into the Union. . '. the time declined, it was obvious that the question was destined to play a most important part in
-
edged
In
its
less
'
civil policy. The North saw in the whole movement a predetermined attempt at the extension of
American
slavery,
and in the invasive emigration, the revolt, the proclamation of independence, the temporary organization of a republic, and the application to be admitted into the Union as a state, successive steps of a conspiracy,
;;
sS
[a
ANNEXATION OF TEXAS.
[Sect. V.
which would, through the creation of half a dozen or more new states, give a preponder-
ance to the slave power in the republic. Mr. Van Buren, who had declined the overtures for the
annexation of Texas, was succeeded in the Presidency by General Harrison, who, dying almost immediately after his inauguration, was followed by the Vice-President, Mr.
Tyler, a Virginian,
and a supporter of extreme Southern annexation project was now steadily The principles. forward, but, owing to the difficult circumstances pressed
under which Mr. Tyler was placed, and dissensions arising in the party that had elected him, nothing decisive could be done until 1844, when Mr. Upshur, the Secretary of State, being accidentally killed by the bursting of a cannon, Mr. Calhoun succeeded him. treaty of annexation was at once arranged, but, on being submitted to the Sen-
ate,
was
.
rejected.
Undiscouraged by this result, the South at once determined to make annexation the touchstone It made a test
.
.
is
fonow^prefidentiai election.
tne coming Presidential election. The Legislatures of several of the Cotton States
:
that of Missis-
sippi declared, adopting the report of a committee of its body, that "the committee feel authorized The
j.
Q ga y
^^
s] aver
is
cherished
by our
con-
stituents as the very palladium of their prosperity and happiness, and, whatever ignorant fanatics may elsewhere
conjecture, the
diligent observation and reflection on the subject, that the South does not possess within her limits a blessing with which the affections of her people are so closely entwined
and so completely enfibred ;" " the Northern States have no interests of their own which require any special safeguards for their defense, save only their domestic manufactures, and God knows they have already received pro-
Chap. XXII.]
ANNEXATION OF TEXAS.
359
tection from
government on a most liberal scale, under which encouragement they have improved and flourished beyond example. The South has very peculiar interests to preserve, already violently assailed and boldly threatare fully persuaded that this to her best interests will be afThe slave power m- protection
ened.
Your committee
forded
sistsonannexation.
by the annexation
of Texas; an equi-
po ise
of influence in the halls of Congress will be secured, which will furnish us with a permanent guarantee of pro-
tection."
Mr. Wise, of Virginia, said, in the House of Representatives " True, if Iowa be added on the one side, Florida will be added on the other, but there the equation must stop. Let one more Northern
spirit
:
In the same
state
ever.
is
gone
gone
for-
gone, the safeguard of American prosperity, of the American Constitution, of the American Union, vanished into thin air. This must
is
The balance
of interests
be the inevitable result, unless, by a treaty with Mexico, the South can add more weight to her end of the lever. Let the South stop at the Sabine, while the North may spread unchecked beyond the Rocky Mountains, and the Southern scale must kick the beam." But these movements did not take place without reEx-President John Quincy Adams, and other members of Congress, issued an idams ^ the'sui address, in which they said that the annexation of Texas was being forced forward " by that large portion of the country interested in domestic slavery and the slave-trade ;" that " it was intended, by the admission of new Slave States, to secure undue ascendency for the slaveholding power in the government, and rivet that power beyond all redemption that, with these views, settlements had been made in the province by citizens of the United States, difficulties fomented with the Mexican
views of e S -Presi-
sistance.
300
OITOSITION TO ANNEXATION.
[Sect. V.
government, a revolt brought about, and an independent government declared that the attempts of Mexico to reduce her revolted province to obedience have proved unsuccessful because of the unlawful aid of desio-nine and interested citizens of the United States and that the di; ;
rect
and indirect co-operation of our own government, with similar views, is not the less certain and demonstra-
ble."
of this
sion
The open enlistment of troops in several states Union in aid of the Texan revolution the intruof an American army by the order of the President
;
"
but in reality in behalf of the inthe entire neglect of government to prevent surgents; unwarrantable aggressions of our own citizens, enlisted,
false pretense,
under a
organized, and officered in our own borders, ^IS^diMoiution ancl marched in arms into the territory of of the Union. j? Ji xi a iriendly government; the premature recit is
denounced as
'
j_
al of the
ognition of the independence of Texas ; the open avowTexans themselves the frequent and anxious
;
;
negotiations of our own government the resolutions of various states of the Union the numerous declarations
;
the tone of the Southern press, as well as the direct application of the Texan governof
;
members of Congress
ment, make it impossible for any man to doubt that annexation and the formation of several slaveholding states
were originally the policy and design of the slaveholding Their objects states and the executive of the nation. and the continual aswere the perpetuation of slavery
cendency of the slave power." " hesitate not to say that annexation effected by any act or proceeding of the federal government, or any of its departments, would be identical with dissolution. It would be a violation of our national compact, its ob-
We
jects, designs,
entered into
and the great elementary principles which formation, of a character so deep and funand would be an attempt to eternize an instidamental,
its
Chap. XXII.]
39^
tution
so
and a power of a nature so unjust in themselves, abhorrent to the feelings injurious to the interests and
of the people of the Free States, as, in our opinion, not of the Union, only inevitably to result in a dissolution
but fully to justify it and we not only assert that the to it, but people of the Free States ought not to submit we say, with confidence, that they would not submit to it." The reader will here remark that threats of a dissolution of the Union were resorted to by the North as well as by the South when it suited the purpose. Mr. Quincy, The Hartford in 1811, had indulged in such menaces.
;
Convention was suspected of preparing to carry them into execution. They are brought forward again in these Texan movements. But the South was resolved to consummate her intenMr. Van Bution, and that without delay.
Determination of the south to secure
-,
-.-
Texas
ren and Mr. Clav, the prominent candidates of the two opposing parties for the Presi-
/-^ 1
-.
j*"i
j.
dency, were compelled to make known their views previously to the meeting of the nominating Conventions.
They had a private understanding with each other, and mutually agreed upon discountenancing the annexation scheme. Mr. Van Buren pointed out that the annexaopinionsofMr. v a n Buren.
human
probabil-
-^
draw
after it
" asked, Can it be expedient, under such circumstances, Can we hope to stand perfectly justified to attempt it ?
in the eyes of
ly if its
mankind for entering into it, more especialcommencement is to be preceded by the appro:
priation to our uses of the Territory ?" Mr. Clay said in reference to reannexation
opinions of Mr.
"It
is
'
to
Texas as if we had never parted with it. We can no more do that than Spain can resume Florida, France Lou-
therefore perfectly idle and ridiculous, if not dishonorable, to talk of resuming our title
392
ifliana,
[Sect. V.
now
com-
" I conceive that prising a part of the United States." no motive for the acquisition of foreign territory could
be more unfortunate, or pregnant with more fatal consequences, than that of obtaining it for the purpose of strengthening one part against another part of the common confederacy. Such a principle, put into practical operation, would menace the existence, if it did not cer" I tainly sow the seeds of a dissolution of the Union." consider the annexation of Texas at this time without the
war with with other foreign powers dangerous Mexico, probably to the integrity of the Union, inexpedient in the present financial condition of the country, and not called for by
tional character; involving us certainly in a
;
any general expression of public opinion." Mr. Benton, in a speech in the Senate, declared: "I wash my hands of all attempts to dismemopinions of Mr. ber the Mexican republic by seizing (under the designation of Texas) her dominions in New Mexico Chihuahua, Coahuila, and Tamaulipas. The treaty, in all that relates to the boundary of the Rio Grande, is an act of unparalleled outrage on Mexico. It is the seizure of two thousand miles of her territory without a word of explanation with her, and by virtue of a treaty with Texas to which she is no party." In vain, when it was too late, Mr. Clay endeavored to his attempt only served to recede from his position make the matter worse, and cost him the support of the anti-slavery party, whose votes would have elected him. As to Mr. Van Buren, he did not so much as receive a nomination, the Democratic party p/esTdentlor^he purpose of carrying annexation into efputting him aside, and selecting a compara-
-.
-i
-.
-,
tively
unknown person
"
Mr. Polk.
It de-
Chap. XXII.]
TEXAS ANNEXED.
393
would not
But, decisive as was this action, the Annexationists so much as endure the delay until Mr. Polk's
inauguration.
Mr. caihoun's French dispatch,
On the
j
-^
mg ^ e
?
minister at Paris,
was
laid be-
In this the attention of the French government is drawn to the advantages that would arise from the annexation in strengthening slavery in the proposed
fore
it.
and thereby thwarting the intentions of whose fanaticism Mr. Calhoun declared was inEngland, tent on reducing America to the ruined condition of her own West India possessions. On December 19th a joint resolution was introduced into the House of Representatives providing for annexation. Attempts were made to secure na^ the country for free labor, the Abortive attem
United
States,
t
eC re
ofT e xa s
on
for fr ee-
line
Matagorda Bay, and running northwestwardly, so as to divide the Territory as nearly as possible into two equal In the portion lying to the southwest it was parts. proposed that there should be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude except for the punishment of crime. This proposition was, however, defeated. In due time
the joint resolution went to the Senate, and was there amended by the adoption of what was known as Mr.
Walker's resolutions.
the
Thus
for the mode in which the " State of Texas" should be admitted into the Union, the disposal of its munitions of war, public property, un-
appropriated lands, debts. On the main point it was arranged that new states, not exceeding four in number, in addition to Texas proper, should subsequently be
304
TEXAS ANNEXED.
[Sect.V.
of its territory, those lying south of latitude 36 30' to be admitted with or without slavery, as their people might desire in those north of that line, slavery
;
made out
to be prohibited.
Mr. Tyler, on the last day of his term of office, unwill_ ., m inoj to leave to his successor, Mr. Polk, the o President Tyler ll0U01 of completing Southern ^o'utus'Lnexathis^ great tl0U a swift messenger to measure, dispatched
,
,
'
Texas; her assent was duly secured, and the Mexican province became a state of the Union. But the circumstances and conditions under which this had been done left a profound dissatisfaction * And the slave e e ly c n in tne North. The portion of territory ceded Lcomp il hes s to freedom did not belong to Texas her did not approach within 200 miles of the Misboundary souri Compromise line. The South had therefore secured the whole of the new acquisition she had seized the substance, and had deluded the North with a shadow.
.
. ..
it
CHAPTER
The annexation
States.
torted.
XXIII.
of Texas was resisted by Mexico, and war declared by the United Mexico was invaded, its metropolis captured, and a treaty of peace exdiscussion arose as to the condition of the acquired territory. The it the South insisted that the
;
Constitution of the United States carried slavery into it. The dispute Discovery of gold in California, its political and social consequences. Inrespecting the acquired Territory was closed by the Compromise of 1850. dignation was excited in the Free States by the operation of the Fugitive Slave
Law, and ominous forebodings were entertained the Supreme Court of the United States.
The
annexation of Texas accomplished, General Taylor, the United States commander in the Southof
The annexation
west, received orders to advance to the Kio ' _ _. i i i feuch was the impoverished and Grande,
.
-,
->
-t
t-
..
, -i
distracted condition of Mexico that she apparently contemplated no retaliation for the injury she had sustained,
and,
at the Nueces, a
might perhaps have been avoided. But, on Taylor's approaching the Rio Grande, a combat ensued at Palo Alto with Arista, the Mexican commander, who crossed over that stream. It ended in the defeat of the Mexicans, and the next day another engagement took place at Resaca de la Palma, with the same result. These actions eventually assumed considerable political in^ortance. They were among the causes of General Taylor's subseconflict
quent elevation to the Presidency. As soon as intelligence of what had occurred reached
Washington, President Polk, forgetting that au or f a war J s no h e ^y^Q De gi ns ft, he who has made it necessary, addressed a special but " message to Congress announcing that the Mexicans had
its declaration by the United States.
"
390
at last
WAB WITH
MEXICO.
[Sect.V.
invaded our territory, and slied tlie blood of our on our own soil." Congress at once (May 13th, 1840) passed an act providing money and men. " Its preamble stated, Whereas, by the act of the Republic of Mexico, a state of war exists between that country and the United States, be it enacted, etc. As long previously as 1843,Mr.Bocanegra,the Mexican
fellow-citizens
The
responsibility
8
.,
....
upVntne'unuld
Minister of Foreign Relations, had formally o J notified the American government that the
1
to war.
annexation of Texas would inevitably lead General Almonte, the Mexican minister at Wash-
ington, in a note to Mr. Upshur, the Secretary of State, " said that, in the name of his nation, and now for them, he protests, in the most solemn manner, against such an
aggression ; and he moreover declares, by express order of his government, that, on sanction being given by the
executive of the
Union to the incorporation of Texas into the United States, he will consider his mission ended, seeing that, as the Secretary of State will have learned, the
Mexican government
is
resolved to declare
war
as soon
as
it
being thus provoked by the American government, General Scott received orders (November 18th, 1840) to take command of the excojcapture of vera pedition intended for the invasion of Mexico. It was not, however, until March 7th of the following
year that his forces appeared before Vera Cruz. Twelve thousand men were landed in a single evening, the Mexicans making no resistance. Through the shifting sands and thickets of chaparral siege-lines were completed, and
in fifteen days the place surrendered, five thousand prisoners and five hundred pieces of cannon being taken.
War
Scott
Mexico along the national road, through a beautiful country abounding in magnificent scenery. At a distance on the left was the
his
now commenced
march
to
Chap. XXIII.]
SCOTT'S CAMPAIGN.
397
great volcano Orizaba, its white peaks entering the region of eternal snow. Approaching the heights of Cerro Gordo, he found that they were occupied eral Santa Anna with 15,000 men.
a road through the forest round the base of the mountain, and in the darkness of the night dragged cannon by main
force
up the
to
The march
puebia.
f ^he Mexicans.
^.|
ie
p OS ition was
forced,
43 guns being captured. Resuming their advance, the Castle of Perote was taken, and the town of Puebia occupied.
these operations, Scott's army, on its entrance into Puebia, was reduced to 4290 men, with thirRe-enforcements
By
teen pieces of artillery. Too weak to advance farther, and, indeed, unable to maintain his communications with Vera Cruz, the American
march t o Mexico
ed
general was compelled to remain here until August 7th, waiting for re-enforcements. By that time his strength had increased to nearly 11,000 men. It was not the plan
of the Mexicans to resist
him
step
by
step.
Points at
which that might have been done advantageously were The invading army, finding no force in front, neglected. marched through the Pass of Rio Frio a pass which takes its name from an ice-cold streamlet of crystal clearness coming down from the mountain snows, and where the beetling rocks overhang and command the road.
Here, though within the tropic, so great is the elevation ten thousand feet above the level of the sea that
the aspect of Nature is like that of gelid climes, and the air is chilled by the snows on Popocatapetl and Iztaccihuatl, volcanoes that rise to a height of eighteen thou-
sand feet. Scott continued his march unmolested past the ruins of Cholula, in the time of the Aztecs a great and venerable city. The crest of the mountains gained, the Valley of Mexico lay at his feet.
398
SCOTT'S CAMPAIGN.
[Sect.V.
This valley is formed by a divergence of the grand chain of the Cordilleras into two branches, which reunite again toward the north, and embrace in their porphyritic
curve an inclosure sixty miles in length north and south, The water descending forty miles wide east and west
from the mountain-sides collects in a series of lakes, there being no drainage outlet except through an insignificant brook. The city of Mexico, with its steeples ,, Position of the city. ..,, i,p,i n and domes, is in the midst ot the valley, sur-
rounded with picturesque fields and beautiful country seats. The snowy peaks of the neighboring volcanoes detain the departing rays of the evening sun, and aid in
making the place a cool Paradise in the torrid zone. To avoid El Penon, and other strong works in front,
occupied in force by the Mexicans, the Americans now left the national road, along which they had thus far advanced, and cutting, as they had done at Cerro Gordo, a new route beyond the Lakes of Chalco and Xochimilco,
night
movement enabled
them
throw three brigades into the rear of a strong " But what opposing force at the hamlet of Contreras.
to
ras,
Actions at contreChurubusco.
a horrible night !" says one of the a rfl^ Wfi toQ ^fl toQ
sleep, in the middle of that muddy road, officers and men side by side, with a heavy rain pouring down upon us, the officers without blankets or overcoats, and the men
^ ^
officers.
to
fatigue.
About midnight
the rain
was
so
heavy that the streams in the road flooded us, and there
we
stood,
till
crowded
together, drenched
and benumbed,
waiting
daylight."
But when daylight on the 20th of August did come, the Mexican position was stormed, and, after a conflict of seventeen minutes, was carried. San Antonio was captured, the fortified post of Churubusco was assaulted and gained, and the causeways leading to the city of Mexico
Chap. XXIII.]
FALL OF MEXICO.
399
In these operations the American loss in killed, wounded, and missing was 1053. The Mexican loss was
opened.
four times as great, and thirty-seven guns were taken. Delayed by an armistice and abortive negotiations for
chapuitepec. captore of Mexico.
peace, it was not until September 7th that g co tfj renewed active operations for the pos-
session of Chapuitepec, a porphyritic rock commanding the city of Mexico. The Aztec princes in old times, and the Spanish viceroys more recently, had made their residence on this charming spot. It was now the site of a
It is a hill 150 feet in height, surmountmilitary college. ed by a castle with thick stone walls, the wings, bastions,
and
Two
Mata, were
castle itself
Rey and Casa de with very severe loss. The carried, though was taken by storm, its ditches having been
On
palace of Mexico, and Scott made his triumphant entry at the head of less than 6000 troops.
In the treaty that ensued, New Mexico and Upper California were ceded to the United States, and The treaty of peace. Q lower Rio Grande, from its mouth to El
boundary of Texas. On the other hand, the United States agreed to pay fifteen millions of The claims of Amerdollars in five annual installments. ican citizens against Mexico, not exceeding three and a quarter millions of dollars, were also assumed. Such were the results of the military operations. Meanwhile President Polk, foreseeing the issue, had made application to Congress for money to be placed at his disposal with a view of obtaining from Mexico territory beyond the Rio Grande. At once arose the question which had already so frequently given origin, to perilous dissenPaso, was taken
as the
400
sion,
T1IE
WILMOT PROVISO.
[Sect. V.
What
deeply offended by the manner in which she arises. had been dealt with in the arrangement of the Texan territory, and now applied to the South her own arguments. The South had said that, in the case of
the Northwestern Territory, the local law of Virginia, to which that Territory was affirmed to belong, dedicated it
to slavery, and that, in a similar manner, local law established slavery in Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Florida.
But Mexico had long previously abolished slavery, and therefore, by her local law, all territory acquired from her must necessarily be free. On the other hand, the South,
Mr. Calhoun's doctrine in behalf of
cir-
cumstances oi the case, at the suggestion 01 slavery. ^ ~; Mr. Calhoun, affirmed that the United States Constitution carried with it slavery into the new Territory.
and purpose of the North were plainly to the bill, making the pecuniary asked for by Mr. Polk. It was offered by Mr. provision " Wilniot, of Pennsylvania, whence the designation WilIt The wnmot Pro- m t Proviso," under which it is known. V1S0was as follows "Provided that, as an express and fundamental condition to the acquisition of any territory from the Republic of Mexico by the United States, by virtue of any treaty that may be negotiated between them, and to the use by the executive of the moneys
feeling
The
seen in an
amendment
herein appropriated, neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall ever exist in any part of said territory, except
for crime
The
whereof the party shall first be duly convicted." bill, however, failed. Before the next meeting of Congress the Presidential election had occurred, and to the causes of dissatisfaction which the Northern Democrats had with their allies in
Chap. XXIII. ]
CALIFORNIA.
401
the Slave States was added the fact that eight out of fifteen of those states had voted for General Taylor, the Whig candidate. On the question of the organization of
the
new
were offered
to the effect that slavery should be excluded, and that the selling of slaves in the District of Columbia should be
made by the But, though an attempt prohibited. South to fasten the organization of the Territories of New
Mexico and California to the Civil and Dij)lomatic Appropriation Bill, Congress eventually adjourned without having come to any determination.
was
(1849)
,
the organization of California could be no i /-\ c, ,, ~ longer postponed. Oregon, after an attempt on the part of the South to compel the rec'
ognition that the Missouri Compromise line extended across the entire continent, had become a free Territory. The discovery of gold in California had led to its rapid
New Mexico already possessed a population of sixty thousand. Under these circumstances, General Taylor, having sent
settlement.
Movements
as a state.
re8'
sToTofllhTomTl
an agent to California with a view to its oro ganization as a state, brought the subject behi s annual message, anQ]pe c 011 gress
nouncing that the people of that Territory and of New Mexico would shortly apply for admission as a state, and
recommending their application to favorable consideraHis intention was to leave the question of social tion. condition, free or slave, to be settled by the inhabitants
themselves, in this recognizing the principle of popular
sovereignty.
In correspondence with these movements, a Convention for the formation of a state Constitution was held in Cal-
determined on the prohibition of slavery, but, as might have been expected when the application for
ifornia.
It
I. Co
402
SETTLEMENT OF CALIFORNIA.
[SiiCT.V.
admission came before -Congress, it encountered resistance t'n -in the South. Eventually, however, after much discusgeneral plan of compromise suggested by Mr. Clay was adopted. It has attained celebrity under the designation of "the Compromise of 1850."
sion, a
In the mean time California was rapidly settled. workman, building a saw-mill in January, Discovery of gold to California. 1S discovered particles of gold in the
mud;
was found at last. Forthwith a stream of population set in, first from the adjoining Mexican countries, then from Oregon and the Sandwich Islands, the circle extending as the rumors were confirmed, and Peru, Chili, Australia, and even Asia becoming involved. The excitement in the United States rose to a mania. Early in 1849 multiInflux of adventnrers at the gold
diggings.
the journey across the continent, i '/ ~ encountering; the great desert, and forcing their way over the Bocky Mountains. Very
,
tudes
made
.
soon 4000 horsemen and 9000 wagons had gone through the Pass. So great were the perils and privations that the track was marked with skeletons. Some of the adventurers, preferring to encounter the dangers of the sea
rather than the treachery of the Indians and the hardnew form ships of the land, went round Cape Horn.
of sailing-shipthe clipper was invented to meet the need. Others tried the pestilential passage of the Isthmus of Panama. In eighteen months one hundred thou-
The Bay
now
stands
and where
this beautiful
collection of
Since the days tents, bowers and huts. when all the human race undertook to build the Tower of Babel, never has there been such a confused gabble of People from every nation under the strange tongues.
shanties
and
Chap. XXIII. ]
SETTLEMENT OF CALIFORNIA.
4Q3
sun swarmed together some trafficking, some digging, many gambling. Ships were left sailorless in the harbor their crews sometimes, it is said, with their officers had run off to the mines. Occasions are at their head mentioned in which captains of singular virtue had handcuffed or fettered their men to keep them. Judges
;
bench to try their luck. The attorney of the king of the Sandwich Islands joined in the 'general rush. Every man was all things to himself; the hiring
stealthily left the
of labor
the wages
this
demanded
clamorous
by enchantment,
out, houses built, stores erected, wharves made, roads constructed, municipal and state institutions, estab-
were laid
lished.
San Francisco was built was repeatedly ravaged by Not without difficulty, however, did law assert its
It
may be
said that
it
supremacy in a population consisting of thousands of adult males, with scarcely any women. The New York speculators found to their cost that such a community afforded but an indifferent market for the laces and rich It is said that pianos were actually sold silks they sent. for cupboards, there being no other demand for them. Expensive furniture came to unwonted uses in the tents and bowers of these canvas and leafy cities. Nor was this profusion and extravagance limited to New York, into which the gold California. , Effect of the influx ocl -^ n of wealth on the ot kan t rancisco flowed, was infected bv the A cities example. Persons who had been steeped in
.
-.
tl 'in tic
poverty rose to affluence. They exchanged shanties for palatial residences the homeliest clothing for the latest
;
coarse crockery for silver plate. They into the higher walks of life. In 1851, brought vulgarity so frightful in California was* the social condition the
Parisian fashions
404
r il'iuuu mhiui rt.Frightful BOCla] roi
[Skct. V.
...
;
vuiMon-
in caiifor-
power;
assassinations
1*1*
r>
occurring in all directions, the perpetrators of these atrocities openly controlling elections, appointments to office, and the administration of justice that the
-i
more respectable
A vigilance committce forcibly secures order.
citizens
had
own
.
tee, '
t
hands, and, forming a vigilance commit1 " i t '.- i t which administered rude and * prompt* *
t
justice
tlie
by hanging,
flogging,
and expelling
for a
season.
From
gold and
Disturbance in the
relative value of
silver.
the report of the committee to examine a bill relative to a monetary Convention between
-^ t
-i
ranee, Uelffium, Italy, and fewitzerland, .it " appears that in France the legal difference in the value of gold and silver had been in the proporJb
.
ti
ioi*i
and had
was the usual money; gold, in small was at a premium. About the year 1835, by
reason of improvements in refining, the five-franc silver pieces of the earlier coinage were hunted up and melted,
to extract the gold they contained
;
tween
and gold continued the same. But the discoveries of gold in Russia, California, and Australia between the years 1846 and 1850, brought gold abundantsilver
European markets. The metal fell in value, and five-franc silver pieces were more than ever sought for. The government (French) observed this, and a committee was appointed in 1850 to investigate the facts. M. Thiers was its chairman. The political troubles of
ly into the
the time, however, prevented action. The difference of value of the two metals increased, and speculators began
to
buy up the
Two
other circum-
Chap. XXIIL]
COMPKOMISE OF
1850.
495
the loss of silk-worms and the American which compelled the purchase of silk and cotWar, ton from the East to keep the factories going; and, as silver is more valued in those distant lands, it was necessary to pay for those imports in silver, as France had no produce to exchange for them. There was yet another reason to make silver more valuable the improvement in the circumstances of the laboring classes, which intion in France
Civil
creased the necessity of small coin for change. committee in 1857, and another in 1861, were commissioned to investigate the subject. It was shown that the yield
of silver and gold from America, from the time of its discovery to 1846, was as two to one, whereas the yield is
now
It
was
also
shown
that the five-franc pieces had almost entirely passed out of circulation that the last issues of forty-three millions
;
made since January 1st, 1856, were absorbed by speculation." immediately Although this committee expressed the opinion that there might be a great reflux of silver from Asia by reaof francs in small coin,
son- of the sale of
European manufactures, it
is
much more
likely that a recovery of the equilibrium between the two metals, if accomplished at all, will be, as I have already remarked (page 133), through the successful work-
ing of the great silver deposits of the United States, and those of Mexico under American auspices.
The
pledge that Congress would faithfully execute the compact with Texas respecting the formation of new states out of her territory ; the immeThe compromise
lishment of
Union the estabMexico and Utah as Territories without the Wilmot Proviso they were to embrace all the territory recently acquired from Mexico not contained within
diate admission of California into the
;
New
400
TIIE FUGITIVE
SLAVE LAW.
[Sect.V.
by her
more
tive slaves.
It abstained
in virtue of this
,
of dollars. Doubtless that had much to do with the passage of the whole measure. In the North it was denounced as the first instance known
in the history of the republic of resorting to a bribe it was affirmed that the territory supposed to be relin;
quished by Texas had never belonged to her that it was detached from Mexico by the forces, and then bought by the money of the Union nor was the dissatisfaction lessened by the concession for the recapture of fugitive slaves in the Free States. This dissatisfaction became indignation when the resulting law was carried into effect. It denied to the fugitive the right of trial by jury it refused to admit his testimony as evidence it commanded
; ;
;
all
good
citizens to aid
of.--....
prompt arrest of the slave. Cases soon occurred which made n i i i a a profound public impression. A negro was x shot dead in the act 01 attempting to nee from the officer who had arrested him a
and
assist in the
mulatto leaped into the Susquehanna, exclaiming that he would rather be drowned than taken alive he was shot in the head while attempting to screen himself in the
:
water, but eventually escaped through the intervention of the by-standers a mulatto woman, only twenty-three years of age, overtaken in her flight through Ohio, in her
;
extremity cut the throat of one of her children, a little girl who was nearly white, and then attempted to kill the other two. When secured and carried before the
Chap. XXIII.]
4Q7
to destroy
marshal, she
them
and then herself, if she were sent back into slavery. No wonder that the mothers in the free West became fanatical abolitionists It. was affirmed that in one year after the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law, more Effect of this senti ,i i 1 ment on the eiecthe x luortive slaves were seized than pre! .
.
tionsoflS5C.
ceding sixty years. Surprise has sometimes been expressed that the vote for the anti-slavery candidate for the Presidency rose from 152,000 in 1852 to more than a million and a quarter (1,341,264) in 1856.
O.
men renounce
all con-
siderations of political expediency, and are guided by the promptings of the heart. And this was one of them.
The
The
1
case of
Dred
dif-
case of the
4,
^^
so
This negro had o a suit for his freedom in one of the brought Qf jy/ftggo^ auc[ obtained a jliclg
^1
ment
in his favor. higher court of that state reversed the decision, and an appeal was taken to the Supreme Court of the United States, the case being tried in 1854.
It
was not
Scott
suffered, as the decision of the court, delivered by Judge Taney, the Chief Justice of the United States, that arrest-
ed public attention.
who was
a slave, whose ancestors were imported into this country and sold as slaves, any right to sue in a court of the
United States
it
considered
them
as a subordinate
and
inferior class of beings, who had no rights or privileges but such as the government might grant them ; it affirm-
ed that
it
Declaration of Independence that its principles should apply to the African race an unhappy race separated
from the white by an indelible mark, and by laws long before established, and never thought of or spoken of except as property.
It farther declared that
the Missouri
40S
TI1E
SUPREME COURT.
[Sect. V.
Compromise was unconstitutional, and denied the right of Congress to exclude slavery from any Territory. This decision gave rise in the Free States to the most
ominous forced8
serious reflections
on the
political
powers of
It was obvious that ill'inVnalio^from the Supreme Court. the policy and condition of the republic might, through it, be controlled by one man, and that
public opinion and Congressional action on the most momentous national affairs might pass for nothing, or be
organisation of the court admitted the It was affirmed that the depossibility of that result. cision in Drecl Scott's case not only showed how sectional
overruled.
The
considerations might control universal justice, but that there actually were no solid foundations on which th,e
republic could rest, and hence no security for the nation so long as there were thus the means of subverting long recognized principles of public policy. There were many
persons who foresaw in the ominous action of this court that it might be in future times an instrument of ruin to
the nation.
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA STRUGGLE.
The tide of Northern emigration reached the country Alarm of the South at the appropriation of those
of the Kansas and Nebraska. It at, regions by Freedom. tempted a settlement of them in the interests of Slavery, but was resisted by the dreadful social condition arose in Kansas from New England Aid Societies. the ensuing conflict, but the struggle ended in favor of the Free Settlers.
This struggle presents the transition epoch of the conflict between the North and
South.
It closes the period of Congressional or peaceable Action,
and introduces
that of Violence
and War.
country lying to the west of the slave state Mis. souri and the free state Iowa, and with them The country of the in j n n i Kansas and Neionninff the middle portion oi the incline which descends from the Rocky Mountains
.
The
,-,
'
'
most part drained by the branches of two great streams the Kansas on the south and the Nebraska on the north. This region can
to the Mississippi River, is for the
not vie in agricultural capability with the rich lands lower down the valley. The annual fall of rain is in greatly diminished quantity, and uncertain in its intervals.
northwest corner possesses, however, great toj^ographical importance. It presents one of the gateways
Its
Rocky
depression in the chain of the Mountains known as the South Pass. To this
portal the
It is the natural passage to the Great Salt Lake, to Utah the Mormon country and to the Pacific.
approaches.
Leaving the mouth of the Kansas, where the elevation * s about seven hundred feet above the sea, Aspect of Nature ^ and making his way through Nebraska to the South Pass, distant in a straight line more than eight hundred miles, the traveler, as he ascends the incline, sees
ll -
410
in the
KANSAS-NEBRASKA.
[Sect.V.
topography and vegetation the future of that country. Though the banks of the streams may be belted with cottonwood, and the prairie covered with roses and sunflowers, the cactus soon marks out an increasing arid-
For want of better fuel, the evening encampment, imitating the Tartars on the steppes of Asia, makes its
ity.
dull-burning fire of bois de vache dried animal excrement. Through a valley as fragrant and beautiful as a flower-garden, the Nebraska goes down to its confluence with the Missouri. Its affluents in many places have
raised their beds from three to ten feet above the surface
At
five
hundred
'
feet is attained.
From
ly are
aud romantic
immense timberless
over
which range herds of buffalo, antelopes, and scenery. deer. Indians in picturesque groups, armed with bows and long spears, and mounted on wild horses from the Arkansas Plains, ride over the waterless sands. In the opposite direction w estwardly all is sterile and The rich grasses that flourished low down the frightful.
r
...
incline are here replaced by odoriferous plants, with dry, The country looks as if it pointed, and shrunken leaves.
has a dull, ash-colored hue Here and there, vaj>or issuing from hot condenses into clouds in the cold morning air, besprings traying the still unextinguished volcanic powers beneath.
swej)t
had been
by
fire;
it
of desolation.
The
prairie-dog, the burrowing owl, the rattlesnake, are found consorting together. In the mountain streams the industrious beaver is busy constructing his dam. At an altitude of seven thousand four hundred and ninety feet above the sea the South Pass through the Pocky Mount-
ains is gained. Fremont describes its gentle ascent as like that of the Capitol Hill at Washington. Pomantic
scenery
Chap. XXIV.]
KANSAS-NEBRASKA.
4;q
and
is met with in drifting sand, that sway in the wind all directions. So majestic is the wild grandeur that
even the half-civilized hunters are awe-stricken. They call the cleft through which the current of the SweetwaIn this elevated reter forces its way the Devil's Gate. are the head waters of four of the great gion It contains the c ,i .ni i head waters of four nvers oi the continent the Colorado, the
.
,-i
great rivers.
Columbia, the Missouri, the Nebraska. The highest peaks of the culminating ridge rise above the limit of eternal snow. Diminished luxuriance of vegetation, depending on insufficient rain, is an indication that Kansas can never compete, as an agricultural state, with the rich alluvial countries below. In Colorado and New Mexico, indeed
.
/~i
-i
.,
,
-i
-,
-.
throughout the entire range of the Rocky Mountains, are its position beprobably the richest gold and silver deposits Kansas and Nebraska, theretuiTaMmming in the world. fore, separate the agricultural life of the East from the minino; life of the West. Even had the South succeeded in reversing the result of the struggle for the possession of the former state, had she been able to send ten thousand negroes into it as she desired, it would have been of no avail. The condition of Nature is here ad1"
verse to the slave system. Here, if any where, apply those truths to which Mr. Webster referred when he said,
United States Senate, "As to Calil MexicQ) I M( Sl ayer y to be excluded from those Territories by a law even superior the law to that which admits and sanctions it in Texas of Nature, of physical geography the law of the formation of the earth. That law settles forever, with a strength
it is naturally unsuited to slavery,
m the fo^
^ ^^
human
enactment, that slavery can not exist in California and New Mexico. Those coun-
beyond
all
terms of
They
412
INFLUENCE OF NATURE.
[Sect.V.
With 1 >roken crests and deep valleys. The sides of those mountains are entirely barren their tops are capped by What is there that could, by any posperennial snow. induce any body to go there with slaves ? I have, sibility, therefore, to say, in this respect also, that that country is fixed for freedom to as many persons as shall ever live in
;
and I will say farther, that if a resolution or a bill were now before us to provide a Territorial government for New Mexico, I would not vote to put any prohibition in it whatever. Such a prohibition would be idle as respects any effect it would have upon the Territory and I would not take pains uselessly to reaffirm an ordinance
it
; ;
of Nature, nor to re-enact the will of God." This influence of Nature on man is discernible in all
the population of the interior of the continent. It has not escaped the observation of intelligent foreigners that,
still in-
removed from a colonial condition, of their ideas and many of their opinions deriving many from Europe, " the true American is found in the Great He has no susceptibility for Euroj)ean appreciValley. ation or criticism he looks on it with indifference or clis" c a n -" He is, and is determined to be, the mfluence of the as;
ir e
thewestem p eo-
\ j citizen of a great republic. despises useless people and mental idleness." has
He
He
no conception of individual superiority except as based on personal merit. Childlike in his disposition, he is prone to exaggeration. In him Individualism is carried to its extreme yet, as if in singular contradiction, he is intensely patriotic. Vast prairies covered by the unbroken dome of the sky, and navigable rivers all converging to a common trunk, perpetually suggest to him Unionism. During the civil war no portion of the country more efnone was more truly loyal fectively upheld the republic than the Free States of the Valley.
;
Chap. XXIV.]
ORGANIZATION OF NEBRASKA.
is
413
Hence
the region formerly passed under the designation of the Platte country and in 1851-2, premature attempts had
First attempts to
z e e
Temtory.
been made in Congress to accomplish its organization as a Territory. These were followed by a similar movement originating
pose passed the House of Representatives, but Avas defeated by the influence of the Slave States in the Senate,
because the Territory as thus organized would have been
free.
In the next Congress, 1853, the attempt was renewed * a v J A dispute at MM in the Senate, this time by the State of Iowa. once
* >
between
it
virtue of the
But on the part of the South it was asserted that, in Compromise of 1850, the slaveholder had a
the practical right to carry his slaves into that Territory result being a setting aside of the Missouri Compromise
line.
.
Under
these circumstances,
di-
it
ter-
pro osition to
ri^ory in dispute being about 400 miles in "b rea dth,to divide it as near as might be into
equal portions along the fortieth parallel of latitude, the result being that the slave state Missouri would thus have the Territory of Kansas on its west, and the free
Iowa that of Nebraska, the new Territories thus taking the names of their principal streams.
state
respect to the delicate but vital question of slavery, it was proposed to carry out the principle which had now become known as that of Congressional non-interference
With
that the United States Congress should stand in a neutral attitude, doing nothing to prevent
is,
that
414
CONFLICT IN KANSAS.
[Sect.V.
and nothing to promote the introduction of slavery, but should leave those points to be settled by the inhabit-
be the legitimate
1S50.
it
This was asserted to ants of the Territory themselves. result of the compromise measures of
practical
conse-
quence of this partition of territory would be that the Southern portion would eventually furnish a slave, and the Northern a free
But, under these circumstances, it was plain that a conflict between the two great parties must necessarily
state.
that the flood of free labor heretofore steadily overflowing the North, and the stream of slave labor
ensue
from the South, would be precipitated against each other on the banks of the Kansas. Not that this event could be avoided, or, indeed, for
any length of time procrastinated it was the i n / inevitable issue to which the country m its * ,, Q Ihe feoutn at once progress was coming. appreciated its position and foreboded defeat. Its statesmen recognized the impossibility of throwing into the
A conflict
;
-i
-i
disputed Territory a sufficient force of slaves. It was useless for the slaveholder to go there without them.
and the Border States were already drained nor was there any possibility of attracting negro labor from the Gulf to the comparatively barren slope of Nebraska. But the North had the boundless population In overwhelming supplies of Europe at her command. numbers she could direct her advancing columns of free
States
;
The Atlantic
emigrants to the point of contact. In the Congressional debates amendments were promt posed indicating how clearly the x political a J The slave
,
power
e
its
-I-
difflcuuyof attempt.
position
-j^
was appreciated
among
these
may
re-
Chap. XXIV.]
CONFLICT IN KANSAS.
415
fusing to immigrants
tion to
become
citizens, a vote.
Even before the struggle took place in Kansas. passage of the Territorial Bill, and its ap-i-i Immi<n\ation of j_i t> 1 j_' i slaveholders to proval bv the Iresident, treaties were made
The
'
j_
Kansas.
who had
reservations
in the country, their titles being extinguished as fast as with their slaves, possible, and settlers from Missouri,
crossed over, every exertion being made not only to orbut to exclude ganize the Territory on these principles,
Free emigration
116
NeT Enfind
Aid
societies.
the incoming free emigrants. In the East~ em States what were termed Emigrant Aid Societies were established, and settlers not
only prepared for agricultural labor, but armed for conflict, forced in. Every one saw that the Kansas affair
was the turning-point of the great struggle. The Missourians called upon the people of the other Slave States for help, and attempted by threats and violence to force the exclusion of their antagonists. The election for the
first
Territorial Legislature took place in March, 1855, * ne slave P arty The slaveholders carrying every thing before at nrst successful, i j^. wag a ffi rmec fa that nearly a thousand
squatters came over from Missouri to vote, and, still worse, that there were eight times as many votes as voters. At
Marys^ulle, where there were only 24 legar voters, not less than 328 pro-slavery votes were returned. In the Legislature
shortly after assembled, laws we're passed the penalty of death for various offenses against enacting the slave system.
w hich
r
Meantime the
ka.
The
free settlers
Convention at Topeformed a Constitution, and applied They to Congress for admission as a 'free state.
free settlers held a
The House of Representatives sent a committee to Kansas to examine into the facts of the case.
Upon
stitution,
Topeka or free* Conwas admitted by the House but the bill was
;
410
[Sect.V.
The
disorders
<
now became
'
ten-
condition
fold worse.
throagh'thSedifl-
puUs
Skirmishes, resulting in great loss of life, occurred between the free and slave parties. regiment of recruits from the Atlantic States, South Carolina and
'
Georgia, arrived. The town of Lawrence was sacked; but the Free-soil emigrants steadily increased in number, and
John
Fre-
Though Mr.
mont, the Republican candidate, obtained a very large vote (1,341,204 votes), a premonition of the rapidly-increasing strength of the Abolitionists, the
Accession of Mr.
-p.
Buchanan
to the
Presidency.
Democratic party secured the victory, and tt i He received Mr. .Buchanan was elected.
-.
-,
-.
->
iii
,-it under the Lecompton Constitution, as it was oil ,i i i t termed the southern party having held a Convention at that place, and formed a Constitution in accordance with their ideas. But so great was the influx of free settlers* under the auspices of the New England
j j
compton or
passed into the Lecompton their hands. They, of course, rejected and eventually, at the time the Eventual of Constitution,
victory the free settlers.
Aid
Southern States seceded, Kansas was admitAfrican slave-trade been open had we been able to throw ten thousand negroes into T7 tit Kansas, we could have carried our point
-i
Had the
'
without the loss of a white man's life" such was the exclamation of the South. But from the
beginning the issue of the
conflict
was
inevitable
the
Chap. XXIV.]
]*l
There can be no doubt that the South, in lending here re P ea ^ ^he MisSOUR Compi'OSe^ ^ Disastrous effect to re mise committed a mistake. So long as all Safof SeMtesouri Compromise. tenft>Wy QR ter S [ Q\ Q f latitude 36 30' WES
-l
"
>
In permitting the delivered to slavery, she had security. abandonment of that concession, she grasped at the shadof equality with the North, and lost the substance from that moment the anti-slavery party had her at their
;
ow
mercy.
duced a profound moral impression perhaps it might even be said, anger, at the North. It aided in conjoining Abolitionism with Kepublicanism, and in giving Mr. Fremont his vast vote. It disintegrated the Democratic parin the North, by alienating many of ty, and destroyed it those who could not but look with approval on whatever gave a fair field to the white laborer. It mortally offended all those who upheld the cardinal principle of Northern policy, that a popular majority ought to rule the Lecompton Constitution, which Mr. Buchanan so much favored, being, in their estimation, not the work of a maThe Democratic party and the jority of the people. heretofore allied, now looked upon each other with South,
distrust
the latter
had
The Kansas-Nebraska struggle marks an epoch in the sreat controversy between the North and the J o conThis
struggle
thfl^ericln'cS
fllct
South.
ary or Congressional debate between them, and introduces one of violence and open war. The South
clearly perceived that nothing
more was to be hoped for from peaceable measures, and that, if it were its intention
to perpetuate, or even to protect African slavery, do so only by force.
it
could
LDd
CHAPTER XXV.
ON THE CONTEMPLATED EESTOEATION OF THE AFRICAN
SLAVE-TEADE.
Pressed by a sense of the necessity of increasing the slave supply, both for political and economical reasons, some of the Southern Conventions considered the effect An abstract is given of the arguments of reopening the African slave-trade. in favor of and against that measure, presented to the Montgomery Convention in 1858, and of the probable effect of the secession movement upon it.
An
The necessity of an
imperious necessity pressed upon the South to find deliverance from the difficulties hourly in.
-.,
lo maintain a balance creasing around her. of power in the general government she must
.'-!
have more states; to have more states she must have more people. Already the transfer of slaves from the older -settled communities was disarranging local indusMoreover, it was obviously impossible to control try. the direction of that transfer. The slave was sent where
his labor
profitable, not
where
political considerations indicated. The North could consolidate its Territorial acquisitions by pouring into the West not only its own
Abundant population supplies for the North.
,.
natural increase, but also halt a million ot immigrants annually. That additional in7
. .
-i
1j?
..
crement of labor and of power was denied to the South. Her position was such that she could not look to Europe
for help.
was impossible for her to co-ordinate white and black labor, and the African slave-trade was piracy. It seemed as if she was under the finger of Destiny. She had been constrained to surrender the The south is steadIt
iiy
losing territory.
Chap. XXV.]
4^9
la-
Louisiana purchase, the Mexican acquisitions. bor was steadily encircling her in the West.
Ideas,
New England
become aggressive. Thev take the initia,. i tive, and quickly compel material interests to x " x
-1
'
South.
She did
not recognize that modern civilization is adverse to her institution. She closed her eyes to the fact that progressive
Europe
it
is
Nor was
And. tlicrc wpi*g misgivings in her own conscience.
alone against this exterior pressure that she had to contend. She had perhaps a still
more
.
difficult
task
mgs
of her
own
conscience.
At one time, in
the earlier stages of the controversy, there were, especially among her women, widespread misgivings as to the
morality of the institution, and many pious persons sinTo calm cerely prayed to be delivered from its evils.
these feelings, her clergy provided texts and arguments from the Scriptures, showing that the descendants of Ham were under a curse that among the Old Testament worsuch was thies slavery was tolerated, and hence it was
;
the phrase a patriarchal institution. The Pentateuch, the Psalms, the Prophecies, the Gospels, the Epistles, the
patristic writers,
were
all
shown
to
abound
in convincing
and approving evidence. In this there was an illustration of the remark of Car" necessities dictate principles, and that princirel, that
ples are always silent in presence of necessities." She also sought support from the hand of science.
Among
who
4.0Q
[Sect.V.
Attempts to remoye&oBemiflgiv-
j_i
and other such considerations, that the black races have sprung from an origin totally distinct from the white that their physical, and especially their cerebral construction, marks them out as an inferior race, obviously in;
Hence, though we should bear with kindness, our conduct ousrht ourselves toward them to be regulated on the same principles that we observe toward our domestic animals, to which we so often become sincerely attached that we should guide their actions, obliging them to submit to restraint, and subjecttended for servile
life.
ing them, if needful, to punishment. On her part, the North entered her protest against
The North
all
sllcn assertions
and
conclusions.
Her
press
argu-
ment, often tinctured with bitter invective. To strike at the weakest point of her antagonist, she assailed the con-
South the mails and post-offices were burdened with anti- slavery newspapers, pamphlets, and books. Among the latter one may be mentioned as having attained world-wide celebrity "Uncle Tom's Cabin."
science of the
;
It
was translated into almost every European language, and passed through hundreds of editions. It was read from Sweden to Italy, from the British Islands to the Russian Empire. If we may judge from its effect on the popular mind of Europe, the printing of that book was one of the severest intellectual blows delivered against
the South.
unequal conflict went on, it became more and mor e apparent that, if the South would preThe south atserve her institution, she must resort to reSprotestfby pression, and assume an offensive attitude. Accordingly her Conventions, which of late had annually
this
11
As
Chap. XXV.]
421
all
Northern
literature,
esj)ecial-
men were
ap-
works suitable for schools and colleges, so composed as to be in accordance with pro-slavery views. It-was recommended to exclude all Northern teachers, male and female, and put under ban all Northern colleges. Some of the more active members of these Conventions proposed to place all New England manufactures on the same footing that New England did their slaves some even went so far as to advocate the inflicting of punishment on all Southern men who should have dealings with New England.
;
In her general political movement, it is plain that the South was committing the mistake so significantly reprehended by Napoleon. She was converting a transitory She had necessity into a permanent political principle. herself that slavery had become every thing to persuaded her that, if she desired to be a power at all, she must be a slave power. She dreamt of a great empire around that American Mediterranean, the Gulf of Mexico, holding possession of the mouth of the Mississippi, and thereby " controlling the centre of the continent, but leaving out
;
A monopoly of
the cotton trade would give her weight among the nations of the earth a strong military government would enable her to more than rival the glories of ancient Rome. Slavery was her transient necessity she sought to make
;
it
the permanent political principle, the " corner-stone" of enduring empire. In all this she reversed the remark of " Montesquieu, that a slave nation tends to preserve rather
preserve."
To
obviously be
422
And
.
[Sect.V.
..
considers the
must be
,
increased.
Her
religious j-,^^^^
theAt'ru'ui'^iave-
thusiasm aroused by an anticipated brilliant future, she brought her communities to that state that they would
hearken to the reopening of the slave-trade. But, though they would hearken, it must not be supposed that the suggestion met with universal approval. Very many of her ablest men discerned that the movements of the Northern communities were only a secondary cause, and that it was the irresistible progress of modern civilization, the spirit of the age, that had found an embodiment in them. Against that spirit they knew that it was altogether useless to struggle.
were thus upon this great there were also, as will be presently found, conflicting interests the great proprietor and the poor white the slave-selling and the slaveitself there
;
In the South
using
That I may -with impartiality offer the of each, I shall, in the following pages, give an opinions abstract of the documents and criticisms submitted to
states.
committee having been appointed at the previous meeting of the Convention, held at KnoxKeport to the Mont-tr\~h* ,, -omery convenville, lennessee, 18 07, to examine into the tion, 1858. wants ot the South in respect to population
mm
'
and labor, and also to inquire into the condition of the natives of Africa, made to the Montgomery Convention substantially the following report.
"
It is
Abstract of that
report.
met
all
men
right.
On
that
Chap. XXV.]
423
theory it is leveling its members to the horizontal plane of a democracy. The other assumes that all men are not
equal
;
that equality
is
theory,
Social principles
not right and, standing upon this taking to itself the rounded form of a social The former embraces the poparistocracy.
is
;
t i i p i i i m i and while entitled, ular ideal ol the as;e therefore, to presumption in its favor, is es
j
,
-i
tablished in the
an d these races are unequal. That they are social condition of the south. unequal in character and capacity is too While the ruling plain, perhaps, to need an argument. race has been capable of progress while it has continually advanced in law and arts, and is able to sustain a structure of civilization not only over itself, but over the other race connected with it, that other race has not been capable of progress. It has never been able to rear a structure of civilization in its native land it has not been able to sustain the structure prepared for it in the West Indies it has not been able to stand inferiority of the negro race. Up ^ Q e structure sustained over it in the Northern States and neither in its native land nor in a foreign land, in a savage or civilized condition, has it ever yet been able to illuminate one living truth with
;
; ;
Yet, while so unequal, there is no apparent reason why these races should not come together. They are upon the surface of the same earth they both possess powers
;
"
and the God that made them must have and must have intended, that their circles of exforeseen, pansion must intersect; and, unless it can be inferred
of expansion
;
J.OJ.
[Skct.V.
tliat
crushed out the Indian on this continent, and er, as it has as man expels the untamed beasts, it would seem that
it
must
t
also
re,-%
it
should be in
lations ot inequality
a i
tor it is a
l
law
same great Architect that, it unequal in tact, must be unequal in relations that bodies of unethey qual gravity must rest at unequal levels; that oil and water, poured into the same vessel, must settle in planes of unequal elevation; and so, therefore, it would seem that in this form of social constitution there is not only no wrong, but that here, as elsewhere, if Nature be true to herself, superior power must find its office in superior
;
r>
i^
01 the
position.
"Nor, though Democracy be the ideal of the age, is there reason for believing that human society was intended to consist forever of such an unarticulated mass. No such
mass has ever yet commenced the inarch of social improvement. Whenever states have come to greatness, they have exhibited the condition of unequal classes. There were citizens and slaves in Greece, patricians and plebeians in Konie, peers and villeins in England, nobles and peasants in Central Europe and generally, wherever there has been social progress and power, there has been articulation, a ruling and a subject class, if not a ruling and a subject race an artificial, if not a natural
;
dualism."
to show, both from history and from Nature, that a progressive society must necessarily have decrees of sub, From the analogies of the latordination.
-,
-,-,
Chap. XXV.]
425
upward, and that it may have a form and organism, capacities and powers, as much above the Democratic ideal of the present age as the highest animals are above
tions
the lowest.
trade be admissible, the foreign slave-trade can not be wrong. They then depict the social condition of the ne-
gro in Africa. From different authors of repute they show the condition of abject barbarism and unspeakable immorality of that country, and conclude that there is no
class of
negro
life
that
to a state of slavery in America. The report next proceeds to consider the probable effect of the foreign slave-trade upon the forthe African slavetrade
tunes of the South, declaring that "the srreat want of the South is of population that this
;
is
necessary to political power, and political power is necessary to liberty. The two great sections of the country
and it is unreasonable to expect that there can be security either for social or political rights without the political power to sustain them. As the repubare distinct,
lic is at
present constituted, political power is dependent on population. If the North shall have a larger population and a majority of states, the North may govern, and it were scarcely sanity to hope that she will forbear She has that majority at present; she has a to do so. of two votes in the Senate, and more than fifty majority in the House of Representatives. By immigration and the more rapid increase of her population she is daily by acquiring an increase to her political power. With such an excess of population she can readily, perhaps she must necessarily, preclude the South from vacant territory.
her excess of political power she can control the Her purpose to confortunes of the South in Congress. trol the government, and, through the government, the
South, has already been expressed.
With
42(3
[Sect. V.
"The
its effect
slave-trade will give us political power. For evei ve slaves that come in, we acquire the on the
right to a representation for three persons in the national Legislature. Still more it is necessary to that we should have not only power population, but
:
no way of securing slave territory without slaves. Ten thousand Southern masters have made a noble effort to rescue Kansas, and have failed, but so would not have failed ten thousand slaves. Ten thousand of the rudest Africans
states,
is
imported as they would have been perhaps in Boston ships, south political by Boston capital, and under a Boston SlaVePOWer. . i 1 T^ driver, would have swept the Free-soil party from that land. Taking that Territory, we should also have taken her whole population of sixty thousand to the South so also might we take another state in Texas, in Arizona, New Mexico, Lower California, perhaps in NeIt is even possible that, with braska, Utah, Oregon.
shores,
.
-,
upon our
slaves at importers' prices, we might stop the mouth of free society in the older states, and lull
hungry
it
to re-
pose as far
"The
It will also
as the sterile regions of England. slave-trade will give us population; it foreign will give us power of extension to vacant
,
back
New
foreign enterprise to x territory, its embrace, foreign capital to its support it will furnish the commodity with which to subsidize
power of occupying
give
. ; '
territory J
.
it
will
1 ~i
->
draw
the emissaries of the North, and drive the North from every field of competition.
"
labor.
But, moreover, another great want of the South is of That is necessary both to material progress and
;
it is
necessary to material
progress, for without it there is no more hope of a more varied culture. Upon an area of 856,000 square miles,
it
Chap.
XXV.] ON
427
is
the realms of industry. more for labor here than they are forced to pay for it But cotton does and will pay more. It buys elsewhere.
The mechanic
up
all
the labor,
branches must provide his labor at cotton prices. Such must be the condition at the South until there shall be sufficient labor to satisfy the craving maw of cotton.
When
want.
that shall happen, the excess will fall to competition with the world in other lines of busiAnd satisfy the .--.. m, n laborlhe foreign slave-trade will give us pressing ness. ~ ~
.
-.
.
negro
is
ground
unfitted for the arts, but without the slightest for the assertion. Intelligence is necessary to the
labor only
his
construction of a machine, and to its regulation also ; but is necessary to its operation, and the negro, in
absence from reflection, is perhaps the best manipulatist in the world. "So, also, is labor necessaiy to the value of vested interIn respect of such interests the South ests.
It will increase the value of vested in-
common
-,-,been has
terests,
~ smgularlv unfortunate. J
to opulence.
At
the
The
foreign
population poured upon that section has given progress to every line of business, and value to every article of Lands bought one year are worth twice as property. much the next; and the people there, as values rise
around them, have the comforts of wealth. Not so with us. Here there has been no wave of foreign power to raise the value of our vested interests. On the contrary, the wave of labor is continually gliding away from us, and, though our labor has been productive, our products
would
abundant, there are many of us in the older sections who fail to sell our estates to-day for as much as was
paid for them in market fifty years ago. " This state of things would be altered by the foreign
j.o
[Sect.V.
That would give population, and population would necessarily advance the value of vested interests for between population and the prices of real interests at least there is an intimate and necessary connecIn the Southern States, where there are but twelve tion.
slave-trade.
alone
And parties of
real estate.
persons to the square mile, the average value j anci j g about six dollars an acre in the
;
Northern
States,
to the
square mile, the average is about fifty dollars to the acre. In England, where there are three hundred and thirtythree to the square mile, the value is about one hundred and seventy dollars to the acre. And so it is, that an increase in population gives a necessary increase in the val-
ue of real property
and
so
it is, also,
that an increase of
competitors will give a necessary increase in the value of every other matter that becomes a subject of a common
want.
"
It
if
the slave-trade
.->
,
shall furnish labor cheaper, it will lower the ,i n ri iii price oi slaves, and thus, therefore, that it
it
will injure one class of interests as much as will benefit another. But this is not the operation. It
*.,,..
little
There can be will give a cheaper form of slave labor. doubt that it will furnish slaves competent to many
offices
of the under
of
;
life
at a figure
much below
the
present range of prices but these will not come in comThose petition with the slaves at present in the country. who own slaves now will perhaps be the first to buy
to do the business of edube able, under the direction of cated slaves, they will yet educated slaves, to do the business which would else require a better class of labor and unless there should be a reduction in the prices of Southern staj)les, the trained slaves can not be less valuable than they are. " That there will be a material reduction in those prices
more.
Chap. XXV.]
429
is not to be Cotton may come down perhaps expected. to a level at least' with other staples, and it is perhaps desirable that it should come down to that level, for it is
a grave misfortune to be dependent upon the fluctuations of a single product. So it was with the Spanish colonies
of Mexico and South America.
product, gold, and that was
ers could
But tend
to divers-
the single
so remunerative that
It
no
oth-
JJf*
.occupations
approach , time to plant crops, to prepare food or clothing, or to practice even the courtesies of com-
was a waste of
and while it loaded the miserable miners down with metal, and gave millions upon millions to the treaslife
;
mon
ury of the world, it made those regions as wild a waste as though no human footstep had ever crossed them. So
also here. It is now not considered profitable to raise our grain, or cultivate the ordinary arts; and if cotton
were to range twenty years at twenty cents a pound, it is to be doubted whether every other culture would not be driven from the field, and whether we should not become a weary, wide-spread, horizontal waste of cotton the broad plantation, rather than as now, the province of
the North."
affirm that the requisitions of the for cotton increase at the rate of about six per cent.
per year; that the South is at present furnishing about two thirds of the supply; and that the effect of the opening of the African trade would be to drive India and Egypt out of the market, and not to produce a reduction in the price of the They then continue staple.
:
"
The next
is
of slaves.
Before
the suppression of the slave-trade the two races were nearly equal, and it is probable that they would have so
continued.
Both were
they natu-
probable, un-
is
430
tion
off,
[Sect.V.
between them.
slave-trade
was cut
open-
The
ing South demanded population. The white race could come, the colored could not and hence it has happened There are three millions that they are no longer equal. These add to the political of masters without a slave. to power of the South they add it its prosperIt will diminish the i number of the uoii- ity and greatness, but they add nothing; to J slaveholding class, I hey form no part the strength of slavery. or parcel of its structure. They do not look at it with repugnance, for it is popular at the South to admire it.
;
;
.
-.
-i
'
"^
they would share in the its loss but there is the feeling that they do not share directly in the institution. This condition, painful if it be not perilous, would be alleviated by the foreign slave-trade. That will diminish the disparity of numBut it will do more it will remove another diffibers.
abolish
it,
for
ruin of
present circumstances, it is not only impossible that six and a half millions of freemen can each own one of three and a half millions of slaves, but
culty also.
at j:>resent prices it is impossible that the mere laborer can ever do so. It is long, under the most favorable cir-
Under
dollars,
making
is it, it
longer
much upon a single venture. However much he wish a share in that desirable commodity, it is done may up in packages too large for - common use. And therefore *. , .,, n Ihe foreign slave-trade will bring; enough strengthen south ern society. tor all, and reduce prices so that poorer men
risk so
.-p,-,
.
.
-,
may
purchase;
it
the same social stand-point, and reintegrate and strength en our social system it will abolish the odious distinc;
between slaveowners and non-slaveowners. "It is objected that if slaves be thus allowed to come, they will come in great numbers and that, as the Slave
tion
;
Chap.
XXV.] ON THE
43 J
States will be
There is no danger ofanovercrowdSig
.,,
.
hemmed
,
in
a crowd the oouth to a kind oi social of slaves, But the committee see no reasuffocation. son to believe that such will be the case. On the contrary, the importation of one or two hundred thousand
,
.
by
will
-,
every Territory offered not then be necessary to fight as we have had to fight for Kansas, but mere slaves will win the battle for us. Those offered at paying prices
in the West.
It will
w ill subdue
T
the hearts of even abolition emissaries, and their rifles against the North, and with slaves only point sufficient for the work of pioneer advancement we may
open to the institution of domestic slavery the whole broad plain from the Mississippi to the Pacific.
Admitting, however, as many do, that the foreign slaveQ the SaVageS of Africa, trade wiU not Andnpneofforeign opposition. or <f[i rec tly the people of the South, it is yet contended that it will bring us into contact with foreign
"
m
'
To
not true, as is assumed, that foreign nations are tender on the score of human rights. England crushes
It is
France, Algeria Russia, Prussia, and Austria have Poland all march to opportunity, and, if forced to parted look for European morality in the history of European states, we shall find every where an unequivocal assertion of one great principle that power is virtue, and weakness
India
crime.
Nor
is it
true that
European
the spread of slavery at the South. They are hostile to the Union. They see in it a threatening rival they see
;
armed with one of the most potent productive institutions that the world has ever witnessed. They would crush India and Algeria to make an equal supply of cotton with the North, and, failing this, they would crush slavery to bring the North to a footing with themthat rival
432
[Sect.V.
But to slavery without the North nave no repugnance ou the contrary. they with repugnance. i if it were to stand out for itself, free from the control of any other power, and were to offer to EuEurope no longer
u.nks up,.n slavery
:
. >
upon fair terms, a full supply of its commodities, it would not only not be warred upon, but the South would be singularly favored crowns would bow before her kingdoms and empires would break a lance to win the smile of her approval and, quitting her free it would be in her option to become the bride of estate,
ropean
states,
the world, rather than as now, the miserable mistress of the North.
"Nor
There
is
no danger
Union.
deprive the North of her 1 of political power, and it will preponderance be opposed therefore, by the political tradesIt will
?
men
of that section.
But
to the mercantile
and commer-
give a richer field for operations than dared to dream of. To the manufacturing they have ever interest it will be the promise of more abundant cotton,
cial interests it will
It is interest,
not sentiment or opinion, that gives tendency to political action, and these interests, concurring, can control the
North.
love
it,
it
section love power, but they They will take it, scheme for
On
steal it perhaps, but they will not pay for it ; and if their interests lead them, as will be the case
to concur with the feouth in reopening the foreign slave-trade, they will not only not
.
'
mi
issue,
onward
and not
only, therefore, will it not break the Union, but in giving the South the road to political security it will present the only condition upon which the Union can be per-
mitted to endure."
Chap. XXV.]
433
Under the influence of these considerations the committee recommend the reopening of the African slave-trade.
The
subject of this report
topic with the
1
became
-
Montgomery Convention.
arguments and conclusions were powerfully assailed. They were objected to as out of
-n
the Convention being assembled, not for the purof proclaiming before Christendom intentions utterpose ly repugnant to grave and sensible men, and the inauguplace
;
ration of a novel
policy,
but
for
the purpose of invigorating a commerce crippled by discriminating navigation laws, and to stimulate Southern
It was denounced as a scheme for reducing industry. the price of slaves, and therefore nothing but agrarianism and abolition of the worst kind. It was urged that if
the argument about population proves any thing, white, and not black men, should be introduced, since they will As to count five instead of three fifths.
Examination of the arguments of
the report.
what was
.
said about instituting a ciassmca<? tion 01 slaves, that would simply be to put
-1
...
.,-
the intelligent negro on a footing of rivalry with the poor white. Moreover, it was recalled to mind that the South
had pledged
government to yield the African slave-trade in an unconditional and absolute manner, and that by urging the policy now proposed the Democratic party at the North must be offended, and
In short, the proposition to revive perhaps sacrificed. the African trade is simply and purely a proposition to dissolve the Union, because it can not be carried while the Union lasts, and it will shock the moral sentiments
of Christendom.
On
this
it
was demanded
it
"
:
If
it
be right to
raise
not right to import them ? Suppose a captain from New Orleans were to ask the gentleman
slaves for sale, is
LEe
4^4
[Sect.V.
from Virginia if it was lawful for hirn to buy slaves, the answer undoubtedly would be that it was, provided lie did not do -it in Cuba, or Africa. But if it be right to buy slaves in VirBrazil, ginia, why is it not right to buy them in Africa, or wherever they can be had cheapest? Why should we be
c
AfrkanTppHcs
t.J
compelled to give the Virginian $1500 a piece for his slaves, when we can get them in Cuba for $600, and in Africa for one sixth of that ?"
this measure declared that, so far from public sentiment at. the South being The Southern peo, , n n ,i pie disapprove of ready tor the proposed reopening or the trade, it was apparent that its introduction here had caused a deplorable division of the Convention
-.
The opponents of
itself.
was
Eighteen months had elapsed since the subject agitated, and not one primary meeting of the South had endorsed it not one state of the South had taken any action upon it except South Carolina. It was therefore inopportune and inexpedient to ask Congress to
first
;
It
pecuniary interest influenced her position on this question. But, in truth, at this moment, so great was her domestic prosperity that her slave labor could be rendered as profitable in her own limits as even in the Gulf States.
Inexpedience of provoking public
-,.-,-,
institution of slavery had been estab.. n lished among us against the opinion ot the
The
.-.
civilized world.
had yielded
to that opinion, ; the influence of that opinion, had South, however, against progressed constantly and steadily, until she now presents the most beautiful, stupendous, grand, and unrivaled
system of labor and capital that the world has ever beThis she has done by being united and firm in her held. Is it wise, then, now, upon a question that is position.
Chap.
XXV.]
435
own, differing only in name ? Let us rather wait, and let an overruling Providence guide our institu-
Such were the views expressed at the Montgomery Convention on the reopening of the African slave-trade. A motion to lay the report upon the table, and print it, was unanimously agreed to.
So far, therefore, as the Montgomery Convention may be taken as representing Southern opinion, it appeared
that that opinion was adverse to the ex]3ediency of reopening the trade. In addition to the arguments I have
briefly alluded to as presented on that occasion, others may be gathered from the literature of the South, and
movements
with secession.
movement with
more and more imminent
proposition of Southern
:
the
secession.
becoming As an
example, I may offer the following quotation " In other quarters the jjrospect of reopening the slavetrade has been made an argument for the dissolution of
the Union, and the establishment of a Southern ConfedBut eracy composed of the present slaveholding states.
A
,'
. Southern Con-
is it
grant tne slaveholding states rj^ course f things in the late Southern Convention would go to show that we could never hope
ne^ieopen'the
trade.
by a Southern Con-
strongest part of that Confederacy would federacy. interested in protecting the slave-sellers here at home be
The
against competition with the slave-sellers in Africa. Virand Missouri, together with such ginia, and Kentucky,
43G
TIIE
[Sect. V.
other states as
now derive large profits from raising nethat are sold to Mississippi and other slaveholding groes in a Southern Confederacy see, as they do states, would
now
see,
Africa that
The Border
States
would
effectually prevent
them from
.
soiling
preStpoKcy oT
the Eastern Itates,
their Christian hands in any such bloody , business. And these communities that would
.
would control the Southern Confederacy they would outnumber their victims, and force them to content themselves with the home market, and take their negroes at home prices. The northern states of this Southern Confederacy would seize
j.^^^
th e
;
slave-trade
a monopoly of our Southern demand for negroes. This was made manifest in the late Montgomery Convention,
for just such a disposition operated upon the representatives of those slave-selling states in that Convention, and prevented the passage of resolutions in favor of reviving
the slave-trade.
"
It
would not be
a Southern Confederacy, before its northern members would begin to declaim that a country, exporting as much
Union would export, could never be safe without a commercial and naval marine; and the consequences of that outcry would be that they who raised it, having the power, would immediately institute
cotton as our Southern
such a system of legislation as Avould build up a national marine, naval and commercial, at the expense of the SouthAnd
be turned into another New En-
so our cotton interests in a /~i 1 i 1 i 11 southern Confederacy would soon be called J gland, upon to pay most roundly for protection to merchants and seamen in Maryland, Virginia, and other
ern exports;
0,-1
-1
more thickly-peopled states. The establishment of such a system of protection for seamen, it is easy to see, would only pave the way for a like protection for
of those
Chap. XXV.]
43^
ing states. The burden of the protection would fall on the exporting states, and the advantages of it would be distributed among the dense population of our more
northern
states, for it
naturally turn to
would be those states that would commerce and manufactures rather than
project contemplating
"So
it
the existence of a Southern Confederacy as likely to secure the slave-trade for the people is founded on a double
error.
So
far
not only
fail
from doing what it proposes, we should to realize our dearest object of procuring ne-
groes at cheap rates, but we should become again the prey of a section disposed, as its late action against the free-trade in negroes evinces, to use its power for buildAnd
the cotton
in g
UP
Shel^/tnSve: rights that this controlling portion of the Southern Confederacy would turn out to be another England
own
We
New
To dissolve the present living on the fat of our lands. Union and erect a Southern Confederacy would be, so far as we are concerned, like setting fire to the ships and fac-
New England only to rebuild them in Virginia, and that, too, after it has been at our own cost that they were first built. We had better, then, hold on to the possessions we have already, and not throw them away for a delusive hope that we can get a slave-trade with
tories of
Africa
into a Southern government, when, instead of realizing that hope, we can only make sure of
by going
being precipitated into the most impoverishing of protective tariffs under such a Southern government."
SECTION
VI.
the South of ingratitude for the sacrifices she had made in the unfair seizure of territory of throwing from herself the burden of taxation of assaulting, through attacks on Slavery, the domestic life and the very existence of Southern society.
Union; of avarice,
struggle it became plain had perceived the impossibility of mainthat the South taining her supremacy in the Union, and henceforth con-
templated the protection of her interests by separation. The labors of Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Yancey, and others, who
necessity of secession,
had
pre-
way
At
this point
i^q controversy. that sentiments of animosity should influence the journalism and writings of both parties.
Not without
It
increasing remonstrance did the South accept her destiny. Imputing her jjosition not
,
to the operation oi natural causes, but to the political action of the North, her literature
,1
t*
-i
,i
is full
of accusations and protests. As a key to the explanation of the great events that ensued, it is necessary to present these statements, and the more so since, unlike the statesmen of the Revolution,
who
published to
Chap. XXVI.]
439
the world, in their Declaration of Independence, a succinct account of the grievances they had endured, and the acts of tyranny that had been inflicted upon them, the
statesmen of the South plunged into civil war without any formal avowal of the causes which had led them to
that step.
I purpose, therefore, in this and the following chapter, to present such opinions, accusations, and remonstrances as may be collected from the literature of the South, and
the speeches of her senators and representatives in Congress, through a few years antecedent to the breaking
arrange them together, preserving, as far as may be possible, the language, and especially the spirit of the sources
was
said that the geographical and territorial question involves every other existing between
North as respects
territory.
Territorial rela-
tions involve political relations, as the latter involve moral and social relations, and therefore what-
ever has contributed to the territorial ascendency of the North contributes to her political, moral, and social as-
cendency. If the North be established territorially ascendent over the South, the South must prepare for absorption by her, and, since their institutions are antagonistical, those of the South are doomed to destruction.
Let
it
what
terri-
New
Great original do.
England combined was _not as exten_T V Hernia, Georgia, or either ot the CarJ? olmas separately. Georgia and the Caro. .
..
sive as
'
Virginia held all the refrom the northwest far beyond the Ohio gion stretching
;
440
SACRIFICES
MADE BY THE
SOUTH.
[Sect. VI.
River to the Great Lakes; and, by her local law, negro that vast domain. In prepaslavery existed throughout ration for the Ordinance of 178 7, Virginia surrendered to
the Union, or, more truly, added to the power of the North, all the present States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, MichigaUjWisconsin. Georgia and the Carolinas follow-
ed her example. They did this for the sake of bringing about " a more perfect union."
To Virginia
Especially of vir-
that union
other state.
At
ary War her population was more numerous than that of any of her confederates she alone had a navy. Her domain, having every source of wealth and power, was as large as the Continent of Europe exclusive
;
would have filled her treasury. On the south she was separated from France and Spain by Georgia and the Carolinas on the north she was defended from Great Britain by New EnHer sea-line was amgland, New York, Pennsylvania. ple in Norfolk she had one of the noblest harbors on the Atlantic coast. Nothing was wanted but time to make her the greatest power on the American continent yet, with political generosity and magnanimity, she surof Russia.
land-sales to emigrants
;
Her
rendered
not even reserving the receipts of sales of her public lands, but laid every thing on the altar of the Union.
all this,
With
nessee,
her
sister
Union
Kentucky, Ten-
Alabama, Mississippi, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michof these, the last five were given igan, and Wisconsin On her part, the North surrendered only to the North. two states to the Union, Vermont and Maine, and gave 1 none whatever to the South. As the result of this magnificent surrender, the South threw into the general treasury a funded resource which
;
Chap.
44^
nas y^lcl^cl enough to pay the cost of all the wars waged since the Revolution, or of all territorial acquisitions since made twice over. On the
Their res lendent
generosity.
They might,
yielded, her absolute political predominance, oyer or th would have been assured.
^N
.
when
there were twenty-four states in the have had fifteen, the North only nine.
What was the return that the South received for this reThe
insignificant
re-
equivalent they
ceived.
splendent * political generosity? a x provision, * , , , *\ , T) " three originatine; with .Pennsylvania, that j
.
00
.
fifths
numbers in the apportionment of federal representa" tion ;" and one emanating from Massachusetts, that fugitive slaves should be surrendered to their masters on claim being made." But have not both these provisions been desecrated as far as was possible, and the latter, particularly, absolutely rendered of no effect % Let us observe the deportment of the North as respects
eral
conduct of the
At
the time of
torhorystace of-
the acquisition of Florida by purchase from Spain (1819) there were twenty -two states,
equally divided between the North and the South eleven for each. The Territory of Orleans had been formed
into the State of Louisiana, but now the District of Louisiana came to be disposed of; it contained what is now
known
as Arkansas, Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota, the Indian settlements, the eastern half of Kansas, the whole of Nebraska,- Washington, and Oregon. The local law of
negro slavery existing in Florida and Louisiana was coextensive with the whole that law was guaranteed by the United States under the treaty with France it was
; ;
44 2
[Sect. VI.
also sanctioned
fect,
by the
Constitution.
If carried into
ef-
premacy of the South, notwithstanding the overreaching of the North with respect to the earlier "Western Territories ceded in the beginning. The North viewed the subas an affair of power and sectional interest, the South ject as one of law and light. At this juncture Maine sent her petition to Congress, and was without difficulty admitted into the
Question.
~ Union, ffivms to the JNorth a maiontv ot ... To restore the equilibrium, Missouri one.
'
.
TT
AT
,t
.,
presented herself. The North, holding a majority in the House of Representatives, refused her. She would remember, neither treaty stipulations, constitutional provision, local law, state-rights,
nor
common
justice.
She
threatened the very existence of the Union unless Missouri would abandon local law and surrender negro slavShe claimed that negro slavery should be excluded ery.
The South, amazed at such audacity, became indignant and disgusted. In this extremity, Henry Clay introduced his Compromise. But Avhat was the actual operation of its twofold terms ? The
from the west of the Mississippi.
Humous
effect to
compromise meas-
S outn surrendered to the North a region five times as large as that which it reserved.
.
From
slaveholding states and from the Louisiana purchase the North now secured an enormous extent of territory for
future settlement.
it
isfied
might have been supposed that rapacity would be satbut, fifteen years later, the admission of Arkansas
;
as a slaveholding state
was
by
the
counter admission of the free state Michigan. In 1845 the question of the annexation of Texas and the admission of Florida came up for solution. At this
Chap. XXVI.]
443
time there were twenty-six states in the Union, thirteen of the North and thirteen of the South, Ci State of the two 6 of a^lfnnVxatiin giving an equilibrium in the Senate, but of Texas. leaving in other respects a vast disparity.
(
'
The reserved territory of the South was fully exhausted, but to the North there remained a mighty field for future expansion, stretching across the continent to the Pacific Ocean. She also held a majority in the House of
And now a growing tendency toward Representatives. sectional formation began to appear in the South, as it
had long before done in the North. Future civil commotion and disunion were plainly discernible. The state motives for the annexation of Texas were to equalize sectional antagonisms and balThe motives for
that annexation.
slaveholding and free, Domestic peace would be assured, not -by side by side. the repression of overgrowing forces, but by bringing counter forces into equalizing play, and foreign peace assured
by
state,
by the resulting monopoly in the supply of cotton, which had now become essential to the industrial pursuits of Europe. That monopoly would subject the manufacturing nations to our mercy, hold the civilized world in bonds to keep the peace, and eventually lead to the ac-
Texas and Cuba, united with Florida and Louisiana, would land-lock the Gulf of Mexico, and keep in security the mouths of innumerable tributaries flowing in all directions, watering and draining inexhaustible valleys, spreading out eastward and westward two thousand miles to the Alleghany Mountains on one hand, and to the Rocky Mountains on the other, and extending northward an equal distance to the lake plateau, already teeming with human life and human wealth, and capable of sustaining in luxurious ease three hundred
quisition of Cuba.
millions of people.
444
[Sect. VI.
Texas presented an area equal to that of the French empire, under Napoleon ,it measured at least Unfair action of ,, the North in that three hundred thousand square miles; it x matter. had valleys as large as the whole of New
;
-.
-,
produced cotton, sugar, tobacco, grain, quickand gems. But when the question of its annexation was presented, the North proved hostile to the admission of any more slave states, and even still more hostile to the idea of being again equalized by the South in the Union. treaty was presented to the Sento be at first rejected, and eventually conceded ate, only with the provision that the Missouri line should be ap-
England
it
plied.
to the invasion
and
con-
as a
Snhe Me xkan
ges
ues ^ f Mexico, a magnificent episode in l our national annals. That was terminated
c
For treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. twenty millions of dollars purchase money was secured not only the disputed territory between the Nueces and
by the
the Rio Grande, but also the whole region embraced in the Mexican departments of Upper California and New
Mexico, to which may be added, as its legitimate fruit, the Mescilla Valley, procured afterward for a few millions
more.
And
this
left
the whole territory to be grasped by the North. Texas having been admitted as a slave state, Wisconsin was hurried in as a free state, Florida and admitted. ly, in like manner, been
Iowa having
previous-
There were now thirty states, equally divided between the North and the South, with a margin on both sides for a farther increase. Thus stood the Union at the time of the Mexican acquisitions, which caused the initiation of that series of measures whose successive enactments, beginning with the "Wilmot Proviso" and ending with the "English Compromise," have not only again re-established the control-
Chap. XXVI.]
445
ing predominance of the North, while leaving the South means of ex-
but have imperilled the continuance of the goveminent. Already the admission of Califorit secures caiifornia and Oregon, n '^ Oregon, and Minnesota have, given to the North a majority of three states in the Union, and of six senators and sixty representatives in Congress, soon to be countlessly enlarged through the ceaseless admission of other states of similar political character, with whose increasing numbers the limited division of Texas
can not compete. Already the non-slaveholding power has grasped the legislative while commanding the executive department of the government; already has that
power reduced the supreme justiciary to a mere temporary bulwark, the only bulwark of the Constitution and the
South alike against the clamoring rule of agrarian majorities and turbulent popular masses. In the Congressional debates arising on the adjustment of the acquired territory in conjunction with that of Oregon, it was contended that the South had no right to take slaves within the limits of the Mexican acquisition,
the Constitution of Mexico, as well as by the decree of the Dictator Guerrero, slavery did not exist in those Territories at the time of their acquisition by the
since
by
Moreover, slavery was excluded from Orthe terms of the Missouri Compromise. It was egon by therefore insisted that the whole should be dedicated to
United
States.
free labor.
In 1850 the measures proposed by Mr. Clay were one by one adopted, and the Territories in the one direction stood under the Wilmot Proviso, and in the other direction under the Mexican laws, leaving the South entirely despoiled, but embracing a realm for the North
premacyiuthe
ion.
as large as the thirty-one states of the UnThe Senate, as well as the House, pass-
44G
[Sect. VI.
emment became
idential aspirants.
The North and the South has each its own form of The domestic history of the civilization. e Union is the record of a struggle of the insSt?hw 8tw
'
r.ni'to
force of the
tellect of the
ever-in-
creasing numbers and power of the North. But in the contests for territorial possessions, waged from the beginning of the Union, the North uniformly came
forth the victor
the true source of her strength lay in with which she could increase her populathe rapidity If it was absolutely necessary for the South that tion. there should be more slave states, those states could only
;
be secured by stripping the old ones. The North, besides her natural increase, was pouring into the unoccupied West 350,000 emigrants obtained from Europe anThere was no restraint on their innually.
But could not contend against the
.
-i
answering to the prohibition that had been imposed on the South. In the Savannah Convention it was affirmed that the drain of slaves from the Border States had become so
troduction
great that a scarcity of labor had occurred in them, and that either the African trade must be reopened, or labor
nothing
,
-i
must be obtained from Europe. But if the latter be the case, we shall experience the same evil that has befallen the North that imported population will rule, and the It is of no use servant will become the political master. in a wild hunt after new territory to preto be occupied The North will serve equality of power in the Senate.
beat us at that, for she has boundless population supplies. The mistake with us has been that it was not made felony to bring in an Irishman when it was made piracy to
bring in an African.
become the political master the actual position of the North a proof of that ?
The servant
will
Is not
Look
Chap. XXVI.]
44^
vagran tta
the
her rabble that are elected as the political representatives of her cities? Is it surprising that demoralization should
pervade
all
her ranks
unscrupulousness and spend with extravagance, when t]i e victimHer pauper classes t}lQ J tn0W tllat tne 7 al e to
pluuder the rich,
ag t ^ Q ol( J prey Q f Roman times, under a color of law and by legal forms, Universal suffrage has despoil them of their wealth ? emended the law of landlord and tenant to the disadvan-
^ ^fy ^^
has interfered with the marriage state by facilitating divorce, and separating the estates of men and their wives it has compelled property owners
tage of the former
;
it
to bear the
it
;
to educate the children of the poor its next step will be to compel them to supply food and clothing. The lower classes will before long attack that which has been the
they will insist on the stoppage of emigration, that they may keep up the wages of These classes strike their blows through their labor. in the state Legislatures. Reckless assessments power are followed by remorseless taxation there inAnd
source of Northern
power
perpetrate
e
>
u ndefthe forml of
*s
member
satisfied
He may profitably reerty but to submit. that the power, which for the present has been
with a part, could, had
it
pleased
the whole.
The point that has not yet been reached when the owner of a patrimony found it his best interest to abandon it without compensation and flee.
were
was attained
in the
Roman Empire
whom
liquor-sellers
448
[Sect. VI.
abound, consorting together with felonious intentions, prowl round the public buildings and plunder the public In the city of Philadelphia, out of five hundred purse. thousand people there are not fifty thousand against whom an execution in a civil suit could take effect. In exemptions of themselves from the uniform operation of law, and putting a premium on their poverty, the lower
mandates by their votes. is paying for those population supplies by which it is overrunning the Western lands and overwhelming the South. In vain it is erecting superfluous churches, and sustaining with a lavish hand its voluntary ministry. Does not the experience of the whole world teach that no community can be virtuclasses enforce their
That
is
.. .. . Miserable condi-
ous unless
its property is 1 J x
absolutely secure
/
damsel iu thi dissipation, with all their atNorth tend ant vices, take firm hold of him who is not sure that the wealth he has to-day will be left to him His maxim inevitably becomes to enjoy to-morrow. while he can. Considering himself as the predestined victim of those who are for the moment beneath him, he reciprocates their frauds by fraud, and meets their acts of
gber
"
Luxury and
secret dishonesty. can not blame the rich for their abnegation of political life, their carelessness about public affairs. They
legalized extortion
We
by
have learned by experience that they can not exert the The torrent of democracy is too vioslightest control.
lent for
the
them
to resist
Demoralization of
leU
women.
it is
0U* f itS
W N
Masculine
the country, preaching the right of their sex to discard all feminine delicacy, and divide with
women perambulate
men
inet.
the labors and honors of the forum, the field, the cabThey are to be seen in the dissecting-rooms of med-
ical schools,
Chap. XXVI.]
449
to dispute with the physician his patient and his fee. They do not hesitate to invade the sanctity of the pulpit, commending the clergyman they would displace to be-
take himself to some more manly pursuit. Such has been the progress of territorial aggrandizement of the North such the social cost at which success
What
object
-i
A
-
-,
-1
sustaining a general government which in the nature of things must be shortlived. In Washington there is no
individual with permanent responsibility ; all its political designs are ephemeral. True statesmansldp looks to a
distant future
;
itself
have no power to resist enthe passing moment. croachments universal responsibility means nothing. Do not let us deceive ourselves. Our past material
;
We
only with
prosperity offers us no guarantee as to what n tjT't our future is to be. It did not arise from
.
-,
(*
the nature, the purity, and vigor ot our govbut from causes altogether extrinsic. Isolation ernment, from Europe secured our independence our lands tempted the foreign vagrant our products, especially our cotbut ton, became essential to the industry of the world these are not conditions on which empire can be founded; it must depend on a far more enduring principle
;
; ;
gether illusory.
than
fickle
popular
will.
The
rules
drawn up by a man
I.-Ff
450
[Sect. VI.
for his own guidance are without power order can only be made sure by constraint. From the manner in which the North has dealt with
North as respects
state burdens.
manner
dens.
the territorial acquisitions, let us turn to the in which she has dealt with the bur-
The English war left a debt of 130 millions; that war was closed by the treaty of Ghent in 1814. During the years immediately preceding a great change had occurred in New England. Its commerce, which had been nearly had been replaced by manufactures. An impodestroyed, sition of high duties would accomplish a double purpose, incidental protection to the new interests, which giving without it could hardly have sustained themselves against foreign competition, and at the same time would meet the requirements of the debt. Without opposition the tariff f 1816 was passed. Even Mr. Calhoun Resistance of the sonth to the warmi y promoted it. But it was not intended to be a permanent measure, or to establish the
tariff.
principle of protection.
was expected that a reduction of the duties place, but the South learned that what had been yielded to New England at first as a favor was now demanded as a right. Separating the idea of provision
In 1820
it
would take
burdens from anticipated private gain, South Carolina, through her Legislature, denounced the system as a wretched expedient to repair the losses incurred in some commercial districts by improvident and
misdirected speculation
Union which
are
still
their utter ruin, to fill the others. The offensive principle, and the opposition The tariff of to it, were now steadily gathering force.
to compel those parts of the prosj^erous to contribute, even by the coffers of a few monopolists in
1824 was declared by the Legislature of South Carolina to be unconstitutional; against that of 1828, commonly
Chap. XXVI.]
INJUSTICE OF TARIFFS.
45 1
called
in the
"
In 1832, losing all reasonable hope of redress, she resorted to Nullification, and thereby compelled Congress to listen to her remonstrances.
the entreaty of Virginia a conflict was avoided, and the oj^eration of the nullifying ordinance was postponed.
At
Meantime
But the
tests against the " Force Bill."
"
Force
which passed in Congress, showrapidly concentration of power was taking effect. As Mr. Calhoun in his oppoed
how
...
of the President, the army and navy, and entire militia it enables him at his pleasure to subject every man in the United States not exempt from militia duty to martial
to call him from his ordinary occupation to the field, under the penalty of fine and imprisonment, inflicted and, by a court-martial, to imbrue his hand in his brother's blood. There is no limitation to the power of the sword, and that over the purse is equally without restraint, for
law
among
it
contains
no appropriation, which, under existing circumstances, is tantamount to unlimited appropriation. The President may, under its authority, incur any expenditure, and pledge the national faith to meet it. He may create a
millions, to be paid out of the proceeds of that section of the country whose dearest constitutional rights this bill prostrates."
a debt ofvery
at the
moment
of the termination
The system of revenue from customs is therefore a mos* stupendous injustice and deception an injustice of a reve-
i ns i(Ji 0US robbery, enriching one section at the expense of another, and building up such centralized
4;)L
>
[Sect. VI.
places as
New
York.
extravagant government, and afford one of simplicity. existing system is not only to cenwealth in a few large towns, but to aggregate it tralize in a few hands therein, and give birth to that most vulall aristocracies,
an aristocracy of
money.
If
now we
it
the South,
may be
said
its
own compromise
in the Consti-
iL portation of
siaves,
tution to continue the importation of slaves, ancl now se ^ s U P a ^ aw higher than the Constitution to abolish property in slaves which It deprived us in 1819-20 of neighbors.
it
sold to
its
an equal settlement in more than half the territory acquired from France. It seized upon Texas north of 36h of the slave territory degrees, and then appropriated out It excluded us from of that state 44,000 square miles. all the domain acquired by common conquest in Mexico,
and deprived slave labor of the privilege of operating in _ wealthiest mines on earth the o 2;old And in the Call- the
.
..
..
niines of California. It bribed a slave state with ten millions of common funds to sustain a prohibiIt insists on the abolition of slavery in New Mexico.
fomia mines.
tion of slavery in the districts, forts, arsenals, dock-yards, and other places ceded to the United States. It de-
mands the stoppage of the domestic slave-trade, and thus it would cut off the Northern Slave States from the profits
of production, and the Southern from their sources of supply of labor. It forbids all equality, and competition of settlement in the common territories by citizens of the
Slave States.
slave states.
lified
It repels
all farther
admission of
it
new
has nul-
the fugitive slave acts, and the South has thereby lost half a million of dollars of slave property annually.
Chap. XXVI.]
453
It has
and other
its action
denied extradition of murderers, and marauders, It has caused and shielded the murder felons.
^
on domestic slavery,
mas ters
It
sl aves .
by
on
state authority the spoliation of slave property, and, the contrary, has made it a criminal offense in the citi-
zens of several states to obey the* laws of the Union for South Carolina was the protection of slave property.
threatened with executive vengeance for nullification, but not so these nullifying states. It has advocated negro
equality, and made it the ground of positive legislation It opposes protection to hostile to the Southern States.
slave property on the high seas. It has kept in the South emissaries of incendiarism, to corrupt the slaves, to induce
them
And offenses in the matter of the Fugithe Slave Law.
-,.
to
-t
run
off,
or to excite
,
them
to rebel1
lion
and
Tj_
what
it calls
underground
railroads,
its ten-
ure so precarious in the Border Slave States as nearly to have abolitionized two of them, Maryland and Missouri, and is constantly making similar inroads upon Virginia
and Kentucky.
grant Aid
Societies
under
obtained from foreign It has invaded Virginia, and shed the blood of her ain. It has justified and exaltcitizens on her own soil. own
ed to the highest honors of admiration and respect the horrid murders, and arsons, and rapine of the raid of John Brown, and has canonized that felon as n '. It incites the slaves to revolt, a sam t of martyrdom. It has burnt towns
: .
.
'
cattle, and formed midnight conspiraIt has profor the depopulation of Northern Texas. cies " claimed to the slaves the horrid motto, Alarm to the
454
SUMMARY OF NORTHERN
OFFENSES.
[Sect. VI.
food and water sleep, fire to the dwellings, poison to the of slaveholders." It has published its plan for the aboliAnd promotes
radons of the
in-
to rescue slaves tion of slavery every where n i i c j* i t i all hazards, form associations, establish at
i
pline
It
armed companies, to
ments.
It
-i
presses, to use the vote and ballot, to disciraise money and military equip-
n
.
-,
01 a boOK,
publications.
mg
Helper
1111
it S
111
r\
'
'
from slaveholders.
It tries to
communicate with
slaves,
to encourage anti- slavery emigrants in the South and West, to seize other property of slaveholders in compensation for the cost of running off their slaves, to enforce
emancipation by
all
means, especially
by
limiting, har-
assing, and frowning upon slavery in every mode and form, and finally by the executive, by Congress, by the postal service, and in every way to agitate, without ceasing, until the Southern States shall be abandoned to their fate, and, worn down, shall be compelled to surrender and emancipate their slaves.
It has repudiated the decisions of the Supreme Court. lt LaS mailed the Soilth from the pillpit,
^
Eol^kvehoiders
up
to scorn,
It divides all
S Q C ts
we]l
ag
p ar ties.
It
denounces slaveholders as degraded by the lowest immoralities, insults them in every form, and holds them up It has already a majority of to the scorn of mankind.
the states under
its
House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States will soon have, by the new census, a majority in
;
the Senate, and before it obtains the Senate certainly will obtain the chief executive power of the United States.
It
has announced its purpose of total abolition every where in the states, territories, districts, and ceded places.
Chap. XXVI.]
455
It
And
has proclaimed an irrepressible conflict, a higher law than that of the Federal Constitution itself.
A1 And
it
..
yet,
.,
/>
11
ii
i*
it
may, when
it is
back on
But
New England
5Sto?8tetirighE
as the south.
But let New England reme mber that gy; if she succeeds in the overthrow of our slave system,
guaranteed by the Constitution, the day will inevitably come when she will have to seek protection in the very state-rights she now derides. What is it that gives her the influence she relentlessly uses in the United
is
which
States Senate ?
like those of
herself,
is it
What
Rhode
states of the
West ? What
tariff
on us her atrocious
bills?
her senatorial representation. But power is irresistibly centering in the Mississippi Valley. Not much longer will those rising states endure that each of their little confederates on the Atlantic coast shall send two
senators to Washington, and they themselves no more. They will put into the scale of the balance common sense
against the mouldy provincial charters of English kings and a violated Constitution.
Let
New
tection as
much
England beware. State -rights are her proas ours. She is hastening the day when
she will have to fight a battle for her senatorial representation. Let her take warning by what has occurred
in Europe.
The Constitution
is
not
Those treaties were to the parties of the Holy Alliance. But little by little they Constitution of Europe. the
450
[Skct.VI.
have been violated by those who have had the temporary power, until it may be justly asked, What are they worth now ? If Europe has come, will not America also " He shall take surely come to the robber maxim that who has the power, and he shall keep who can 2"
CHAPTER
SECESSION
XXVII.
AND
ITS
DBEAM OF EMPIEE.
South Carolina requested a conference with Virginia for the purpose of considering the dissensions between the North and the South, and the remedy for them. Among the arguments adduced in the Slave States in behalf of Secession are, the the irreconcilable differences between alleged temporary character of the Union It is dethe dreadful social condition of the former. the North and the South clared that the guarantees of the Constitution have become worthless through the that it force of events that the North must dominate over and ruin the South is itself ruled by foreign vagrants ,and that there is no salvation for the South
; ;
; ; ;
but in separation.
That Secession
will not resist
and
South security, prosperity, glory that the North that foreign nations, particularly England and France, will
;
favor
it.
While
South Carolina
with Virginia,
secession
re-
was yet only in contemplation, South Carolina sent a delegation to Virginia to re-.
quests a conference
among
'
of deputies to it on the part of Virginia. She represented that the great question which underlies all action on this subject is whether the existing differT O Inquiring whether e c an p m aTwi th h e ences between the North and South are tembe
. .
porary or permanent whether they result from accidental derangements of the body
of a normal condition. In the one case temporary expedients may restore soundness; in the other the remedy is either hopeless, or it must be fundamental and thorough.
politic, or are indications
From
secession.
the representations made on that occasion, and also from the contemporaneous literature of
the feouth, we mav without dimcultv gather J the tacts that were presented with a view of proving that the estrangement was permanent, that com,
/lciji
-.
'
458
[Sect. VI.
promises would not end it, that it was deeply founded in the political condition of the two people, considerations in
us
behalf.
-yy e
ma y
gee
wnence
ft
was that
in South-
ern opinion there was no hope but in secession. It was said ours was from the beginning a double namu TT The Union never
.
tionality.
/
Our O government
>
fought for independence, not for union ; they never regarded the latter but as a temporary means for
securing; the
The
colonies
moment.
It
mere instrument for use at the was a coalition to make head against a comformer
contending parties not entering into it as but as sovereign states. individuals, The North has departed from that primary condition, and has made its principle of individualism _,_ * Radical difference
.,
. J-
th e
south,
the very basis of political life and of governmeat. The South has retained the original
we have
seen
State-rights, Dem;
have been merely ephemeral phantoms the objects for which they have been struggling have been transitory. There are really but two parties in the Union, and they are o o I geographical ones the J There is but one FnAmerica-frlTor North and the South they are contending, slave labor. nQ ^ or mere superiority, but for empire. There is but one political question, free or slave labor. This diversity of j)osition originated in the social difm and ference of the Northern and Southern coloThe North the Puritan and the CavfnortiTanEde n i sts respectively more so by climate. aii er t}ie man f i cj e as and the man of maThat difference has been strengthened terial enjoyment. The one has lived amid the austerities of by climate. Nature, extracting from a reluctant soil his scanty living, and turning to manufactures, commerce, navigation, to
ocrat, Whig, etc.,
.
Chap. XXVII.]
The
has been in
life
and increasing competition, has enforced the principle of individualism in the continually one the abrupt stoppage of all new-comers of the laborrope, implying incessant
;
and marked more and more distinctly an unchanging boundary between master and servant in the other. That radical difference Individualism on one side, Independence on , the other, is the essential Their principles of rrn AT 1 action are totally cause oi this dissension, lhe JNorth perdifferent.
sists in asserting
that
all
men
its
are equal.
In
own
eyes, it fa-
It insists that the crew natically clings to that delusion. The South, appealing to history shall manage the ship.
and
to present
is
experience, declares
that nothing but a philanthropical fiction equality man never did exist without subordination that, in its very nature, order implies a constrainer. The North is
;
in error in
its political basis ; the in regarding the family as the true social right element. The one means selfishness and low" attributes ;
South
is
the other those nobler qualities that adorn the best aspects of humanity. The one means license that can only
be kept down by
ful subordination
the
force
the other spontaneous and cheermaster, his wife, his children, his
servants.
agement of immigration have destroyed totally all ideas of social inequality. Every hour individualism has become more and more intense. It has engendered a clamor for equal political rights and equal distribution of
property.
It has
;
conceded independence to
it is
women
in
regard to property
4(30
[Sect. VI.
in politics.
Dreadful social
weakening with fearful rapidity the marriage relation, and sapping society and
a^Sciea^fthe morals by increasing the facilities for diIt forgets that the subordination of vorce. sexes is the very basis of the family, and that the family
ought to be the basis of the whole social system. The Northern legislator represents nothing but himself. He imposes heavy taxation without restraint; it increases his own emolument, and gives an opportunity for profitable jobbery among his supporters. Personally he has His interests are antagonistical to little to be taxed.
those of his constituents.
He is only interested to find he can go with impunity, and hence the government of which he is a member must necessarily be exand corrupt. Demoralization and Their corruption travagant a e e fe derai goYernpolitical debauchery have extended from
how
far
the municipal and state governments of the North to the federal government at Washington. The United States Senate Chamber has degenerated into an auction -room for presidential candidates. The Roman empire was jrat up to auction once, and the rabble soldiery who sold it were paid in hard cash but our republic is outraged every fourth year it is sold on credit, the
; ;
successful bidder being expected to make his out of spoils extorted from the people.
payments
On
the other hand, in the South, the development of slavery and the stoppage of immigration has
strengthened the * S
3
The descendants
never consort with the black. There must be a distincThe master, tion between the master and his laborer.
life,
stead-
race equality in the North is pitted against race inequality in the South and since forms of government
Hence
Chap. XXVII.]
4.QI
must take
necessities of
society, there arises an unavoidable antagonism between the statesmanship of the two sections. It is an antago-
nism which
is
radical
and permanent;
it is
one that no
no chance
11
evfrlhlke^ffits
is there that the North will awaken from her dream and shake off her Does she not universally impute delusion?
agement
legislation, which has, for the encourof her industry, laid intolerable financial burdens
to the very brink of civil war which has promoted labor immigration to the utmost for the one, and prohibited it
be hoped that the light of science will ever dispel the delusion as to the equality of man, the equality of races ? Is it to be hoped that the North will shrink aghast, before it is too late, from the gulf into which her society is inevitably plunging ? Wealth
to the other
?
has already utterly demoralized that society. The facility w ith which it is acquired makes parents indulgent
T
and children
extravagant.
Aristocratic
young men,
brought up in idleness, can not tolerate the pace at which their fathers have marched to riches, fast as it has
verge of perdition
w coim t e rfeiters tion? t]iey fill tlie and forgers, and stock society with legalized thieves. Trade teaches them sharp practice in defrauding one an-
its society i S
on the
^ een
j^
other.
bets
it
spurious charity substitutes prisons for gibrefuses to execute a convicted murderess simply
because she is a woman, and permits her to leave the bar at which she has been tried amid popular applause.
of states pardon criminals without stint, loose to renew their assaults on society.
402
AGRARIAN DEMORALIZATION.
;
[Sect. VI.
The
professions feel the debasement the pulpits are filled with sensation ministers and political preachers, seeking their own individual gains, and not in humility and
truthfulness teaching morality, charity, holiness. The literature is so sordid, and intellectually so wretched, that
no influence on public opinion, but leaves it to riot in its own wantonness. The laboring man, who might otherwise have been contented, is disturbed with suggestions of fictitious wealth in periodical mobs he strikes for more wages *and less time. He views askance the abode of his more fortunate neighAnd of agrarian splendid bor, with its lawns, conservatories, gardens, orchards, libraries, statues, pictures, carpets, and gilded
it
exerts
furniture.
The
that no
man
evil genius of society whispers in his ear ever yet grew rich on his own labor ; that
an aristocrat is merely the quintessence of a mob of paupers, whose life-blood has been squeezed out of them to
Under the guise give fortune and consideration to him. of charity the poor are demanding hospitals, supported
an expense of millions extorted from the great cities by compulsory taxation retreats in which they may spend the winter in idleness, or where their children may be
at
But
number, should perpetually diminish, and be those of industry. They are only a remnant replaced by of monastic mediaeval times. It is not enough that the have primary schools in which the elements of learnpoor
ing required by humble life are taught; they demand academies and colleges, which they compel the rich to sustain. They ask what better title God has given to the
land than to the
air,
and
why
it is
to repossess themselves of the former as to breathe without or purchase the latter. The Irish or Ger-
interruption
man
landed only yesterday, catches the agrarian contagion, and the Northern trading politician
immigrant,
who
Chap. XXVII.]
453
appeals to this as his justification for depriving the South These people, he of her rightful share in the Territories. the power through universal suffrage, will says, having
appropriate our private estates the public lands in the West.
It
if
we do
if
man who
has
nothing be allowed to
property. The will never be permitted to be stable. Arbitrary confiscations can be accomplished under the forms of law and
rule, there can be no safety for tenure of office and the tenure of estates
by
its
relentless taxation.
If
we
wealthy
turn from the poor to the rich, the consequences of tlie classes gma of equality are at once wit-
nessed in social leveling, the insecurity of the facility of chance fortune. The rich are possession, the successful vulgar of yesterday their children will inevitably return to a like vulgar condition to-morrow.
;
are licentious.
Can we blame
when we
consider
its
should they not enjoy their uncertainty ? while it is yet in their possession % Let them eat and
Why
own
The gold of California, drink, for to-morrow they die. of the South, has been poured in an unceasthe wealth
ing, a living
stream into
of that city are in licentiousness little short of the depravity of old Rome. Jeweled ladies, in extravagant attire,
life,
wave
their
The Northern
Its
system
,
moralization
municipal gov-
ernments have
people
through the deproducing among the , , .... n through public and private luxury
fail
it
must
is
-1
poses
through sectional strifes for sectional purthrough the carelessness of the taxed classes
affairs
;
about public
4(34
[Sect. VI.
long as there lingers any hope of its adeis already commencing to display itself quacy. New York, acknowledging her own inin the cities. She changes capacity, appeals to the state to rule her.
in only so
Distrust
the tyrant" but she will never get rid of the tyranny. In the South, country life has an ascendency over city life in social and in the political power
It is ruled and ruined by foreign vagrants.
;
-y-r
.-,
.
,
.
,
-.
JN
ortn
it is
the reverse.
TT
.
,
.-,
Hence
it is
that
ing
down
the influence of the foreign element is bearevery thing before it. In Great Britain the
population of foreigners in a population of nearly twenty-one millions is little more than a quarter of one per
In our Southern country the ratio is probably about the same. But in twenty -nine of the principal
cent.
cities
of the North
it is
do not blame men who cut themselves loose from a ship which they see is hopelessly on fire. And is the South to be blamed when she thus contemplates the soconsequences dogma repudiated the dogma of the equality of manand seeks to
delivcial
We
of the
er herself
its
inevitable ca-
tastrophe
The
dissolution of the
in the Decla-
ration of Independence it was foreshadowTne constitution Not all the advanto?trtSEto&F ed in the Constitution. ages of the federal bond, and doubtless they
have been great, can prevent that issue. So long as the North makes the equality of men and individualism its so long as the South has foundliving principles of action ed her society on ideas that are totally antagonistic, a The little questions and little parconflict is inevitable.
a century has produced are giving place to the greater question and grander parties that have underlain them all, and that now are on the eve of asserting
ties that half
Chap. XXVII.]
4^5
The guarantees
The uaranteesof
on
havbec5?
worthless.
of the Constitution have spontaneously become absolutely worthless. That instrument contains within itself the means of its
Qwn p ervers i on to the domination of the North and the subjugation of the South. The character of the government may be completely changed without forms. Constitutions are inviolating any constitutional
tended to protect minorities against the aggressions of majorities but the best of them is powerless for protec;
tion under a
the exercise of federal numbers, may be to the wishes of the dominant section.
made
to conform
two
By
the entire government may be changed. If the present ratio of increase of the North over the South should continue for twenty years, and
dominate oveV and
despoil the South.
from the lerntones, the JNorth can legally and constitutionally reorganize all the departments of the its character. government, and radically change The equality of numbers which existed between the
two
for they sections at the origin of the government and their consequent equality of power, has were equal
been destroyed by the progress of events, which forbid The disparity between them all hope of its restoration. to a point at which the South will be utwill advance to withstand the encroachment of the terly powerless North. We have only to see how they stood a century stand now, and what must be their relaago, how they tion ten, twenty, or fifty years from this time. And hence arises for the Southern people that gravest of all questions,
longer can they continue in the Union with safety and without humiliation ? Are they willing to sink again to the level of colonial dependence, to exchange the imperial robes of sovereignty for the liv-
How much
L Go
4(3(5
PROGRESS OF ABOLITIONISM.
?
[Sect. VI.
Shall the
dead ?
arise
from
progress of population with greater alarm may the South look at the aggressive disposition suddenly displayed by Northern ideas. The Republican party of the North has
added to the majority of numbers majority of force. It has ceased to esteem political virtues or moral elements
of government.
It looks
The
North have become nothing Aiarmincr process of Abolitionism. cai designations. They mQre geogra or disdain separate sovereignty, and march in repudiate
states of the
Let us see how they propagate their ideas. Before 1840 the Abolitionists were an insignificant facIn that year they nominated a candidate for the tion. Presidency, and obtained only about 7000 votes. In 1844 they brought him forward again, and gained 62,000 votes. In 1852 they reached 157,000 votes. Up to this time they had not one vote in the electoral college, but in 1856 they suddenly increased to 1,342,000 votes They gained the voices of eleven states, with 114 electoral votes. Their candidate came not far from a triumphant election.
a mass.
!
It was plain that the North was not going to permit any The demand of that party farther extension of slavery. has steadily risen with the display of its unquestioned
At first it was no slavery in the District of Columbia then a restraint on the internal slave-trade then no more slave territory, no more slave states, no national
power.
;
;
legislation for the extradition of slaves; then the universal denationalization of slavery ; and at last, by the
recognition of Hayti, the equality of foreign negro powIf we inquire, Has the fundamental idea of the North ers.
signs of change ? Is there any reasonable expectation that it will j)ass away, never more to return,
shown any
Chap. XXVII.]
4(57
answer.
Such ideas will triumph, but they will triumph in anarchy and among ruins. The condition of the North is
fast
approaching to that of Rome in the time of Pompey, when, as has been- affirmed, not even an angel from heavThat universal education on en could have saved it.
which she is relying for deliverance will only disappoint her. Education has nothing to do with these things. In Central Asia there are relatively more persons who know how to read than there are in New England, and what
the condition of that vast country ? Moreover, intelligence joined to wickedness has ever produced the worst men. The North is so intoxicated with the pursuit of
is
wealth that she is absolutely in danger of -.. ^ 1 t 1 1 i Individualism has losing her own soul. Individualism, 1 gone to such an extent that persons can not co operate on any other ground than that of private interest. systematic hypocrisy pervades all her somoral corruption has ensued in every grade. ciety from the objectless concentration of wealth. Tt would have been very different had there been some social idea kept in view very different had there been conjoined to this avarice a devotion to the advancement
The North has
livered itself
deup to
*
-1
..
philosophy, literature, science, or to the development of reason. But instead of this, the North has no of
art,
intelligence she respects only social she persuades herself that the crew on deck activity have as extensive a horizon as the man at the mast-head, and derides contemplative intelligence at the general
; ;
Occupied with the gains of the passing point of view. moment, she cares nothing if the state be ruined by the
overbidding of demagogues, provided their promises are Yet if she would only open her eyes she for her profit. would see how transitory are her possessions that noth;
408
And
can not help
its
[Slot. VI.
beine mied by
ing can prevent a redistribution of proper, ty except a large standing army, which is the only possible guarantee for her society.
.
.
-,
-,
"i
it
may come
at first un-
der the guise of a police. The idea that government is a sovereignty of numbers excludes all virtue and all wisdom it makes the rabble infallible and omnipotent it is an atheistic idea, substituting the wild whim of an irre;
sponsible majority for conscience, and justice, and the dinances of God.
or-
Then
it
marching
fo^ Qwn
The North
^^ ^g ^ ^fa Q
D estmy>
early discovered the inevitable advantage that must accrue to her from the stoppage of the African slave-
trade and from contemporaneous free immigration from Europe. She has won the game of empire. In seiziug the prize, it is for her to take care that she does not grasp
surrender in the intoxication of success the very principle that has given her strength. democracy must neces-
Aristocracies need none. sarily have a chief. irresistible is the tendency to centralization in
affairs
And
so
human
The
that no one can successfully struggle against it. North will find in the ruin of the South an empire
with the States as provinces, and the Territories as proconsular governments. The generals to whom she will be compelled to intrust the administration of the subjugated countries will ingratiate themselves with their troops, as
did the commanders of the legions of old. Each departmental army will have its favorite candidate for supreme
its
own
Rome.
If the question already
Chap. XXVII.]
NECESSITY OF SECESSION.
?
4(39
they result from accidental derangements, or have they insinuated themselves inextricably into our system ? Can they be ended by comproThis* must be mises, and harmony be truly restored?
rary or permanent
tween the sections
are irreconcilable.
Do
our reply that the alienation depends on an intrinsic constitution of our nation. The ni l a i people 01 the JN orth and those 01 the bouth
^t-xti
;
have had a
climates
;
different origin
they
are
have had a
different history
there
is
absolutely no hope
of restoring equality between them. Power has passed to the North, and the South, if sh,e remain in the UnioD, must be in humiliation, her labor and her society at the
mercy of her
rival.?
What
The only
Secession will release us from all farther vexatious en-, tanglements with the North: it will leave
.
its
consequences x
their principle of human equality, and us to develop ours of subordination it will separate yoke-fellows who are unequally matched, who have no motive of
;
action in
common.
since perhaps
persuade herself that she is delivered from the shall cerresponsibility she so deprecates in our sin.
she
may
We
tainly have no reason to regret that we are no longer involved in her impending social catastrophe. It will give us a present imperial domain of more than 800,000 square miles, inferior to no re., .. ;.,.. Advantages that t i i be expected may gion upon earth in lertilitv a domain which, x
.
from secession.
as experience shows,
is
.-,.-, destined
.
'
to furnish
Its genial climate yields clothing for the whole world. shall every thing that man can desire.
We
-,
..
ritoriai position
nave a population or ten millions to begin a population at once religious and with
.-,-,.
470
conservative,
[Sect. VI.
and yet capable of rapid advancement in Moreover, we must remember the remark of Montesquieu, that it is better to have a great treasury than a great people, and our cotton will supply that. Our land is stored with untold resources of mineral and metallic wealth. We shall have a surplus revenue of two hundred millions, a shore-line four times the extent of
civilization.
Masters of the mouth of the Mississippi, we shall hold in dependency all the vast regions drained by its farthest streams. As the Romans, basing their political
theirs.
on a slave system, and availing themselves of the advantages of an interior sea, soon brought their feebler
life
neighbors into subjection, solidly establishing themselves all round the Mediterranean, so the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean will be a Mediterranean for us. Feeble communities, such as those of Mexico and Central America, can be easily conquered by arms, or still more easily
by
gold.
They
and
Cuba, Jamaica, Hayti, Syria, fate of Cyprus, Sardinia, Sicily. Across a narrow isthmus is the Pacific Ocean, and where the West merges
into the East are the venerable emj)ires of Asia.
and Greece.
follow the
bond.
Military character of the new repub-.
Our
social
.,..
economy
-.
will necessarily
.
make us a military people; our extensive If sea contact will make us a naval power.
the slave-trade be reopened, every Southern citizen must become a permanent soldier. It was so in Rome. Retaining in our control the means of withholding or supplying the raw material on which the chief industry of
Western Europe depends, our friendship must be ed by the most civilized states of that continent.
court-
Chap. XXVII. ]
EESIST.
4^
no danger that the North will resist our sepThe North win not arati n if onty we present a bold front. resist secession. True, the Union has been an inestimable privilege to her, but it is the habit of commercial communities to be accustomed to changes in partnerships. They are broken down, and modified, and renewed to suit the necessities of the moment. She does not realize that in fact we are two distinct peoples, and perhaps w ill satisfy herself with a delusive hope that if for a few years we She part, we shall at last gravitate back to the Union. will make no war or if, taking advantage of the vexation of the moment, her trading politicians goad her on to The avaricious spircoercion, it will be a feeble attempt. it of merchandise counts the cost of all its undertakings it will compute what the Union is worth, and whether a
is
r ;
;
There
war
T
will pay.
of our statesmen, who is profoundly acquainted w ith the character of our antagonist, has declared that he w ill undertake to drink all the blood that will ever be
One
shed in this struggle. peaceful separation it will be and if not, what have we to fear ? Accustomed to horses and arms from our youth, we can carry devastation through the valleys of the North, and lay her rich cities under ransom. In the ear of the Puritan we will call the
;
roll of
ument.
Nor must
will be divided into contending
She
be forgotten that while in this undertaking we are united as one man, our antago.. 1 a. l i i nist will be divided. great party, which
it
.--,
-.
-1
-1
for many years ruled the nation, will, when the emergency comes, take sides with us. Regarding the dissension as nothing more than a struggle for spoils, it will complacently plume itself in the expectation that a
new compromise can be effected through its alliance with in another peus, and that we may participate together
472
[Sect. VI.
riod of power.
Political parties never look beyond tlie which they stand. They only discern when
unwarlike char-
acter of our rival, the pusillanimity engendered by trade, the delusion of old party associations we shall also have
;
troops of friends in those who are connect-^ And anion" these v many e(l ^ n us by mercantile transactions, who Mends to the Southare gaining fortunes out of our wealth. From
the injustice that has for so many years been practiced toward us in diverting our riches to the financial centres
of the North,
we
shall extract a
compensation at
last.
That prize
friends.
too valuable to be lightly surrendered; it will yield staunch, though they may not be disinterested
is
If from
America we turn to Europe we have every reaIn the saying, now become prous, that cotton is king, there is
among
a profound
political truth.
Manufacturing industry
is
almost entire-
ly dependent on our agricultural prosperity, and so intimately affiliated is one branch of business with another,
that a cessation, or even an interruption in our customary supply of that fibre would shake the financial world to
its centre.
So completely has England become dependThe south wm be ent on us in this respect that her interests aided by England, ^^ nQW jdgj^jfigd w ^ll Olll'S. She is reCOUciled to slave labor by its fruits. Her interests have cor-
rected her philanthropical aberrations. In Liverpool and Manchester our institution finds able and energetic supIdeas of social inequality, such as we have adoptport.
have long furnished her with rules of government; indeed, as histoiy shows, she has ever been under their Her aristocratic and ruling classes can not do guidance. otherwise than look with favor on our attitude they can
ed,
;
Chap. XXVII.]
473
not help seeing in us the counterpart of themselves. Her lower and a portion of her middle people, who are still infatuated with the delusions inculcated by Clarkson and
Wilberforce, may hold aloof, or perhaps be found in opthe Northern dogma of the equality of men position commends itself to their approval but then they can
exercise
action.
Moreover, England has not forgotten the events of the American Revolution. If the colonies were
\V}i o^p old rppollootions win incite her to retaliation.
rig-kt in
er
not the states right in accomplishing anothThe bitter cup of which she was once compelled to
.,.
may aid in presenting to her enemy, for in what other relation has she ever regarded the Union than that of an enemy ? She has not seen unconcerned its prodigtaste she
and
maritime power.
The duels
re-
pulses of the last war, are not forgotten. If even she had no consideration for us, she will go as far as she may to
break the Union down. Should the North blockade our coast, she will deride its power, and find means of furnishing us with supplies and munitions of war. Her influence with other great powers will be exerted in our behalf. To her we shall be indebted for recognition as an independent nation. Of France we perhaps might despair were it not for her enlightened ruler. Her American souvenirs are very She prides herself that different from those of England. the glories of the Union were kindled at the flame on her
supreme moment of colonial triumph at Yorktown, French soldiers and French shij)s were presShe sees in transatlantic maritime power a counterent.
altar
;
that, in the
poise to the power of England. But to her emperor, next after the glory of his counof his dynasty. The history of seventry, is the stability
474
The French Emporen -win
[Sect. VI.
ty years ,
-,
-,
that depends
-i
-i
-i
011
befriend the
Jknojlana.
lo Enoiand
tions are profound. He always will, as far as an independent monarch may, acknowledge those obligaIn matters not of vital concernment to France, he tions. will gratify the wishes of England. In our struggle he will be found in close alliance with her. Thus, in whatever' direction we look, at home or
And hence
e
seces-
is
is
d t0
where we are
to secede
is
to
Such were some of the arguments urged by the Cotton States on the Border States; but not until these views reluct- niany weeks after South Carolina had taken ^ antly. her fatal determination and tasted of the
.
mortal fruit of secession did Virginia follow her example, and then not with a conscience convinced. Virginia saw the hollowness of the allurements she knew that upon
;
her must
and heaviest blows. There was and grand in the motives that desomething melancholy
fall
the
first
make
common
cause
w ith
r
her imto
petuous companion.
those which the great English poet has so exquisitely described on a not dissimilar -occasion
"No, no; I feel The link of Nature draw me. Flesh of my flesh, Bone of my bone thou art, and from thy state Mine never shall be parted, bliss or woe .... "For with thee
Certain
my
resolution
is to
die."
ix.
CHAPTER
SECESSION
Though
XXYIII.
PEKILS.
ITS
the South had become committed to the support and promotion of Slavery, and was ready to enter upon Secession in its behalf, there were among the leading men some who foresaw the ruin that would be inevitably occasioned by that measure, and protested against it.
Speech of the future Vice-President of the Confederate States against Secession and in defense of the Union.
Foe many
_ m South becomes The
,.
.
years before she took the fatal step of secession, the South could think of nothing "but o
"
To understand her condition we slavery. have only to look at the subjects considered in any of her annual Conventions, such, for instance, as that at Knoxville, where a thousand delegates were pressingSidcTof siavery
'
Their time was occupied in discussions respecting the removal of the African slave squadron the exclusion
ent.
;
of abolition reporters
bility for debt
;
South
the Fugitive Slave Law approval of the introduction of slavery into Nicaragua organization of slave So engrossing had the slave idea become that it police. was the standard by which every thing was measured.
;
Infatuated with that one idea, she could not perceive that secession meant armies, war, centralization
,.
it meant in power, despotism, that even before warlike resources could be brought into operation there must be conservations, forced
ot civil
.,
It meant suspension of loans, arbitrary contributions. the habeas corpus, confiscation of estates, martial law, a
that victim
herself.
victimized.
In a
47(1
... that state-
[Sect. VI.
. Ami
togeSar^uaap^
pear,
mond.
thiug was irresistibly concentrating in RichThe very men who had brought on the war to
maintain, as they affirmed, the right of a state to secede, were the first to deny that right when it was asserted against themselves, and were urgent to put a state that
The Southern people soon alleged it under martial law. exhibited that awful condition into which Tacitus says the Romans fell during the reign of Domitian they lived
;
in muteness.
for a rain
bow in
a shower of blood.
Would they
have foreseen
it is
one great empire than be composed of many little The Roman peasantry, delivered from their petty local tyrants, were always attached to the empire, which put an end to little wars, and gave them peace. Had the South succeeded in her attempt, there \na the smaller states be ruined. wou i ci have been interminable intestine wars, in which the smaller states would have been ground to In her unreflecting haste, South Carolina forgot dust.
physical power alone that determines position. However, there were not wanting in the South men
that in the
commonwealth of nations
it is
of great experience and of large understanding, some of them destined to play a conspicuous part in the grand drama that was at hand, who, knowing that too often the very substance of ambition is only the shadow of a dream, saw through all the specious fallacies of secession,
and raised a warning voice to their countrymen. Among sucn was Alexander H. Stephens, shortly to secession resisted
]3ecome Vice-President of the Confederacy. In the secession Convention of Georgia he said " This step secession once taken, can never be recall-
by Mr. Stephens.
Chap.XXVIII.J
tftj
the baleful and withering conse.,, ,, x quences that must follow (as you will see)
all
,
,
and
will rest
time.
-n
on this Convention
/~\
for all
coming
When we
South desolated by the demon yours will inevitably provoke when our green fields and waving harvests shall be trodden down by a It will bring an in, , , , n p vasionofthe murderous soldiery, and the nery car of war J J
Sonth,
sweeps over our land, our temples of justice laid in ashes, and every horror and desolation upon us,
who but this Convention will be held responsible for it, and who but him who shall have given his vote for this
unwise and ill-timed measure shall be held to a
strict ac-
count for this suicidal act by the present generation, and be cursed and execrated by posterity in all coming time
for the
low
"
wide and desolating ruin that will inevitably folyou now propose to perpetrate \ I entreat you, and consider for a moment what Pause,
this act
reasons
selves in calmer
you can give that will satisfy yourmoments what reasons you
can give to your fellow-sufferers in the calamity that it will bring upon us. What reasons can you give to the
nations of the earth to justify it ? They will be the calm and deliberate judges of this case, and to what cause or one overt act can you point on which to rest the plea of
justification ? interest of the
What
North
assailed
what
South has been invaded ? what justice has been denied? and what claim, founded in justice and Can any of you name to-day right, has been unsatisfied ? one governmental act of wrong, deliberately The government , has invaded no and purposely done by the government at right of the South. ,. 1 1 Washington, of which the South has a right to complain ? I challenge an answer. On the other hand,
-,
-.
-.
-,
-i
oil
let
me show the facts (and believe me, gentlemen, I am not here the advocate of the North, but I am here the
47S
[Sect. VI.
friend, the firm friend and lover of the stitutions, and for this reason I speak
and every other man's interest the words of truth and soberness), of which I wish you to judge, and I will only state facts which are clear and undeniable, and which now stand in the authentic records
faithfully for yours, mine,
It
of the history of our country. " When we of the South demanded the slave-trade, or _ _ the importation of Africans for the cultivaconceded the
1
l
-t
s, 'nnd a FflgitivesiaveLaw.
twent"v'v, .-u
tion of our lands, did they not yield the right we asked a three for twenty years 2
When
representation in Congress for our section, was it When we demanded the return of any funot granted ? gitive from justice, or the recovery of those persons owing
fifths
labor or allegiance,
tution, tive Slave
"
was
it
and again
ratified
?
not incorporated in the Constiand strengthened in the Fugiinstances they have vio-
lated this compact, and have not been faithful to their engagements ? As individuals and local communities they
.
but not by the sanction of governalways been true to Southern interests. Again, look at another fact. When we asked that m re territory should be added, that we it has obtained for
so,
spread the institution of slavery, did they not yield to our demands in giving us Louisiana, Florida, and Texas, out of which four states have been carved, and ample territory left for four more, to be add-
^g^
have your
rule, or
last slave
by the
tion, which may reasonably be expected to follow % " But again, gentlemen, what have we to gain by this pro-
Chap. XXVIII.]
4^9
have always had the control of it, and can yet have we remain in it, and are as united as we have been. We have had a majority of the Presidents The South has had , n n n ,n i a preponderance of chosen from the feouth, as well as the control and profits. places and management of most of those chosen from the North. We have had sixty years of Southern
if
,
We
-1
'
Presidents to their twenty-four, thus controlling the executive department. So of the judges of the Supreme
Court, we have had eighteen from the South, and but eleven from the North. Although nearly four fifths of the judicial business has arisen in the Free States, yet a
majority of the court has always been from the South. This we have required, so as to guard against any interpretation of the Constitution unfavorable to us. In like manner, we have been equally watchful over our interests
in the Legislative branch of the
the presiding
had twenty -four, and they eleven. Speakers of the House we have had twenty three, and they twelve. While the majority of the representatives, from their
-
greater population, have always been from the North, yet we have generally secured the speaker, because he, to
a great extent, shapes and controls the legislation of the Nor have we had less control in every other country. department of the general government. Attorney generals we have had fourteen, while the North have had but
five.
Foreign ministers
we have had
eighty-six,
and they
is clearly from the Free States, because of their greater commercial interests, we have, nevertheless, had the principal embassies, so as to secure the world markets for our cotton, tobacco, sugar, have had a vast majority on the best possible terms.
We
of the higher officers of both army and navy, while a larger proportion of the soldiers and sailors were drawn from
4$0
the North.
[Sect. VI.
Equally so of clerks, auditors, aud comptrollers filling the executive department; the records show for the last fifty years that of the three thousand thus employed, we have had more than two thirds, while we have only one third of the white population of the republic.
"
Again, look at another fact and one, be assured, in We have a great and Vital interestThe North has been
taxed for us benefit.
^ch m g
-
{.]
{.
government.
From
formly been raised from the North. " Pause now, while you have the opportunity, to contemplate, carefully and candidly, these important things. Look at another necessary branch of government, and learn from stern statistical facts how matters stand in that department. I mean the mail and post-office privileges that we now enjoy under the general government, as it has been for years past. The expense for the transof the mail in the Free States was, by the Reportation port of the Postmaster General for 1860, a little over But $13,000,000, while the income was $19,000,000.
in
the
Slave
States
the
transportation
of the
which we must have been entirely cut off from this most essential branch of the government. "Leaving out of view for the present the countless millions of dollars you must expend in a war with the North, with tens of thousands of your sons and brothers slain in battle and offered up as sacrifices on the altar of
Is it for the for what ? I ask again. your ambition overthrow of the American government, established by our common ancestry, cemented and built up by their
Chap. XXVIII.]
43^
sweat and blood, and founded on the broad principles of Right, Justice, and Humanity ? I must declare to you here, as I have often done before, and it has also been deh as b ever blen insu-
&9XQ& D y the greatest and wisest statesmen au<l patriots of this and other lands, that the American government is the best and freest of all governments, the most equal in its rights, the most just in its decisions, the most lenient in its measures, and the most inspiring in its principles, to elevate the race of men, that the sun of heaven ever shone upon. " Now for you to attempt to overthrow such a government as this, under which we have lived for
The government
is
.-"-
-,
stand-
ing as a nation, our domestic safety, while the elements of peril are around us, with peace and tranquillity, accomis
panied with unbounded prosperity and rights- unassailed, the height of madness, folly, and wickedness, to which I will neither lend my sanction nor my vote."
So spake the future Vice-President of the Confederate He saw that the waxen image of the Confederacy would lose its form when set in the fire of war, and that it was not the North, but the South, that must submit to invasion. He knew that a rebellion thrown on the defensive is lost. And truly did he foretell the hideous desolation, the unutterable ruin that was provoked. These thing's he said in the Convention of Georgia in 1861. Whoso passed through the stifling smoke that rose from the wreck of the cities of Georgia in 1864 saw an accomplished prophecy.
States.
I. H
ii
CHAPTER XXIX.
EEPLY OF THE NOETII TO THE ACCUSATIONS OF THE SOUTH.
The North
her
are imaginary
affirms that the alleged sacrifices of the South on behalf of the Union that Virginia had no claims to the Northwest Territory that, on
; ;
belonged to the whole Union; that the North has chiefly paid for all the territory since acquired, and has borne the main burden of taxation that her conscience has been outraged by the Fugitive Slave Law that the South has acted ignobly in the matter of the three-fifths slave computation that she originated tariff's and made use of them as long as it suited her purpose, That her deplorable condition thereby creating her cotton and sugar industry. is not due to unfair legislation, but to her slave institution and slaveholding demagogues that, whatever may be said of the state of society in the North, it is incomparably better than that of the South.
principles,
it
; ;
; ;
own
The Free
Eepiy of the North
States were not without a reply to the accuI shall therefore, in sations of the South.
this chapter, follow the course
Chapter XXVI., collecting and arguments presented by various writers, members of Legislatures, and other public speakers, and endeavor to present from their comprehensive and lucid statements a clear view of that side of the case.
It is affirmed that the
The new domains
e
c
fly
a*
^ ne
Sd%or by
thl
have been
acquired by the Union, but of the hundreds of millions that they have directly or indirectly cost, at least five
sixths
Free States. The South points to what she designates the magnificent surrender
and
of the Northwest Territory, affirms that all the advantage she gained in return
by Virginia
Chap. XXIX.]
computation, and the enactment of a fugitive slave law. But, as was forcibly declared the other states at that time, what would Virginia had reaiiy by m e c N or thl est Ter ri- the claims of Virginia to that Territory have
three-fifths slave
was the
by the blood and treasure of her sister states? What was it that Virginia herself, when her interest had somewhat changed, said, in the resolutions of her Legislature in 1847: "JResofoed unanimously. That all territory which may be acquired by the arms of the United States, or
yielded
by treaty with any foreign power, belongs to the several states of the Union as their joint and common
Out
!
property, in which each and all have equal rights." of her own mouth let her be judged
As
it
three-fiftns slave
computation.
equivalent of any imaginary territorial cession by the South, but the equivalent of J \ sometning that now may very properly be
'
-
brought into light. It was expected that the necessary revenue for federal purposes would be raised by diredt taxation, not by customs, and it was provided that representation and taxation should be apportioned on the
basis of population.
If,
computation was conceded, an increased share of the public burden was the equivalent. But how did the matter turn out ? Four times only since the establishactually ment of the government has direct taxation been resorted to, and then to insignificant amounts. Two millions,
or fourteen three millions, six millions, three millions in all, and that in the course of more than sevmillions
enty years
than two hundred thousand dollars a The South has exercised the adva'ntyear. i i i ~ age she gained, but she has never had the
less
-,
liiii
to
new and
:
just
it
has
4S4
SOUTHERN
l'OLICY
OF TARIFFS.
[Sect. VI.
of the House of Representatives, given her one eleventli on many occasions has secured her a majority. a vote that It enabled her to elect Mr. Jefferson in 1800, and to change
the very destiny of the nation. It has been the true cause of the monopoly she had for so many years in the govThe consideration for which the North enernment.
tered into that agreement thus failed. Magnanimously, though greatly to her detriment, the North acquiesced in
that result.
We
were brought by South Carolina to the verge of civil war in 1832 on the question of the tariff.
Who
mode
was
it
that
first
constrained us to
have of obtaining revenue ? just seen who was the gainer by the suppression of direct taxation. Protective tariffs were the policy of the South
that
:
We
they were resisted with an earnest opposition by the North. Did not Mr. Calhoun advise that policy, expecting that the extension of domestic manufactures would increase the market for cotton % That great staple actually owes its successful cultivaat their inception
She thereby created her cotton and su g ar culture.
,.
.-,.
-,.
-r
,i
revenue law of 1789 a duty of three cents a pound was laid on imported cotton, expressly for the purpose of fostering its domestic production. There was not for many years a pound of cotton spun no, not for
candle-wicks to light the humble industry of the cottages of the North, which did not pay that tribute to the Southern planter.
No
state in the
greater
advantage from the protective policy than Louisiana. She owes the sugar culture to it. It would not be difficult to show that a tax of five millions a year is paid for the benefit of planters of that Southern state. But of all the grievances of which the South complains, Northern interference with slavery is by far the most
important.
It is
Chap. XXIX.]
485
through their innate fanaticism, and partly ,, , i through foreign incitement, nave gradually
-i
in
become
litionism, taking
that abo-
its origin
among
It is perfectly true present fearful proportions. that, at the time of the adoption of the Constitution and long afterward, there was no sectional difference between
tained
its
the North and the South on the subject of slavery. It was by both regarded as a social and political evil. It is the South that has changed, not the North. It was not the discovery that the climate of the North is unpropitious to slavery, but that the climate of the But the South did ^ i i i t i ii i change because of feouth is aclmirably adapted to the production of cotton, which was the cause of that
,
-i
change.
The
by
anti-slavery sentiment, then, was not engendered Northern fanaticism and developed by Northern per-
versity.
ways modern
been.
In this respect the North remains as she has alShe participates in a sentiment common to
civilization.
Had
it
of mechanical improvements, which stimulated the cultivation of cotton, and gave birth to an interest in the
South powerful enough to override all other interests, and depending for its perpetuation on negro slavery, the two sections of the country would have been found in accordance on this point at the present day. As to the sale by the North of its slaves to the South, nothing of the kind ever took place.
As
respects the Fugitive Slave Law, it is not denied that the North, true to the instincts of liber-
consciTnce of the
ty that have ever guided her, has been profounclly agitated by the demand that she should join in returning the bondman to his
If in this individuals, and even states, are acoppressor. cused of delinquency, may they not securely appeal to
486
[Sect. VI.
heart
itself,
noblest sentiments of the human In the refined and elegant society of Charleston what would be the verdict on that man who should
needlessly go out of his way to intercept or hunt down a barefoot fleeing slave ? Is there in all that Southern land
a mother to be found who, if she should detect a wayworn negro woman, with her infant on her bach, escaping to freedom, would voluntarily give the alarm ? May the of God fall heavily on us if we are ever seen vengeance abetting that institution of atrocious wrong and unutterable wickedness, which sells the husband away from his wife, the mother from her child which exposes on an auction-block, to the highest bidder, the young girl
;
on womanhood, and outrages by such an abominable spectacle the whole civilized world. At the beginning of our national life the South in J respects had greatly the advantage of The North has us. How is it that we have steadily risen to whuVrnTsoiTti has been declining, wealtll and p0W er, while she has as steadily declined? In 1790 Virginia had double the population
just entering
mm
was reversed, had double the population of Virginia. With that increase in numbers, so vastly had her wealth increased that the single city of New York alone was more valuable than the whole State of Virginia. Massachusetts and North Carolina started not unequally in their career of independence, and now the annual product of the manufactures, mines, and mechanic arts of the former are worth double the entire cotton crop of all the
;
of New York
and
New York
Southern States. Boston, the capital of the one, has carried the national flag into every part of the world, and made her intellectual power felt wherever the English
is spoken but who has ever heard of Beaufort, which ought to have been a great commercial capital to
language
the other
Chap. XXIX.]
4f
teen hundred white and free-colored persons over twenty years of age who can not read and write in North Carolina there are of the same class more than eighty thou;
sand in that unfortunate condition. To them must be added nearly three hundred thousand slaves who are left
in animal ignorance. It is in vain to say that
It is
true that the commercial prosperity of the Slave States has gone. The importations of Charleston are less now than
they were a century ago. Virginia was at that time the South Carolina the next. leading commercial province But, had the country still remained in subjection to En;
gland, to England those states must have resorted, as they do to the North, for every article of use and luxury.
And is indebted
to
do-
ordinlrydomeTuf
mestic, manufacturing, commercial supplies, matches to light their cigars, and capital to
build their railroads, coffee-mills, steam-ships, and all the unmentionable articles of female fashions. Not without
truth
is it said,
Bibles, brooms, buckets, and North you want pens, ink, envelopes, and you go to the North you
to the
; ;
"You want
North you want furniture, crockery, and you go to the North you want pianos,
to the
;
;
apparel, machin-
ery, medicines, tomb-stones, and a thousand other things, and to the North you go for them." How is it that in this manner the Slave States have become literally helpless? How is it that the mass of the people are steeped in poverty and ignorance ? How is it that in the very pursuit to which they have restricted themselves, agriculture, the value of the same products
4SS
at the
[Sect. VI.
North
(
is
annually
fifty
millions of dollars
more
The hay crop alone of the Free States more in the market than all the cotton, tobacco, brings and rice put together, no matter if it is consumed in the The milk sold in the three feeding of the livestock. cities New York, Philadelphia, Boston, is worth more than all the pitch, tar, rosin, and turpentine that the South
than theirs
boasts so
much
of producing.
So completely
is
she out-
New
up
stripped in the race for wealth, that the Free State of York, as appears from the census, could alone buy
eight of the Slave States, and have one hundred and fifty-three millions of dollars still left in her pocket. The entire wealth of the Free States is double that of the
Slave States, even including an exorbitant estimate for the value of the slaves
!
we
by
8foD?^e befo^ing
? prospect, In the older Slave States the crops are annuIn the Legislature of Virally decreasing.
what
is it
ginia
it
"
:
duced in
See the
ruin prode-
serted habitations, fields without culture. The wolf, driven back long since by the approach of man, is now returning, after the lapse of a hundred years, to howl over
the desolations of slavery." " In that part of Virginia below tide- water, the whole face of the country wears an
The very
spot on
which our ancestors landed a little more than two hundred years ago, seems to be on the eve of again becoming the haunt of wild beasts." On all the old Atlantic Southern States the dusky night of political death
Virginia, once great
is
settling.
and prosperous,
is
poison of slavery. Must there not be something absolutely wrong at the bottom of all this decline and degradation ? Let us com-
Chap. XXIX.]
4.39
pare together any Northern with any Southern State, and we see at once what that something is. Take,
Free and siave'
State.
sas.
Michigan and Slave Arkan were admitted together into the They At the end of twenty years the Free
.
of the Slave
five
times
the assessed value of farms, farming implements, and machinery eight times the number of public schools.
The
that which
is
the cause of
all
this desolation, neglected agriculture and unused priviwant of manufactures and shipleges, this ruined soil, this this ignorance, poverty, and utter wretchedness, is ping,
The
decline of the
fiaveho!d1S|dema-
ing population, they are truly a minority. In the fifteen Slave States there are only 346,000 slaveholders, and of them nearly 69,000 own but one slave;
and
yet,
such
is
is
that there
wno operate on the
poor whites.
eiT-
absolutely no legislation except for slavThe poor white trash are deceived and
outraged; thousands of them die without so much as a knowledge of the alphabet. They are too ignorant to perceive their own power; too infatuated to
degradation. They lend themselves to the appointment, from the class that opdetect the cause of their
own
Their insanPresi-
imposed slaveholding
not in the nature of things that this delusion should much longer continue not much longer will it be
it is
;
But
possible to exaggerate grossly the relative value of the cotton crop, nor hide the fact that slavery yields but one per cent, on its acknowledged investment. The industry
490
TIIE
[Sect. VI.
Bnttheeiaveiminu.-hTon""r" -on-
accumulation of nearly four thousand millions of dollars. In presence of such a specnot much longer will the forests of the tacle,
with the sighing of the slave and the clank of the negro-trader's coffle-chains as he goes on his way to the Gulf. As soon as the North awakes to its ideas, and awake one day it inevitably will, and uses its the four thousand millions it vast strength of money has accumulated its vast strength of numbers, and its still more sisrantic strength of educated intellect, it will tread this monster slavery under foot. From this imposworse than that of Ivorassan ture the veil will be torn; its deluded worshipers will have from its black and hideous lips the sardonic taunt, " Ye would be dupes and victims, and ye are." It is an undeniable maxim that progressive improvement depends on industry, and industry on the compen-
South he
filled
sation of labor.
produces magnatiou.
stagnant condition
is
Persistence of habit, arising from such a condition, turns men at last into moving shadows, and makes them incapable of feeling and thinking. There can be
no advancement in the Slave States, the slaves being in a stationary condition. Disturbance in any political system must ensue if there be an unequal progressive move-
ment of the
different parts.
Doubtless it is true that the condition of society in the Free States is not such as optimists might desire that
the rich are too often vulgar, and the poor too often insubordinate. There may be extravagance, but it is well
to
remember that
"
is riches,
may sweep luxury, art." the streets with trains of costly silk, and gratify their pride with all the harlequin fashions of French trumpery, but their daughters will rise above that innocent
Women
suddenly made
rich
Chap. XXIX.]
.
49^
foreign iminio have on the sothe^Nonhfsexag- gration undoubtedly may cial condition a depressing effect, but it must not be forgotten that however deleterious those
The inconvenience
.
.
The stream of
may be, they are every year diminishing in thousand immigrants intruding themselves on a feeble community may exert upon it a powerful effect, but what would they be if mixed up with a nation of a hundred millions % Moreover, in the nature of the
influences
force.
The Irish immigrant landed may be ignorant, superstitious, turbulent, recently but how is it with his American-bom son: still more, how is it with his grandsons ? There is no part of the North which does not present such men among its most virtuous and valuable citizens, foremost in defense of the
thing, the evil is only temporary.
*
rights of property,
works of charity.
securely
rest.
On
may
Such are the advantages gained from educating the children of the " foreign vagrant." In the Slave States there are no schools for the colored peasantry none even
poor whites. It is unlawful to teach the negro he reads the Bible at all, he must do it by stealth. Where for him is that family bond which is affirmed to be the basis of the system of the South ? His rights in that respect are altogether disowned. His marriage terminates at the whim of his master by a like arbitrary dictate his offspring are separated from him.
for the
if
;
;
is
fear-
n hi s annual message, tells us is oc" Many a matron retires at night in of what may befall herself and her children before dread the morning." "Pictorial hand-bills and inflammatory appeals" might be sent to every free laborer if he should
curring in the
oh^^
South
492
[Sect. VI.
spare time from his industry to look at them, they would only excite his merriment. Such things are never danger-
ous unless they suggest some outrageous and wide-spread wrong. Of their family life, what is it that the free men of the
xor espionage
its
m North
^
famines,
may truly say %We are not obliged ^jgpe^ at our dinner-tables lest our servT
;
In our intercourse with one anno prohibited topic w e talk about what we please. There is no skeleton in our closet at home. Our domestics may be capricious and insolent, but we do
ants should overhear.
is
other there
shine forth from their open countenances, but they have no lineament that vexes us with the betrayal of precocious filial vice, or. worse than that, tortures us with the
undeniable, the living proof of conjugal infidelity. Carolinian lady has told us of that dreadful state of morals
at the South, in
which the wife and the daughter sometimes find their home a heart-rending n tit scene ot preierence lor the degraded domes* 1 i tic, or the colored daughter of the head of
-.
-,
'
<
-i
the family. There are, she says, alas " too many families of which the contentions of Abraham's household are
!
a fair example." Our wives and daughters are spared the anguish which their sisters whose lot has been cast in plantation life must endure. Slavery has inflicted its
cruelties on the oppressed, but the justice of God has vindicated itself even in this world, and in the sorrow and shame of the family of the oppressor has offered a solemn
monition of the inexorable award of that inevitable clay in which whatever has been wrong shall be righted.
CHAPTER XXX.
ELECTION OF ME. LINCOLN.
The
Slave Power, perceiving that it could no longer maintain itself under the forms of the Constitution against its antagonist, determined on Secession. For the purpose of obtaining the co-operation of all the Southern States it broke up the Democratic party, thereby insuring the election of the Republican candidate for
the Presidency. Platform of Position of the four Presidential candidates on the Slave Question. the Republican party. Nomination of Abraham Lincoln, who was elected Presi-
The
issue of the
Kansas-Nebraska struggle had taught it could not compete with the North for the possession of the Territothe South that
.
nes.
ulation supplies an emigrant into the disputed region at a cost far less than that at which the South could transfer a slaveholder
or a slave.
The North, having the boundless popof Europe to fall back upon, could put
-i
Moreover, the latter could only be done depopulating the older states, whose political power
It
by
di-
ni/.ed
minished with the loss of every negro. Mr. , , , , n ,, Calhoun, in his speech on the admission ot
. .
Michigan (1836), distinctly showed the adthat the North was deriving from unrestricted vantages immigrant population. He saw that the power of the
Free States really lay in that. To one who examined the condition of things from the
of view, it was plain that the had become hopeless for the South. struggle fn'Yhopeilss^conHer political power in the republic rested on an alliance with the Democratic party of the North but, though that party had pursued a course of conciliation, and even of subserviency, to its ally, there was a
494
[Sect. VI.
If the Slave point beyond which it could not pass. States were to remain associated on terms bf equality
with the Free, they must be furnished with population supplies. Immigration from Europe was incompatible with their system, and, indeed, implied a virtual aban-
donment of
tions
it.
So thoroughly was
quently, in the Confederate Congress, stringent proposiwere offered against the naturalization of foreigners.
There remained, therefore, but one resource, the African trade, and it was clear that the Democracy of the North
could never consent to that.
controlled
'
by
but parties, to be duraIllogical position must can7 out with logical fidelity the Democ^uc^arty hie, had fallen. The principles on which they are founded. of man and the dignity of labor were suitable equality partisan cries in the streets of New York, but not in the Political dexterity might plantations of South Carolina. for a season dissemble the discordance and hide it from view, but a time must come when that would cease to be possible and the antagonism between the necessities of the slave party and the principles of its Democratic ally would be irrepressible, and a quarrel between them inevitable. There could be no sentiment of respect when
.
verv J
skillful chiefs
; >
J-
the more intelligent classes it was felt that the alliance of the Democratic party with the South was found-
among
ed on treachery to the principles of its own section nor could there be any hope of long-continued advantages to be derived from a combination which was necessarily ephemeral for when the dogmas of a party have spontaneously become contradictory, the end of that party is at
;
hand.
.
In the estimation
becZl^he'acconfpuce of slavery.
Observant foreigners remarked that the Democracy of the North had become the mere accorQ pii ce f slavery, and that its con<~>
Chap. XXX.]
495
it
science
The
price
paid to
Pride, rather than policy, led the Slave States to conto the abandonment of the Missouri .. H , sent action of
n compromise.
Compromise.
It suited their
views of their
dignity to stand on terms of apparent equality with their antagonist; but scarcely had they
trial of
Qwn
made a
detected
It
how
was
.
plain principle popular squatter sovereignty, as they contemptuously eignty the O of the actual called
it
that the
rio;ht
settlers in
>
doc "
t rine
ofpoP uiar
a Territory to shape its political condition, and make it free or slave as they chose,
New
Enhundred
settle
African slaves.
immigrants
the fate of a Territory was regarded as a conciliation to the Abolitionists a bid for their vote.
Accordingly, it became apparent that popular or squatter sovereignty must be abolished in the Territories, even at the cost of a rupture with the Democracy of the North. If not openly abolished, its practical effect must be neutralized.
To
carry out this intention, Jefferson Davis a name soon destined to celebrity offered in the
slaved rlsStotions
introduced by Jefferson Davis in the
Til
series of res-
mi I hey were
Constitution as independent sovereigns, delegating to the general government a portion of their power for the sake
that the intermeddling on the part of any one of them with the domestic institutions of another is not
of security
40G
[Skct. VI.
only insulting, but dangerous to domestic peace, and tending to destroy the Union that negro slavery is a legal and important element in the apportionment of power among the states, and that no attack upon it can be justithat the Senate, which represents the states in their fied
;
;
sovereign capacity, ought to resist all attempts to give advantages to the citizens of one state which are not enjoyries
ed by those of another in the settlement of the Territothat neither Congress nor the Territorial Legislatures have the right to prevent the introduction of slaves into the Territories, but, on the contrary, it is their duty to protect the holding and enjoying of that property; that when a Territory is ready to be formed into a state,
;
its
Constitution
it
by
all
be slave or free; be faithfully carried who enjoy the benefits of the Union,
shall
Laws
shall
and that
effect.
all acts tending to defeat or nullify them are subversive of the Constitution and revolutionary in their
In the spring of 1860 the two great national parties, the Democratic and Republican, prepared to declare their
policy in the coming election, and to nominate their candidates for the Presidency.
The Convention of the Democratic party accordingly met at Charleston (April 23d). Scarcely Convention of the -ip Democratic party had it opened its session beiore it was apat Charleston. I parent that there was a conspiracy m the
-.
-,
-,
*j_
Slave States for the destruction of the party and for secession from the Union. Persons, such as Mr. Yancey, of Alabama, who had been open advocates for secession,
were found to be the ruling spirits. They had determined to insist on impossible guarantees for the existence of slavery, and to put it into the position of a permanent
Chap. XXX.]
49^
Their intention was to prevent the nomination of Mr. Douglas, breakSjtoat and to compel the party to assume an active pro -slavery policy, or, failing that, to destroy the
The
secessionists
party
critical condition,
Committee on Resolutions having been appointed, the Convention received from it three re.
_,
ports. *
1st.
-,
-,
other things, asserted that Congress had no to abolish slavery in the Territories that a Terripower torial Legislature has no power to abolish slavery in its
;
-its*
it
Territory, nor to prohibit the introduction of slaves therein, nor any power to destroy or impair the right of propThis report, erty in slaves by any legislation whatever.
therefore, represented the views of the pro-slavery party. 2d. minority report, affirming the doctrine of popu-
lar sovereignty as
Buchanan, the present President, but adding thereto a declaration to abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States on questions of constitutional law, and that the enactments of state Legislatures to defeat
the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect. To these were added certain matters of less pressing interest, such as a recommendation to construct the Pacific Railroad
isl-
and of Cuba.
by Mr. B. F. Butler, of Masthat the doctrine of popular sovereignty, as sachusetts, adopted by the Democratic Convention of 1856, be reasserted without change or addition.
3d.
resolution, proposed
first.
I.1
498
WITHDRAWAL OF ALABAMA.
[Sect. VI.
or majority report, to the Convention, stated that it was the common sentiment of the South that the doctrine of
Protest against popular bovctciiruty.
<*
principle
-
ot Congressional intervention
it
or
prohibition; that
for the
South to
was utterly impossible contend with the North for the posses-
on that principle; for, while the latsend a voter into the disputed region for $200, Would cost the former more than $1500. And as to
the proposition of the minority to leave the matter to the decision of the Supreme Court in contested cases, that
really
amounted to nothing, for it w as what every lawabiding citizen was already prepared to do. On taking the vote, Mr. Butler's resolution was rejectr
ed.
had been
Alabama
\4ntion
e<* D y their state not to submit to the popular sovereignty or squatter doctrine, and that, should it be adopted, as had now been the case, they must withdraw from the Convention. Accordingly they
the advocates of
'
and were followed by the delegates from other Slave States. The Democratic party was vision of the Dem- thus asunder, and the first actual movesplit ment in secession accomplished; in the height of the tumultuous scene, some of the retiring members exclaiming that in sixty days the whole South would be
did
so,
with them. These asseverations of the unanimity of the South accomplished their own verification. Whoever had still an attachment to the Union was compelled to be mute. The leaders of the movement twirled round the spark of secession so vigorously that every one believed
it
was a complete
circle of fire.
Chap.
499
One member
A
delegate from hat
ttfeifemocfatic
Georgia delegation protested " I am against the action of his colleagues. . n0 ^ in favor of breaking up this government
-, , .
toVhereopemu"
upon an impracticable
issue,
upon a mere
j Relieve that this doctrine of protheory> tection to slavery in- the Territories is a mere theory, a mere abstraction. Practically it can be of no conse-
ofthesiaveWe,
quence to the South, for the reason that the infant has been strangled before it was born. You have cut off the supply of slaves, you have crippled the institution in the states by your unjust laws, and it is mere folly and madness now to ask protection for a nonentity, On the ground that n i i xi TT7" 7 a thing which is not there. We nave is absolutely nee- tor essary to the terri7 7 /tt 1Tr toriai expansion of no slaves to earn/ to those lemtories. We J the South, can never make another slave state with
.
-1
i_
it
our present supply of slaves. And if we could, it would not be wise, for the reason that if you make another slave state from your new Territories with the present
supply of
state
either Maryland, Delaware, or Virginia to free, I would deal with this quessoil upon the North.
slaves,
you
will
Now
When I can tion, fellow -Democrats, as a practical one. see no possible practical good to result to the country
from demanding legislation upon this theory, I
am
not
prepared to disintegrate and dismember the great DemoI would ask my friends of cratic party of this Union.
the South to come
up
in a proper spirit
ern friends to give us all our rights, and take off the ruthless restrictions which cut off the supply of slaves from foreign lands. As a matter of right and justice to
the South, I would ask the Democracy of the North to grant us this thing, and I believe they have the patriot-
I it, because it is right in itself. fellow -Democrats, that the African slave-trader you, the true Union man I tell you that the slave-trader
;
500
of Virginia
[Sect. VI.
in every
-
possible point of view, than that African slave trader who goes to Africa and brings a heathen and worthless man here, making him a useful man, chrisAnd
gives to Africa the blessings of Christianity.
...
,
..
-.
-..
the stream of time to enjoy the Now, fellow -Democrats, so far blessings of civilization. as any public expression of the State of Virginia the
terity
down
and sending
-,
hi in
.
and
his posA
has been given, great slave -trading State of Virginia are they are all opposed to the African slave-trade.
We
told,
upon
is
a certain class of
men who
strain at a gnat and swallow a camel. Virwhich authorizes the buying of Christian men, sepginia, arating them from their wives and children, from all the relations and associations amid which they have lived for years, rolls up her eyes in holy horror when I would go to Africa, buy a savage, and introduce him to the The slaveblessings of civilization and Christianity. trade in Virginia forms a mighty and powerful reason for its opposition to the African slave-trade, and in this remark I do not intend any disrespect to my friends from Virginia, the mother of states and of statesVirginia. the mother of Presidents, I apprehend may err as men,
well as other
That Virginia, from motives of interest,
.-..
nicirtals.
it
am
buy a few darkies, have had to pay from $1000 to $2000 a head, when I could go to Africa and buy better negroes at $50 a Unquestionably it is to the interest of Virginia piece. to break down the African slave-trade when she can sell her negroes at $2000. She knows that the African slavetrade would break up her monopoly, and hence her obfor I If any -of you Northern Democrats jection to it. faith in you than I have in the carpet-knight have more
and
I
Chap. XXX.]
501
to
will go
home with me
my
I will plantation in Georgia, "but a little way from here, show you some darkies that I bought in Maryland, some that I bought in Virginia, some in Delaware, some in Florida, some in North Carolina, and I will also show
all.
Now,
fellow Democrats,
-
my
feeble
health and failing voice admonish me to bring the few remarks I have to make to a close. I am only sorry that
I
am
am
to vindicate be-
you to-day the words of truth, of honesty, and of the gross inconsistencies of the right, and to show you I come from the First CongresSouth in this regard.
fore I represent the sional District of the State of Georgia. African slave-trade interest of that section. (Applause.) ^ am P rou( l 01> the position I occupy in that
he
am
an
tbe
t'i cStian
missionary.
respect.
trader
is
tian (applause), and I have pleaded with my delegation, from Georgia to put this issue squarely to the Northern
Democracy, and say to them, Are you prepared to go back to first principles, and take off your unconstitutional restrictions, and leave this question to be settled by each Now do this, fellow -citizens, and you will have state?
That
is to its
tendency
sustain the
peace in the country. But, so long as _ your ..,. 1T federal Legislature takes jurisdiction of this
-,
-i
question, so long there will be war, so long there will be ill blood, so long there will be strife, until
this glorious Union of ours shall be disrupted, and go out in blood and night forever. I advocate the repeal of
the laws prohibiting the African slave-trade because I believe it to be the true Union movement.
^entLii^ne'ces^
ofpower m the re-
502
[Sect. VI.
I believe that
by reopening
will
this trade,
tempted now -^
to vote for a candidate for the , ,, .-, n -.. nj but finding, atter more than nrty Presidency; ballots, that the necessary number for nom,
The seceding party, on their side, met in St. Andrew's Hall and organized themselves. They adopted the ma01 report, but made no nomination for And.theseceders J to Richmond. Their intention was so to paraPresident. the Democratic party as to insure the election of the lyze
Republican candidate, and thereby unite and arouse the South. They adjourned to meet in June at Richmond. At the time appointed the meeting at Baltimore took withdrawal of part of the clelegaP1 At the Baltimore tions again occurred. This was followed by to** S^Sita
the retirement of the presiding officer of the Convention itself, and a majority of the Massachusetts
delegation.
And
General Ben
tfr^o^th^gmund
apS^Sy^
Mr. B. F. Butler, speaking in behalf of the " We put our withdrawal upon la^er, said tne simple ground, among others, that there has "been a withdrawal in part of a majority
:
and, further (and that, perhaps, more personal to myself), upon the ground that I will not sit in a Convention where the African slave;
of the states
trade
piracy by the laws of my country is approvingly advocated." Nevertheless the balloting proceeded, and eventually -^ Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, was nomThe Democratic
is
which
i0
MteI Mr
for president.
for PresiDoug& inated as the Democratic candidate and Mr Benjamin Fitzpatrick for Vicedent?
Chap. XXX.]
593
but lie declining, the nomination was given to Mr. Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia.
President
The members who had recently seceded, inviting the seceders at Richmond to join them, now nom The seceders nomi.-i-m/r t /1 t t p it nate Mr. Breckinmated Mr. J olm C .Breckinridge, or Ken
'
*i
ridge.
tucky, for President, and Mr. Joseph Lane of Oregon, for Vice-President. The two divisions of the Democratic party, thus skill
Mr
organization, calling itself the National Constitu tional Union party, met likewise at Baltimore J The National Contitutionai union j t declared its principles to be the Consti sarty nominates pari Mr. tution of the country, the union of the states and the enforcement of the laws. It nominated Mr. John Bell, of Tennessee, as President, and Mr. Edward Everett
_,.
,
An
_,
'
of Massachusetts, as Vice-President.
at Chicago
.
-,
-,
-1
unanimously adopted.
This report set forth the propriety of the organization of the Republican party; the necessity of piattom of the Republican party.
maintaining the principle promulgated in the of Independence of the equality of men. It Declaration declared that the federal Constitution, the rights of the
and their union, must be preserved that to the union of the states the nation owes its prosperity that the Republican party holds in abhorrence all schemes for disunion. It asserted the right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions, and denounced the
states,
;
;
lawless invasion
by armed
any
state
or Territory as among the gravest of crimes. It held up the existing Democratic administration to reprobation for its measureless subserviency to slavery; for its at-
504
[Sect. VI.
tempt to force upon the protesting people of Kansas the Lecompton Constitution; for construing the personal relation tetween master and servant to involve an unqualIt denounced the reckless ified property in persons.
1
government.
It
affirmed
its
that the
new dogma,
;
own
ritory
is
that of freedom.
Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of
branded the recent reopening of the African slave-trade, under the cover of the national
the United States.
It
flag,
aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity, and a burning shame to the country and age. It called upon Congress to take prompt and
measures for the total and final suppression of that execrable traffic. It pointed out the deception and fraud of the Democratic principle of non-intervention and
efficient
popular sovereignty, as illustrated by the recent vetoes, by their federal governors, of the acts of the Legislatures
and Nebraska prohibiting slavery. It rethat Kansas should forthwith be admitted as a quired state. It affirmed that, while providing revenue for the
of Kansas
support of the government by, duties upon imports, sound policy required such an adjustment of those imposts as to encourage the development of home industry. It de-
manded
the passage of the Homestead law. It protested in the naturalization laws, by which against any change the rights of inunjgrants might be impaired. It called
for appropriations for river and harbor improvements, and for the construction of a railroad to the Pacific.
to ballot,
and even-
nominates
Mr
dually Abraham
Lincoln.
Hamlin,
^e
nonri na tion
and Hannibal
Chap. XXX.]
5Q5
In the election that ensued in November, every thing turned upon the Slavery Question. Mr. LinThe position of the i i i i i ^ l l four candidates on coin denied, the right of slavery to intrude ^ the Slave Question. P itself into the lerntones and declared that,
.l
Congress had the power, and it was Mr. Douglas affirmed that in the it. prohibit
if it did,
its
duty to
exercise of
their prerogative of popular sovereignty, the peojne of a Territory might establish or exclude it. Mr. Breckinridge, that the slaveholder into a Territory, and that
had a
it is
protect
him
in so doing, even
islature should
party, under its leader, Mr. Lincoln, presented an unbroken front. Its principles were unmistakably and clearly defined; though intensely anti-slavery, its platform contained no threat against slavery. The Democratic party, under Mr. Douglas and Mr.
The Eepublican
Breckinridge, was divided. Its ultra-slavery section upheld the latter, its moderate section the former. The
root of the whole trouble, in Mr. Buchanan's opinion, was in the refusal of the Douglasites to recognize the constitutional rights of slavery in the Territories, established by the Supreme Court; the South regarded that as a
degradation. More truly, however, this division was the necessary, the inevitable issue of the illogical and selfcontradictory position the party occupied of its attempt simultaneously to assert the equal rights of man in the
North, and social caste divisions in the South. R November 6th, 1860, the election took The presidential
election of i8oo.
p] ace
in the
Mr. Lincoln,
Mr. Douglas,
in the
1,840,022
26^30
10
f
^
.
'
866 452
'
'
Free States
Slave
"
"
.1,211,632) 163,525)
.
1,3/5,157.
50 G
Mr. Breckinridge,
Mr.
Bell, in tlie
in the
LINCOLN.
Free States
Slave
.
[Sect. VI.
277,082
,
'
. .
Tota1
570^71
515,973
847 953
'
Free States
Slave
"
...
74,058)
590,031.
J
Sucli was tlie state of the popular vote. The position of the candidates, the electoral vote being considered, was,
Lincoln
180
72 39
12
Breckinridge
Bell
Douglas
303
When the
gent of the united
States.
electoral college
met
in the en-
Abraham
ham
Biography* AbraLincoln.
month, Mr. Lincoln was therefore chosen President of the United States. Lincoln was born of poor and illiterate parents in Hardin County, Kentucky. His fa.^ er cou i cj ne ither read nor write. When
suins:
. >
the future President was only eight years old the family removed to Indiana, floating down the Ohio on a raft. They built their humble log cabin in Spencer County. At the age of nineteen, having acquired the rudiments of a scanty education he reading, writing, ciphering
hired himself as a flat-boatman on the Mississippi, receiving as wages ten dollars a month. His father removing
two years subsequently, he drove the cattle on the journey, and then split rails to fence in the new farm. Soon afterward he commenced shop-keeping in a small way, and added to his acquirements the art of land surAt twenty-five he was elected a member of the veying. Legislature of Illinois. He had now begun studying law, and in due time was admitted to the bar. Subsequently he was sent to the national Congress, in which he uniformly and consistently vindicated the rights of freedom
to Illinois
against slavery.
political difficulty
Chap. XXX.]
LINCOLN.
5Q^
civil war, this iri.au was He was found to be of spotthe Chief of the Republic. He emancipated less integrity, and equal to his task.
four millions of
human
CHAPTER XXXI.
SECESSION OF SOUTH CAROLINA.
South Carolina assumed the position of leadership in the Secession movement. She did not wait for co-operation, but passed an Ordinance of Secession, and organized herself as an independent or sovereign Power. The Message of President Buchanan to Congress was received with general dissatHe was of opinion that the government has no authority to prevent isfaction.
Secession.
failed,
The white
The population
south Carolina.
of
population of South Carolina in 1860 was about three hundred thousand (301,271).
total
The
wMte
States
eight millions and a quarter (8,289,953). Considered with respect to her population, South Caro-
was about
lina was, with the exception of Delaware, the smallest of the Slave States.
In the North, where numerical majorities determine public policy, South Carolina was regarded with a senti-
There were single towns of which the outnumbered hers. It seemed preposterous population
disdain.
ment of
whose aggregate numbers exceeded hers almost thirty fold. But, however numerical estimates might be applied in the North, they were altogether out of place cause of her poiitin this instance.
The
political
power of
intelli-
in that
respect she stood at the head of the Southern States. This preponderance of slaves implied wealthy slaveown-
Chap. XXXI.]
599
Aristocratic ideas prevailed among her influential planters, due partly to a recollec-
tion of the distinguished circumstances under which, as a colony, the state had been originally settled, and partly
and refinement
in
which they
lived.
The brusque individualism of the recent rich man of the North was here replaced by the lofty dignity of family
Familiar, through repeated visits to the capitals of Europe, with all the amenities of modern civilized life, and surrounding himself with whatever can minister to
pride.
the gratification of a refined taste, the South Carolinian repaid that sentiment of disdain with which his state was
regarded at the North with a sentiment of contempt. Especially since the days of Nullification, in which he persuaded himself that he had brought Congress to terms, had he indulged in an imperious temper. new gener-
ation
had
No
vieWs on
arisen, educated to hate the Union. one saw more clearly the true position of South Carolina than Mr. Calhoun. In his speech
on the Force Bill, 1833 (Cralle, ii., p. 199), v n he says " We have been sneermgly told that
-i
-i
-i
she
is
a small state
half a million of souls, and that more than one half are not of the European race. The facts are so. I know she
can never be a great state, and the only distinction to which she can aspire must be based on the moral and intellectual acquisitions of her sons."
Massachusetts was the brain of the Free States South Carolina the brain of the Slave States. In
;
Relative position
an?Kh cart>ua
f
nia
tne more rec ent and more highly-developed life of the republic, the latter had come into the position held
by Virginia in
earlier times.
states, Virginia and South Carolina, occupied in the polity of the South a relative position not unlike that of England and France in the European system South
These
510
DETERMINATION TO SECEDE.
[Sect. VI.
Carolina impulsive, impetuous, brilliant, in tlie van of new movements, conscious of her intellectual strength;
Virginia colder, more impassive, looking more to the consequences of events, reluctant to change.
As
scious
is
who
overestimated her
physical power, and hid from herself the fact that it is upon that alone that imperial dominion depends. The v oic of tne insignificant minority Co-operasouth caroima di s
-
SftS^ritSof
f tionists, as
.
who desired
to wait until other states were joined with her in a combined revolutionary movement, was lost in the loud demands of the instant Disunionists.
5th,
1860, for the purpose of appointing presidential electors. The governor, in his message to that body,
.
.-.
..
-,
-.-.
session suggested that it should remain for the purpose of taking such action as would prepare the state for any emergency that might
..m
explained the considerations that had led him " a view of the threatening aspect of affairs, to this step and the strong probability of the election to the presiarise.
He
dency of a sectional candidate by a party committed to the support of measures which would ultimately reduce the Southern States to mere provinces of a consolidated despotism, to be governed by a fixed majority in Congress, hostile to their institutions, and fatally bent on
their ruin."
He recommends
the calling of a
i
Convention.
He recommended that, in the n-\ir t ii t event oi Mr. Lincoln s election, a Convention ' _ of the people of the state should be called,
'
/~^\
and expressed his opinion that the only alternative left was the secession of South Carolina from the federal Union. The long-desired co-operation of the other states, having similar institutions, seemed to him to be near at
hand.
If,
he continued,
"
in the
exercise
of arbitrary
Chap. XXXI.]
5^
power, and forgetful of the lessons of history, the government of the United States should attempt coercion, it will become our solemn duty to meet force by force."
He
therefore
litia,
Under
ber 17th.
Not but
.
made
tionists.
to restrain this impetuosity by the Co-operaOne would put off decisive action until at least
the
another state had given evidence that she would join in movement another would send" a commission to
;
Georgia to secure her concurrence. Still another insisted that, as this had been the policy of the state for ten years, it ought not to be suddenly abandoned. For more than that length of time it had been her settled determination that she would secede; the only question had been as to time and method when and how. "The Southern States are one in soil and climate, one in productions, having a monopoly of the cotton region one in institutions, and, more than all, one in their wrongs under the Constitution. Add to this that they alone have African slavery, which is absolutely necessary for them,
without which they would cease to exist, and against which, under the influence of a fanatical sentiment, the world is banded. In this respect we are isolated from the whole world, and it would seem that the very weight of that outside pressure would compel us to unite." " South Carolina has sometimes been accused of a para-
mount
South.
Let us make one last effort for co-operation, and in so doing repel that false and unfounded imputation." To this it was replied that South Carolina had tried
co-operation,
had declined
512
[Sect. VI.
operation, slavery and state-rights will be , , -itti i i i i Vvlien we nave pledged ourabandoned.
-,
selves to take the state out of the Union, it be time enough to send a commission to Georgia, or any other Southern state, and submit the question whethWe have it from high authority er they will join or not. that the representative of one of the imperial a Inducements to h e ut oH-orcL'u powers of Europe, in view of this prospectp ive separation from the Union, has made propositions in advance for the establishment of such relations between it and the government about to be estabwill
-l
power such a
South Carolina was not acting precipitately, nor was it necessary for her to have the demanded delay for co-operation. Co-operation had been long ago secured. Not only had the leaders of the secession movement come to a previous understanding with each other, but, as the foregoing extract shows, they had tampered with foreign powers. It had been settled that the initiative should be taken by South Carolina, and that the other Slave
In
fact,
States
would
sustain her.
As
cmoima
a matter of policy, it was better that South CaroThe lina should thus take the initiative.
should
government could not get at her except through the Border States, who, apparently
i i
No
acting on the defensive, might resist the passage of troops. matter what might be their desire, if once the Cotton States seceded, they
ample.
It
It
would be conrpelled to follow the exThey would be too weak to remain in the Union.
at this time in the
J-
South
in
was expected
s ce
t,
couid
e cons uin-
impunity.
^ QQ
man y
Chap. XXXI.]
ESTABLISHMENT OF TERRORISM.
5^3
ing the discontented communities to that fatal step. The President did not believe that coercion could be legally
Congress was indisposed to act. Influential politicians of the Democratic party in the North were
resorted
to.
profuse in their proffers of support. They had no clear appreciation of what the consequences would be, for they looked upon the whole thing as a mere electioneering
movement.
in-chief of the
correct estimate of the policy that must be adopted, and in his "Views" contemplated without indignation the possibility of dividing the republic into four separate
confederacies.
At
A system of terror-
the time of Mr. Lincoln's election a system of terrorism had been thoroughly established in
bross misrepresentations were -1-1. spread abroad in every direction, and that not only by the politicians and newspapers, but also by the pulpit. By these means the poor whites were roused to a pitch of madness, and were lured by the beguilement of secession, that the African trade would be forthwith re-established, and every one could have as many slaves
the couth,
.. _.
-1
ri
n.
"_ .
as he pleased.
"
One
Never were a people more bewitched, beguiled, and befooled than Ave were when we drifted into secession." Very soon such a public opinion was created that it became impossible to resist. Whoever in his compulsory. m animity obtained, ^q^ entertained Union sentiments must hold his peace if he remonstrated, it was at the peril of
"
his
life.
moment
of the
French Revolution, had such a state of things been witnessed. Meetings were held among the chief secessionat one which had taken place at the house of Mr. ists
;
Hammond
tails
LK k
(October 25th, 1860), it is said that the deof the movement were agreed upon. Telegraphic
514
[Sect. VI.
dispatches were flying in all directions, and Mr. Yancey's wish was at last gratified the Southern heart was fired.
On December
tion
ltfeetlng of the EkMth Carolina Couvention.
.
17th, 18G0, the South Carolina Convenmet at Columbia, in that state. On ac,
;1
/.
-n
-,
it
ad-
its
Immediately upon
Inglis, it
w as
r
"
Re-
solved, that
Federal Union
known
In pressing
liis
scarcely needed, since the matter had been under discussion for many years. Mr. Parker said it had been culfor thirty years ; Mr. Keitt, that he had been minating
this movement ever since he entered on poMr. Rhett, that the secession of South Caroit was neither lina was not the affair of a day produced by Mr. Lincoln's election, nor by the non-execution of the
engaged in
;
litical life
Fugitive Slave
thirty years.
Law
it
for
An
un it ec[ with
her,
We,
Convention assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the ordinance adopted by us in Convention on the 23d day of May, in the year of our Lord 1788, whereby the Constitution of the United States of America w as ratified, and also all acts and j)arts of acts of the General Assembly of this state,
r
ratifying the
amendments of the said Constitution, hereby repealed, and that the union now subsisting
are
be-
Chap. XXXI.]
5^5
tween South Carolina and other states, under the name of the United States of America, is hereby dissolved." The fatal step thus taken was welcomed in the streets
Enthusiastic delight of the caroliuians.
by
-
and every other demonstration ot ioy. "lhe Y i state had now become a tree and independ-1
,,
ent nation."
per classes forgot that in great political convulsions it is always the aristocracy who suffer most. The unthinking multitude did not pause to reflect on the awful responsibility of their act, and that they must make good
their ordinance against a great power which could enforce its behests with armies of a million of men.
of gentlemen repaired to St. Philip's Church-yard, and, encircling the tomb of Calhoun, made solemn obeisance before it, vowing to devote " their lives, procession
their fortunes,
and
dependence. The side -walks were crowded with ladies wearing secession bonnets made of black and white Georgia cotton, decorated with ornaments of Palmetto -trees and lone stars. In the frenzy of enthusiastic patriotism they surpassed the men. They had put forth their hand and gathered the long-forbidden fruit, but it was like the fabled apple of Isthakar, of which he who tasted must eat the whole, and, though it was sweet as honey on one side, it was more bitter than the quintessence of gall on
the other.
Ceremony of signin- the ordinance of Sccc^^ion
-
ordinance a
At
foundry grand and impressive a venerable clergyman, whose hair was as white as snow, implored the favoring auspices of heaven. It was affirmed that
the
yet.
work of thirty
-
years was accomplished at last. Not In less than three years after these events, the
stricken city, blackened with fire and in ruins, doom to her prayers from the
terror
received an answer of
510
niouth of the
[aland.
[Sect. VI.
Swamp
The
state
resumed her position among the nations of the earth," her governor, Mr. -p.. rickens, was authorized to receive embassahaving thus
-
.
-,
-,
'
dors, ministers, consuls, etc., from abroad, and to appoint similar officers to represent her in foreign countries. As is the custom with sovereign personages,
he organized a cabinet, Mr. Magrath being the Secretary of State, Mr. Jamison Secretary of War, Mr. Memminger Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Hardee Postmaster General, Mr. Garlington Secretary of the Interior. The chains of the old Union could not, however, be abruptly and entirely snapped the gold and silver coinage still re;
mained a
retained.
legal tender, and, through the force of necessity, the agents of the post-office and of other services were
It
was needful
to
do
provident futurethough, seen by us in the extorts a melancholy smile a loan of four hundred thousand
retrospect, it
dol; '
With
was authorized it Financial prepara7 was li'.'theAmericaf immediately taken by the banks of the state, and they were permitted to suspend Commissioners were appointed to prospecie payments.
.
.
-forts
ceed to Washington to arrange for the surrender of the and other national property. An address to the people of the other slaveholding states w as issued it inT
:
vited
"
a great slaveholding Confederacy." the most independent, as we are the most banner of red important of the nations of the world." silk was adopted. It bore a blue cross, on which were
to join in
them
"
We must be
one of them, central and larger than the On the red field was rest, represented South Carolina. a palmetto and a crescent. In a moment devoted to ~patriotism and glory, no one looked forward to a future of
set fifteen stars
:
Chap. XXXI.]
517
Hymn
The newlyoSltateTofuT lighted lamp of secession was burning a gaudy moth was flutbrightly, and many Charleston newspapers published The tering round it.
were played in the
intelligence
the
from other parts of the United States under of " Foreign News." When these proceedings were made known in the cold and calculating North, they excited unuttertitle
at these
me North
able amazement
into alarm
amazement
that passed
Georgia, Florida, Mississipin a few days followed the pi, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Border States, foreseeing inevitable war, example. The
when
would fall upon them, had been done to pledge temporized. them to the movement, Virginia, North Carolina, Missouand that the shock of the
After
all
conflict
that
ri,
Kentucky, Tennessee, Maryland, though a reign of terin them, either ror, political and social, was inaugurated took the fatal step with deep reluctance, or avoided taking; it at all.
The sentiment
Protest of the govemor of Kentucky.
was displayed
:
in
an address by the governor of one of them " Kentucky to his peojrie. He declares To
South Carolina, and such other states as may wish to secede from the Union, I would say, The geography of this country will not admit of a division the mouth and the sources of the Mississippi can not be separated without
;
can not sustain you in this movement merely on account of the election of Mr. Do not precipitate us by premature action into Lincoln.
a revolution or civil war, the consequences of which will be most frightful to all of us. It may yet be avoided.
We
There is still hope, faint though it be. Kentucky is a Border State, and has suffered more than all of you. She claims, standing upon the same sound platform, your
[Sect. AT.
sympathies with her, and expects you to stand by her, and not desert her in her exposed perilous border posiShe has a right to claim that her voice, and the tion.
and moderation, and patriotism, shall be and heeded by you. We implore you to stand by heard and let us all, us, and by our friends in the Free States the bold, the true, and just men in the Free and in the Slave States, with a united front, stand by each other, by our principles, by our rights, our equality, our honor, and by the Union under the Constitution."
voice of reason,
;
The morning of December 3d, 1860, when Congress assernbled, was serene and beautiful, as are so The meeting of
congress.
tic
America.
frequently the last autumnal days of AtlanPresident Buchanan, in his annual message,
at once to the serious condition of the
drew attention
country.
He
n"
an'.s'aDuuui message.
question of slavery in the Southern States, that the impending danger proceeded neither affirming from the attempts to exclude slavery from the Territories,
nor from the practical nullification of the Fugitive Slave Law, but from a certain malign influence that had been
produced on the slaves through abolition agitations, and Hence, in inspired them with vague notions of freedom. the South, a sense of security no longer existed round the family altar it had been displaced by a dread of servile insurrection. He declared that many a matron retired at night in dread of what might befall herself and her children before the morning. Should this apprehension the masses of the Southern people, then disunpervade
;
ion
would become inevitable, since self-preservation is the first law of Nature. He stated that it was his conviction that the fatal period had not yet arrived, and that his
Chap. XXXI.]
5^9
prayer to God was that he would preserve the Constitution and the Union throughout all generations. Among the acts of offense committed by the North, the President
pointed out that, in 1835, pictorial hand-bills and inflammatory appeals had been extensively circulated through the South, of a character to excite the passions of the slaves; that the agitation had been continued by the public press, by the proceedings of state and county Conventions,
that,
in fact, it was the easiest thing for the American people to settle the Slavery Question forever, and restore peace
and harmony to the country. All that was necessary to accomplish that object, and all for which the Slave States had ever contended, was to be let alone. He stated that the election of Mr. Lincoln was not a just cause for the dissolution of the Union but that, should the Free
States not repeal the acts passed by several of them, to defeat the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, the in-
jured states would be justified in revolutionary resistance to the government of the Union and that, if any state should secede from the Union, the government had no power to prevent it. He said that the question, fairly Has the Constitution delegated to Constated, is this
; :
a state which gress the power to coerce into submission is attempting to withdraw, or has actually withdrawn
from the confederacy ? If answered in the affirmative, it must be on the principle that the power has been conferred on Congress to declare and to make war against a He stated that, after much serious reflection, he state. had arrived at the conclusion that no such power had
been delegated to Congress, or to any other department of the federal government. Congress possesses many means of preserving the Union by conciliation, but the
sword was not placed in its hand to preserve the Union by force. However, as a final settlement of the dispute,
520
DISSATISFACTION.
[Sect. VI.
the President proposed an amendment of the Constitution for the purpose of insuring an express recognition of the right of property in slaves in the states where it now
exists, or
the
a thorough recognition of the right of the master to his fugitive slave, and a declaration that all
state
Union
of the Constitution,
and are consequently null and void. This irresolute paper showed that the political paralysis which had so long threatened the Demoita unsatisfactory character. cratic party had reached the executive cen-
tre.
An
doctrine
to maintain a self-contradictory
slav-
ery in the South, had broken down. Opposing men of both parties in Congress agreed completely on one point, and that was the imbecility of the message. Mr. Wigfall declared, doubtless with truth, that he could not comprehend it. Mr. Jefferson Davis could not find its conclusion. Mr. Hale thought it probably proved that the
ion condemned
Political writers of every shade of opinit as a whole, and derided it in its details.
In the South they said what it tells us about the alarms of our women " is a gross and silly libel, which could only have proceeded from a nerveless, apprehensive, tremulous old man our women and our clergy are the leaders of
;
secession."
They denied
had
any thing to do with the dispute it originated in the determination of a proud and aristocratic people " to have no more to do with the boors of the North." In the discussions which ensued on the President's Message, it was clear that the quarrel could Proceedinss in t i t mi r\ confess on the no longer be compromised, ihe feenate, as a message. well as the House, was the scene of reproach /
Chap.XXXL]
es
52i
In the former, Mr. Clingnian, of North declared that the South would not submit to Carolina, the authority of the government. In vain did the venerdefiance.
and
able Mr. Crittenden rebuke such treasonable sentiments, and beg that no one would follow such a bad example
;
he recalled the blessings that had been derived from the Union. He was answered by quoting the scornful remark of Mr. Calhoun, that the Union could not be saved by making eulogies upon it. In language contrasting strongly with the President's temporizing message, Mr. Hale, of New Hampshire, said: "The speech of Mr. Haie,
in vain
ofNewHampshire,'
^^ tme w&y ^
are.
t()
^^
fajng
face, to see
where we
If
it is
preannounced and
pre-
determined that the voice of the majority, expressed through the regular and constitutional forms, will not be submitted to, then, sir, this is not a union of equals it is a union of a dictatorial oligarchy on one side, and a herd of slaves and cowards on the other. That is it, sir noth;
the other hand, Senator ing more, nothing Iverson, of Georgia, anticipating such atrocities as that which ended the life of Mr. Lincoln, said, in reference to
less."
On
i*
lature together, " If he does not yield to pubc se ntiment, some Texan Brutus will arise
to rid his country of the hoary -headed incubus that stands between the people and their sovereign will." It
this very governor, General Houston, as we have seen in Chapter XXII., who had been the main instrument in tearing Texas from Mexico. One of the senators
was
of that state, Mr. Wigfall, declared that secession was determined on by his people, and that he did not feel called
upon to give any reason for that sovereign act enough that a distasteful man had been elected
;
it
was
to the
Presidency.
"We
ground
Union."
-y}'2
CONCESSIONS PROPOSED.
in the
[Sect. VI.
When,
Virginia, proposed to refer so much of the President's Message as related to the perilous condition of the coun-
state
not less than fifty-two members from the Slave States refused to vote. " I pay no attention to any action taken
in this
"I
am
up
difficulties," said another. The Democratic members from the Free States did their utmost to compose the dissen-
them who subsequently became conspicuous in the war suggesting; go g> of licDrc^Gut'itivc^ which doubtless they looked concessions, back upon with regret. It was proposed that persons
sion
some
of
in-
terference with slavery in the Territories, nor with the interstate slave-trade: that the doctrine of state rights
should be admitted, and power of coercion denied to the government. Among the dissatisfied members, one would
allow any state at pleasure to secede, and allot it a fair Another share of the public property and territory.
would divide the Union into four republics another would abolish the office of President, and have in its'
;
stead a council of three, each of whom should have a veto on every public act. Propositions such as these
show
to
allies
of the slave
power would
have gone to preserve it and give it perpetuity. At this stage, Mr. Crittenden proposed in the Senate
nr Crittenden . s , Mr.
certain
amendments of the
compromise.
resolutions
of his plan tenden Compromise. were the re establishing of the Missouri Compromise that in all territory of the United States north of 36 30' slavery should be prohibited in all south of that line, not only permitted, but protected that from such terri:
Chap. XXXI.]
523
tory north or south states might be admitted with or without slavery, as the Constitution of each might de-
termine
power
to abolish
slavery in places under its jurisdiction in a slave state, nor in the District of Columbia, without the consent of the adjoining states, nor without compensation to the slaveholders, nor to prevent persons connected with the
government bringing their slaves into the District that Congress should have no power to hinder the interstate
;
who
inio;ht
officers;
that no amendments of the Constitution should ever be made which might affect these amendments, or other
slave compromises already existing in the Constitution. He also recommended to the states that had enacted laws
in conflict with the existing fugitive slave acts, their repeal and in four resolutions made provision for the more
;
perfect execution of those acts. B,ut the dissension was too deep to be closed by such a measure as Mr. Crittenden's, which conof
Futility
peace
attempts.
The South was resolved not to be satisfied with any It had taken what was plainly an irreversible thing. Accordingly, Mr. Crittenden's proposition was step. eventually lost. In the House of Representatives corresponding compromise attempts were made, but withThe representatives from out any favorable result. South Carolina in that house announced by letter to its speaker on December 24th their withdrawal
Withdrawal of the
representatives of
-,
Mr. Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, constrain ed by sickness, could not take his leave of the Senate un tilJanuary 21st, when, in a speech appropriate to the oc casion, he declared his devotion to the doctrine of state
524
eights to
sissippi,
[Sect. VI.
be sucli that he must follow the destiny of Miswhether she had cause for leaving the Union or
not.
He
-...
men, and lustmed secession. " When you deny to us the right of withfrom a government which threatens to be dedrawing structive of our rights, we but tread in the path of our fathers when we proclaim our independence and take the " " I carry with me he continued, " no hostile hazard." remembrance. Whatever offense I have given which has not been redressed, or for which satisfaction has not been demanded, I have, senators, at this hour of our parting, to
jeffiersou navis
Withdrawal of Mr.
from the Seuate.
equality J
or
-,
offer
you
my
apology for any pain which, in the heat of It only remains for me
withocca/
The seceding senators now, one after another, drew Mr. Iverson, of Georgia, taking
sion to
..
remark
-ij-ij;i
that,
we
and again to vindicate our right to liberty, and to throw We will never off your oppressive and cursed yoke.
we are extinguished." Mr. In his fareof Louisiana, left on February 4th. Slidell, well address he threatened that the sea should swarm
cease the mortal strife until
with privateers, and that the naval powers of Europe should break blockades, and war upon the North with
active
and inveterate
hostility.
joros-
It seemed as if the evenperity and enviable hajipiness. The shades of night were fast settide had come at last.
tling'
on America.
But let us remember what that stern Puritan, " old John Brown," when he lay in the Virginia jail wounded, and expecting the executioner, wrote as a consolation to
Chap. XXXI.]
525
his wife
I have never known a night so dark as to hinder the coming day, nor a storm so dreadful as to prevent the return of warm sunshine and a cloudless sky."
:
"
the close of 1859 Virginia had been profound" old John Brown," who ly agitated by the attack of seized Harper's Ferry, in the northeast of the state, with
Toward
Mayflower." grandfather died in the Revolutionary army. The quality of his blood, as derived from his mother's side, may be inferred from the circumstance that
jj' g
Puritans
who came
over in the
her family were Gospellers from Holland. Her name was Ruth her father's, Gideon. He too had served in the
;
Revolutionary army, and had attained the rank of lieuAs might be expected from such a lineage, John tenant.
When
negro beaten
It
by moment he conceived
was
at sixteen years a boy, he happened to witness a young his master with an iron shovel, and from
Moses of the African race. After having followed various pursuits, and made a voyage to England on a wool speculation, which turned out unfortunately, he devoted
himself to the supervision of a negro settlement in the Adirondack Mountains. His four elder sons, having mi-
grated to Kansas for the purpose of aiding in making it a free state, were speedily brought into difficulty with the invading slaveholders from Missouri (p. 416); and
bavins; sent to their father to forward them some rifles for their defense, he, instead of doing so, carried the weap-
make
His battles
w ith
T
Even
were
con-
52(3
[Sect. VI.
so well appreciate,
strained to admire his fanatical courage, which they could and to marvel at his fanatical piety,
With
his pistol at
their heads, the old Puritan compelled the godless prisoners he had spared to kneel down and pray every night
and morning while they remained in his camp, in which a searching of the Scriptures was continually going on. Leaving Kansas, he made an attack, with seventeen whites and five blacks, on the government ins attack on Harper's Ferry. armory at Harper's Ferry. This was on October 17th, 1859. His object was to liberate slaves, and
run them
Free States. He also intended to seize slave-masters, and then ransom them for negroes, whom he would free. But he greatly miscalculated the encouragement he would receive and the resistance he would encounter. After a desperate fight, in which most
off into the
of his companions were killed, among them two of his sons, and himself severely wounded both with the sabre
and bayonet, he was overpowered by the Virginia and United States troops.
militia
had
and de-
fense.
never intended murder, arson, or other such atrocities, but only slave-freeing that he was
;
constrained to this
by
particularly that men should do unto you, do ye even so to them." In the letter to his wife to which reference has just been " I believe that for me at this time to seal made, he says
:
bound with them," and more " by the injunction, Whatsoever ye would
testimony for God and humanity with my blood will do vastly more toward advancing the cause I have earnestly endeavored to promote than all I have done in my
my
life
In another letter to a clergyman, his cousin, before." he remarks that he is the first of their kindred, since their ancestor Peter Brown ]andetl from the Mayflower,
Chap. XXXI.]
527
who
gallows; but he returns "thanks to Almighty God, through Jesus Christ our Lord, for giving me the vicHe walked forth from the jail to extory."
His execution.
. .
ecution, as
an eye-witness
said,
with
.. "
-..
a radi-
ant countenance and the step of a conqueror." There happened to stand near the door a negro woman with a
child in her arms
he paused a moment, kissed the infant and then went on his way. reverently, " I have seen a very brave man die to-day," was the re;
mark of a bv-stander when the execution w as over. Had John Brown lived two centuries earlier he would have been one of Cromwell's preaching captains. The South
r
complained (page 453) that the Free States canonized him in truth, however, it w as they themselves who had
T
;
After Mr. Lincoln's proclamation of the emancipation " old John Brown" furnished one of the
most favorite songs to the American army. The stanzas were without merit. But even the most wretched .doggerel becomes sublime when it is the solemn war-chant
of marching regiments.
CHAPTER
The
XXXII.
men, and
that
its
corner-stone was
human
slavery.
Early
.
in February, 1861, a
' .
as
pivlident^ rthe
Convention of six seceding states, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Florida, was held at Mississippi, Montgomery, Alabama. They were represented by forty-two persons. Measures were
' ' .
taken for the formation of a provisional government. After the vote on the provisional Constitution was taken, Jefferson Davis was elected President, and Alexander H.
Stephens Vice-President of the Confederacy for the curThe inauguration of Mr. Davis took place on February 18th. Both were shortly after re-elected permanently for six years. Soon, however, disappointment was expressed by the South Carolinians at the course events were Dissatisfaction iu
rent year.
One of the leading secessionists of taking. that state had desired to be attorney general, another secinretary of war, another secretary of the treasury one, was spoken of as suitable for the high office of Presdeed,
;
South Carolina.
ident.
said, in
Mr. Rhett,
so
much
"
a letter to a relative at home, pointment they have not put me forward for
;
Chap. XXXII.]
599
In Dr. Craven's Prison Life of Mr. Davis are indicated ^ ne difficulties wliich already beset the new Formation of the cabinet. He himself sketches the characPresident.
ter of his secretaries.
On
Montgomery
state,
and recommended Mr. Toombs, who was impractiAlabama, as the second, claimed the portfolio of war, nominating Mr. Pope Walker, who had South Carolina placed neither experience nor capacity. in the treasury, but he made an utter failMr.Memminger
cable and restless.
Louisiana sent Mr. Benjamin, the ablest of them all, but he did not believe the war would last ninety days. Texas sent Mr. Reagan for the postal department, a man of good common sense, but of no administrative ability. Florida sent Mr. Mallory to the navy department he had had large experience in the Naval Committee of the United States Senate, but he was complained of as remiss.
ure.
;
..
federate States of
assumed, was .modeled substantially on that of the United States. It was remarked that, after all, the old Constitution was the most suitable basis for the new Confederacy. Among points of difference must be noinstrument broadly recognized, even in its joreanible, the contested doctrine of state rights. The President and Vice-President were chosen for six
ticed that the
-
constitution.
new
years,
and the former rendered incapable of re-election while in office he could not remove any officials, except members of his cabinet, without reference to the Senate those officers had the privilege of seats in either house, and a right of discussing measures pertaining to their
; ;
This Constitution also prohibrespective departments. ited the giving of bounties from the treasury, and the levying of duties for the purpose of protection ; it dis-
L-Ll
530
[Sect. VI.
on its own revenues, and forbade the enactment of any law denying or impairing
act
;
made the
post-office rely
the right of property in slaves. Mr. Davis's views at this time are to be found in
Mr. Davis's expectaiionsaudintentious.
speeches he
,
made
'
-.
to
Montgomery, and J
m
.
In one of the former he says " The Border States will gladly come into the Southern,Confederacy within sixty days, as we shall be their only friends. England will recognize us, and a glorious future is before
dress.
:
us. The grass will grow in the Northern cities, where the pavements have been worn off by the tread of commerce." Foreshadowing the manner in which he intend-
ed to act, he said, " will carry the war where it is easy to advance where food for the sword and torch await our armies in the densely-populated cities. The enemy may come and spoil our crops, but we can raise them as before; they can not rear again the cities which took
We
" years of industry and millions of money to build." " are now determined," he said, to maintain our position,
We
feel
and make all who oppose us smell Southern powder and Southern steel." He had no idea of the length and severity of the struggle he thought it would be over in a few w eeks, as may be seen from his conversations subsequently in prison with the Surgeon Craven. Inducements and threats were applied to draw Virm an( tne ot^ er Border States into the influences brought g
; r
^-
to bear
on Virginia.
tion the
"
first article
hereby forbidden, and Congress is required to pass such laws as shall effectually prevent the same." But, with an ominous monition, the second article reads,
States
Chap. XXXII.]
53 j
Congress shall also have power to prohibit the introduction of slaves from any state not a member of this
Confederacy."
"
time Virginia was receiving an annual income In of twelve millions of dollars from the sale of slaves. 1860 twelve thousand slaves were sent over her railroads One thousand dollars for to the South and Southwest.
At
this
each was considered a low estimate. Notwithstanding this, the Ordinance of Secession did
not pass the Virginia Convention until some weeks subsequently (April 17). The Constitution also disposed summarily of the tariff, an d ld disputed points of the Slave QuesThe Tariff oues'
ti0 ">
tion.
bounties shall be granted from the treasury, nor shall any duties or taxes on importations be levied, to promote or foster any branch of industry.
"
No
have the right of tranin any state of this Confederacy, with sit and sojourn their slaves and other property, and the right of property
"
The
in said slaves shall not thereby be impaired." " No slave or other person held to service or labor in
And Fugitive siave
Question.
an y state or Territory of the Confederate States, under the laws thereof, escaping or
in consequence of any lawfully carried into another, shall, law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the
whom
such serv-
"The Confederate
a
siav ery
S
iu ewTer-
acquire new territory; in all such territory the institution of negro in the Confederate slavery, as it now exists
States
may
States, shall be recognized and protected by and by the Territorial government ; and the in-
532
ries shall
[Sect. VI.
Lave the right to take to such territory slaves lawfully held by them in any of the states Territories of the Confederate States."
any and
Mr. Davis, in his inaugural address, observed that the res ent condition of the Confederacy illusMr. Davis's inaugu- P
i
address.
trates the
upon the consent of the governed, and that it is the right of the people to alter and abolish governments
rests
whenever they become destructive to the ends for which they were established that in their action the seceding states had merely asserted the right which the Declaration of Indej^endence declares to be inalienable that it was an abuse of lan^uao-e to denominate this a revolu;
tipn.
Sustained
by
from the former Union to the Confederacy had not proceeded from a disregard on our part of our just obligations, or
any
failure to
moved by no
others
;
nations
interest or passion to invade the rights of anxious to cultivate peace and commerce with all
if
we may
we may
at
least expect that posterity will acquit us of having needlessly engaged in it; that our true policy is peace, and
the freest trade which our necessities will permit. It is alike our interest and that of all those to whom we would
sell,
or from
whom we would
the fewest practicable restrictions upon the interchange of commodities. As a necessity, not a choice, we have resorted to the
remedy of
separation.
It is advisable, in
the present condition of affairs, that there should be a well -instructed, discijuined army, more numerous than
would be required
ion seeking to rejoin them under the new Confederacy in future years, but, upon the whole, is disposed to regard
Chap. XXXII.]
it
533
remarks that, " Actuated solely by a desire to preserve our own rights and to promote our own welfare, the separation of the Confederate States has
as undesirable.
He
been marked by no aggression upon others, and followed by no domestic convulsion. Our industrial pursuits have received no check the cultivation of our fields progresses as heretofore and, even if we should be involved in war, there would be no considerable diminution in the production of the staples which have constituted our excommercial world has an interest ports, in which the This common interest of less than our own. scarcely an producer and consumer can only be intercepted by exterior force, which should obstruct its transmission to a course of conduct which would be foreign markets
; ;
In this address Mr. Davis makes no allusion to slavthat were the mainery, nor to those great questions of the movement which he was henceforth to repspring
resent.
His speech was, in truth, not addressed to the he cotton-planters of the Gulf States, in whose presence was standing, but to the commercial interest in England.
It
was a bid
coming
blockade.
But, though the Confederate President was so unwilanimated secession, ling to allude to the dread power that
it
obtruded
career,
itself
quent
this it
upon him throughout all his subseand was the cause of his ruin at last. In
was like that lemur-phantom of gigantic stature and dusky complexion who, as is related by Plutarch, came into the tent of Brutus in the night before the disastrous battle of Philippi, and, with a countenance of horwhispered to him,
"
rible intelligence,
am
75
1US.
The Vice-President
534
[Sect. VI.
however, was not so silent. In a speech deSavannah, Georgia, lie vindicated \ Constitution. the new Constitution, remarking that it amply secured all the old rights, franchises, and privileges of the people that it maintained the principle of religious liberty, the honor and pride of the old Constitution
position of the
new livered at
'
the essentials which have so enperpetuated deared that Constitution to the hearts of the American
that
it
all
people
He
considers
improvement
tho old one.
moreover, presented some great improvements, among which he enumerated its for_ it an,.,,. , i i on bidding the fostering; oi one branch ot mdus , try to the prejudice of another, thus removthat
it,
.
r>
ing the thorn of the tariff which occasioned so much irritation in the old body politic that it put at rest all ques;
principle that every locality should bear the burdens necessary for its own advantage if Charleston Harbor needs
;
improvement,
cost
;
let
if
the
burden.
ed, let the sea-going navigation benefited also dwelt with satisfaction
by
bear the
provis-
He
on the
and heads of departments should have the privilege of seats in Congress, with a right to participate in discussions upon the various subion that cabinet ministers
jects of administration
a practice
approaching that of
the English government, and from which the most signal He pointed out the advanbenefits had been derived.
tages of the lengthening of the presidential term from four to six years, and the incapacitating of the President
for re-election.
But, above
The confederate
t
all,
new
Constitution to
asserted that
sl aver
y me t
^is approval.
He
fonnaeoS the
inequaiityofman.
^he proper condition of the negro is bondHe reC alled that Jefferson, in his foreage>
cast,
Chap. XXXII.]
535
the old
Union would
become a
realized fact
that the
He
revolutionary times that somehow of Providence slavery would disappear of itself, was an illusion founded upon the fallacy that the enslavement
declared that a government resting on the principle of the equality of races was " built upon a sandy foundation, and it fell as soon as the
of Africans
is
wrong.
storm came and the wind blew." In this important respect the new government exhibits is its superiority. Slavery ., its corner-stone, The corner-stone of,i ^>i the confederacy is the condition ot bondage its recognized prmhumaii
-.
-,
.r>
slavery.
remarked that it is the first government in the history of the world based upon that a truth denied by great philosophical and moral truth
ciple.
He
-1
-1
the fanatics of the North, who in this respect are laboring under a species of insanity. He could not, however,
permit himself to doubt of the ultimate recognition of this principle throughout the civilized and enlightened
world.
The Vice-President added, "The negro, by nature and by the curse against Canaan, is fitted for the condition he
occupies in our system. An architect, in the construction of buildings, lays the foundation with the proper material
then comes the brick or the marble. The substratum of our society is made of the material fitted by nature for it, and by experience we know that it is the best not only for the superior, but the inferior race that it should be so. It is, indeed, in conformity with the Creator. It is not for us to inquire into the wisdom of For his own purhis ordinances, or to question them. he has made one race to differ from another as he poses has made one 'star to differ from another star in glory.'
;
the granite
The
great objects of humanity are best attained when conformed to his laws, in the constitution of governments
536
[Slut. VI.
Our Confederacy
is
found-
upon a strict conformity with those laws. The stone which was rejected by the first builders is become the
ed
chief stone of the corner in our
new
edifice."
"Standing thus upon that eternal truth," he continued, " ^ was immaterial who or how many the Estimated strength of the confederal, antagonists of the South might be, she must
France, Spain, Portugal, England, Ireland, and Scotland combined. Her population is far greater than that of the old thirnecessarily triumph.
her wealth five times more than theirs when they achieved their independence. With such an area of territory, such a population, with a climate and
teen colonies
;
unsurpassed by any on the face of the earth, with such resources at her command, with productions which control the commerce of the world, who could entertain any doubt of success, whether others joined with her or
soil
not."
At
Designs
the meetings of the Convention or Congress, various devices were presented for a national for a con-
rpj^ designees of these in many inflag> stances were patriotic ladies, who mistook the delusive calm of the moment for the token of j)errnanent peace.
federate flag.
and governments sometimes vanish away like the breath of a maiden from her mirror. Not without emotion do we remark that many of these designs were modifications of the grand old flag that had streamed forth triumphantly through the smoke of many a battle.
New York
.
;
(1782)
-
re-
strained the collection of debts due to perJ __ . n , , , sons the enemy s lines 7 Massachusetts
British debts
(1y84) suspended judgment for interest on Virginia also had laws prohibiting the re;
Chap. XXXII.]
537
inflict-
now
ed on the North by the Southern merchants and traders repudiating their debts. Business transactions had been conducted almost exclusively on a basis of credit, and at
the time of this repudiation
it
A hard
alternative pressed
.
Southern population , , , ,
believe that
it
cant portion
upon that portion of the and there is reason to ... was dvho means an lnsigmno
seces-
sion proceedings. Their choice lay between actual treason to the nation and asserted treason to their state.
The
doctrine that the primary allegiance of a citizen is due to his state was no new invention ; it was coeval with
the republic. State influences pressed upon the individual more closely than national influences, which in their
nature were more remote, and hence the former eventually extorted obedience. In a just estimate of the conduct of the Southern population, the inexorable severity of
this
In thus provoking war, the South acted under a delusion that she could accomplish her object with impunity;
she did not count the cost she did not bear in mind the monition of whatever thou undertakest, consider well
the end
Her
ideas
be
-i
longed, not to the nineteenth century, but , , , i to the mediaeval as;es and to sub-tropical
.
,
"^
countries. War in her eyes was typified by the mail-clad knight and his caparisoned charger. But modern warfare is truly a problem of engineering, in
533
[Sect. VI.
which there necessarily enter questions of finance. It is no longer an affair of brilliant courage and chivalry, trumit is a cold calculation, into pets and waving plumes; enter such things as census reports, the state which there
of the
"
iron-
war
and consulteth whethten thousand men to ShSiffi er he be able with the futHnlkTol-ce meet him that cometh against him with twenty thousand ?" The militia force in the Free States was more than double that in the Slave. The entire wealth of the Free States was at least two thousand millions more than that of the Slave. The fivefold ship-tonnage of the Free States was more than
not
first
down
in the
The machine-power of the Free States, fully developed, was If from material power we turn to actually incalculable. intellectual influences, the number of schools in the Free States was fourfold that of the Slave the number of scholars in the Free States was sixfold that of the Slave; the number of newspapers in the Free States was five times as great as in the Slave the number of patents issued to the Free States was sevenfold that to the Slave.
at least sixfold that of the Slave.
;
;
consider the population, of the many millions of people in the Free States, all, as the event proved, were
If
we
uphold the government; in the Slave States there were only 346,000 persons who were actually the owners of slaves and as to the slaves themselves, they must necessarily be altogether unreliable for operations
certain to
;
against armies coming to set them free. What prospect, then, was there of a triumphant issue to a war in support of slavery, if the North should be
Chap. XXXII.]
539
Their
first
preponei> ?
tremendous pow
strip arsenals stealthily with the iSSSSSSSSL. sarii y ephemeral. i ntent i on f disarming the Free States; to
To
bring the public treasury to the verge of bankruptcy to engross cabinet offices and betray cabinet secrets to em;
The power
to have spies, male and were things ephemeral in their naand, unless immediate and decisive advantage could be extracted from them, soon to prove of no , of the
;
'
J-
overwhSS
them
at last.
617
use
And
side, from
On
one
many dis-
became abOn the other there was an unceasirresistible. solutely ing decadence from the first enthusiasm, and complete exhaustion at last. A Northern army left in the white society of the South conspicuous marks of its enmity, and
asters, power was
monument
of
its friendship.
CHAPTER
TIIE
XXXIII.
South Carolina, steadily carrying out her intention, sent commissioners to WashIn an imperious manner they called the ington to treat with the government. President to account for the movements of Major Anderson in Charleston Harbor, and endeavored to throw on him the responsibility of the Civil War. Dreadful position of President Buchanan. He was surrounded by treason, and Meantime the arming of the South could do nothing without being betrayed. went on without intermission. The relief-ship " Star of the West" was fired at by the South Carolinians, and the Civil War began. Enthusiasm of the South at its commencement, awful condition at its close.
The
If the North
of
affairs,
secession clamor
,
^ cls'So n as II
;
ards
device, intended to
extort
new
electioneering concessions
anc[
the victorious
a corresponding delusion. Considering the pacific disof her antagonist, and misjudging the intentions position of the Democratic party, on which she looked as a sure
reliance in the time of trial, she did not believe that coercion would be resorted to. Forgetting that, in reject-
ing the Constitution, she voluntarily surrendered whatever benefits that instrument could yield, she denounced coercion as unlawful, and seemed to think it impossible.
She -flattered herself that a trading community can never be animated with a warlike intent. Trading communiknown to engage in the most ties, however, have been bloody and longest wars. They count the cost, it is true, but whoever does that is not likely to act with vacillation.
Chap. XXXIII.]
541
Mistakes
In supposing that the North was altogether devoted to trade, the ill-informed people of the dis. A x in the
'
'
south respecting
secession.
satisfied
states
is
Commerce, it
into
portion of the industry of the great cities, but the agricultural products of free labor were at the least a rival
Indeed, the census showed that the farms of the JSTorth,in their annual profits, were worth more than the plantations of the South. This mixture
to those of slave labor.
and distributive
agricultural
community must ever be inno matter what may be the apparent poor,
products.
seces-
value of
its
works around that city, since to do so would be to inaugurate coercion, which the President, in and though his message, had condemned The insurgents, though they had -f^g insurgents had scornfully cast on the reJ o the recast straints of the Constitution, they were still Itlulu^demand
*
7
'
oft
1'
clamorously demanding its benefits, insisting should the government at Washington be justified that,
in coercing individuals,
state.
it
to
Prudence, however, dictated that precautions ought be taken, in view of the contingency that force might possibly be resorted to. Re-enforcements of troops were With therefore brought from Savannah to Charleston. an intention of securing the advantage of a paralysis of the incoming administration, the more audacious newspapers urged Virginia and Maryland to veno J o Virginia and Mary- A * ure on the seizure of Washington. To get Swashington Cltypossession of the public offices and archives had become a part of the conspiracy.
54i>
[Sect. VI.
But Virginia lingered in her movements, and Maryland was too weak to act alone; the initiative, therefore, fell upon South Carolina, and the first resort to physical
force occurred in the harbor of Charleston.
Major Anderson, who was in command of the insignificant government forces at Charleston, perMajor Anderson, in ? i i ,d
'
,,
:lt
':.""
Charleston, applies
0111
; ",
,.
ceived that
it
was the
-i
forre^enfor
resented to the
War
Under the excuse that to send sity of re-enforcing him. troops to the forts would only be to offend the excited South Carolinians, those re-enforcements were never sent,
and Anderson was directed to address any communications he might have to make to the Adjutant General or
to the Secretary of War, thus preventing General Scott from coming to a knowledge of the case. The full im-
port of these instructions became obvious some months afterward, when the Adjutant General Cooper repaired to Montgomery and joined the Confederate army.
Major Anderson, after repeated entreaties, finding that was no hope of aid from Washington, proceeded, in the best manner he could, to make sure of his own safety. He was in Fort Moultrie, one of the weaker works in
there
Charleston Harbor.
fromFort^Monitrie
December 26th he suddenly moved into Fort Sumter. It was built on an artificial island,
;
made
of stone chips from the quarries of New England, and had cost a million of dollars its walls were sixty feet high, and from eight to twelve feet thick its armament was 140 guns, in three tiers at this time, however,
it
had only
75.
The evacuation
of Moultrie
commenced
of that
little after
sundown, and
in the bright
moon
night was quickly completed. The guns were spiked, the carriages burnt; the powder, cartridges, small-arms, clothing, provisions, accoutrements, and other munitions
of war, were removed
;
the flag-staff
Chap. XXXIII.]
Iii
543
movement was
most
movement
Satisfaction at this in the
satisfaction, as an indication that Mr. -ri i-ii-ii i n i Buchanan had at last nerved himselt to de
1
ment
fend the national cause, and that the governofficers, civil and military, intended to discharge
their duty.
ton Harbor
The
force
transfer of the military force in Charlesit could hardly be called, for it con-
might be held, was regarded as an act calculated to rally the national heart. By occupying the key of the whole position, Major Anderson had rendered an attack upon himself less probable than it was
before,
men
to a post that
and placed himself in a better position to resist it. The occupation of Fort Sumter was received in Charles11 witn a paroxysm of angerit was the Anger excites m t? Charleston. for an explosion of treason in the cabsignal
it
Washington. Mr. Floyd, the Secretary of War, on December 27th, read the following letter to President Buchanan in presence of the cabinet
inet at
:
now, from the action of the commander of Fort Moultrie, that the solemn pledges of the goveminent have been violated by Major Anderson. retar^ofwarfurges Iu m J judgment, but one remedy is now left us by ican forces from which to vindicate our honor and prevent civil Avar. Charleston. It is in vain now to hope for confidence on the part of the people of South Carolina in any further pledges as to the action of the military. One remedy is left, and that is to withdraw the garrison from the harbor of Charleston. I hope the President
Sir,
It is evident
"
SaSmer.
me to make that order at once. This order, in my judgcan alone prevent bloodshed and civil war. ment, " John B. Floyd."
will allow
Mr. Floyd, on his recommendation being rejected, tendered his resignation as Secretary of War,
-i
-r
Presi-
who
344
I
[Sect. VI.
The President, however, exliis place. that he had previously requested Mr. Floyd plicitly states There had been a fraudulent transaction in to resign. the Department of the Interior respecting a large sum
[olt,
had placed Mr. Floyd in a very deli($8 70,000), which But before resigning he had ordered cate position.
S5"
e
on"arscnai s toThe"
heavy ordnance to be transferred from Alleand also to gliany Arsenal to Ship Island, Galveston. Moreover, he had, by a single
imorder, effected the transfer of 115,000
proved muskets and rifles from the Springfield Armory and Watervliet Arsenal to different arsenals at the South.
Speaking of these transactions, a secession newspaj^er, " Mobile Advertiser, says, During the past year 135,430 muskets have been quietly transferred from the Northern arsenal at Springfield alone to those of the Southern
States.
the
foresight
he has thus displayed in disarming the North, and equipping the South for this emergency. There is no telling the quantity of arms and munitions which were sent South from other arsenals." Mr. Floyd had also sent a large part of the United States army into m Texas, and x put it under the command of General Twiggs General Twiggs, who soon after surrendered armylnTexas to
,
.
'
that state,
jt
The
clothing, com-
missary, and ordnance stores, animals with their harness, wagons, and other property thus lost, were in value $1,209,500. This was exclusive of the public buildings. For this General Twiggs was subsequently dismissed
By
"War Department, March 1st, 1861. the direction of the President of the United States, it is ordered that Brigadier General David E. Twiggs be,
and
is
by order of the
11
the^rmyfor"
treachery.
States for his treachery to the flag of his country, in having surrendered, on the 18th day of February,
Chap. XXXIII.]
545
1861, on the
demand of the
and other property of the United States in his department and unJ. Holt, Secretary of War." der his charge.
excuses can palliate such acts as those of Mr. Floyd. He did not betray his trust through fealty character of Mr.
No
yjjginj^ h^g native state, or for her sole benefit, but, being a confidential adviser of the President of the United States, he armed one section of the United
^Q
Floyd's acts.
Commissioners appointed by South Carolina to treat with the government of the United States arrived in Washington, and addressed the following letter to the
President
"
Sir,
:
"
Letter of the South powers from the Convention of the people of South C are authorized and emSonersto theres- Carolina, under which we ident powered to treat with the government of the United States for the delivery of the forts, magazines, light -houses, and other real estate, with their appurtenances, in the They had beeu instructed to demand limits of South Carolina, and also for an apportionthe south Carolina nient of the public debt, and for a division of all forts other property held by the government of the United States as agent for the confederated states of which South Carolina was recently a member, and generally to negotiate And a division of other public prop- as to all other measures and arrangements proper to er y be made and adopted in the existing relation of the and for the continuance of peace and amity between that parties, commonwealth and the government at Washington.
-
'
"
',
-1
'
our duty to furnish you, as we copy of the Ordinance of SeOrdrnance of Seces- cession, by which the State of South Carolina has resumed the powers she delegated to the government of the United States, and has declared her perfect sovereignty and
it is
now
independence.
" It would also have been our duty to have informed you that were ready to negotiate with you upon all such questions as necessarily raised by the adoption of this ordinance, and that were prepared to enter upon this negotiation with the earnest
we
are
we
de-
I.
Mm
4
sire to
[Sect. VI.
unnecessary and hostile collision, and so to inaugumutual respect, general advanand a future of good-will and harmony beneficial to all the tage,
rate our
new
relations as to secure
parties concerned.
"
last twenty-four hours render such an ascame here, the representasurance impossible. tives of an authority which could at any time witht ] ie p aB^ s i x ty days have taken possession of the
We
Charleston Harbor, but which, upon pledges eiven in a manner that we can not doubt, determined to trust to your honor rather than to its own power. Since our arrival here, an officer of the United States, acting, as we are assured, not only without, but against your orders, has dismantled one fort and occupied another, thus altering, to a most important
extent, the condition of affairs under which we came. " Until these circumstances are explained in a manner which relieves us of all doubt as to the spirit in which these , x
They suspend
all
negotiations shall be conducted, we are forced to _ _. ,, n suspend all discussion as to any arrangement by
wj jc
1
]1
may be
amicably ad-
justed.
speedily
we would urge upon you the immediate withdrawal of the troops from the harbor of Charlesr e Under the present circumstances they are a ton. im\Veamte v>tth6 standing menace, which renders negotiation impossifroop^from Chariestou. ^^ an(^ as our recent experience shows, threatens to bring to a bloody issue questions which ought to be
And,
in conclusion,
"
settled with temperance and judgment. " have the honor to be, very respectfully, " W.
We
your obedient
j
serv-
ants,
R.
J.
Barnwell,
"
Commissioners.
[
"To
To
this letter the President replied on the following day to the effect that he had defined his position as President of the
*&&jfim
United States
in
his recent message to Congress ; that he had no authority to decide what should "be the relations be-
tween the federal government and South Carolina, much less had he the power to acknowledge the independence
Chap.
XXXIIL]
547
of that state.
officer
with the power of recognizing the dissolution of An attempt of that kind would be a naked act of usurpation, and therefore it was his duty to submit to Congress the whole question in all its bearings. He continued, that he was willing to receive the comthe Union.
missioners only as private gentlemen of the highest chartheir proposition to Congress he acter, and communicate
;
denied ever having given any such pledges respecting the forts in Charleston Harbor as was asserted, but indicated the manner in which such an impression might possibly have arisen. He furnished a memorandum of the instructions that
to
other things, to the Floyd, the Secretary of War among effect that he had carefully abstained from increasing the
any measures which might add to the public excitement there and that, while that officer must carefully avoid every act which might needif attacked, he must defend himlessly provoke collision, He was also authorized, if atself to the last extremity. or if he had tangible evidence of a design of that tacked,
force in that harbor, or taking
;
command
into
forts that
he
niio-ht
think best.
these circumstances, the President added, it is clear that Major Anderson acted upon his own responsi-
Under
and without authority, unless, indeed, he had tanevidence on the part of South Carolina to proceed gible to a hostile act but still, since he is a brave and honorable officer, justice requires that he should not be conbility,
;
demned without a
fair hearing.
That, on learning that Major Anderson had left Fort Moultrie, his first promptings were to command him to
This could only have been clone with any decommand by the concurrence of the gree of safety to the South Carolina authorities.. But, before any step could
return.
"
548
[Sect. VI.
have possibly been taken in this direction, we received information that the Palmetto flag floated out to the breeze at Castle Pinckney, and a large military force
'
Fort Moultrie.' Thus the auSouth Carolina, without waiting or asking for any explanations, and doubtless believing, as you have expressed it, that the officer had acted not only without, but against my orders, on the very next day after the night when the removal was made, seized by a military force two of the federal forts in the harbor of Charleston, and have covered theni with their own flag instead of that of the United States. On the very day that possession of those two forts was taken, the Palmetto flag was raised over the federal Custom-house and Post-office in Charleston, and on the same day every officer of the customs collector, naval officer, surveyor, and appraiser resigned their offices. In the harbor of Charleston we
went over
last night to
thorities of
now
which the federal flag floated only four days ago, but now over two of them this flag has been supplanted, and the Palmetto flag has been substituted in its stead. It is under all these circumstances that I am urged mimediately to withdraw the troops from the harbor of Charleston, and am informed that without this negotiaThis I can not do this I will not tion is impossible. do. Such an idea was never thought of by me in any No such allusion had been made possible contingency. in any communication between myself and any human At this point of writing I have received informabeing. tion by telegraph from Captain Humphreys, in command of the arsenal at Charleston, that it has to-day been taken
by
force of arms.
munitions of
war belonging
dollars.
After this information, I have only to add, that while it is my duty to defend
needless.
Comment
Chap. XXXIII.]
549
Fort Sumter, as a portion of the public property of the United States, against hostile attacks, from whatever
come, by such means as I possess for this purpose, I do not perceive how such a defense can be construed into a menace against the city of Charleston."
quarter they
may
To
" ~ anions other things savins; that the State of South Carolina having, in the exercise of that great right of self-government which underlies all our political organizations, declared herself sovereign and
commissioners to him.
...
independent, we, as her representatives, feel no special solicitude as to the character in which you might recog-
This was in reference to the President's remark that he could only receive them as private gentlemen. They then criticise certain points of his letter, correcting
nize us."
important misconceptions into which they affirmed he had fallen, and proceed to say: "Some weeks ago the State of South Carolina declared her intention, in the existing condition of public affairs, to secede from the United States. She called a Convention of her people to put
her declaration in
The Convention met, and passed All this you anticipated, and your course of action was thoroughly considered in your annual message. You declared you had no right, and would not attempt to coerce a seceding state, but that you were bound by your constitutional oath, and would defend the property of the United States within the borders of South Carolina if an attempt was made
force.
to take
it
by
force.
was a
difficult
you
manifest-
You
did not
the garrison in the harbor of O You removed a distinguished Charleston. an( j Ye t eran officer from the command of Fort
re-enforce
550
[Sect. VI.
lie attempted to increase his supply of ammunition. You refused to send additional troops to the same garrison when applied for by the officer appointed to succeed him. You accepted the resignation of the oldest and most eminent member of your cabinet rather than allow the garrison to be strengthened. You com-
Moultrie because
to return impelled an officer stationed at Fort Sumter to the arsenal forty muskets which he had mediately taken to arm his men. You expressed, not to one, but to
of our most distinguished public characters, whose testimony will be placed upon the record whenever it is
many
of this necessary, your anxiety for a peaceful termination milcontroversy, and your willingness not to disturb the status of the forts if commissioners should be sent itary
to the government, whose communications you promised You received formal and official to submit to Congress.
Governor of South Carolina that we had been appointed commissioners, and were on our way to Washington. We saw you, and called upon you then to
notice from the
redeem your pledge. You could not deny it. With the facts we have stated, and in the face of the crowning and conclusive fact that your Secretary of War had resigned his seat in the cabinet upon the publicly avowed ground that the action of Major Anderson had violated the pledged faith of the government, and that, unless the pledge was instantly redeemed, he was dishonored, denial was impossible you did not deny it. You do not deny it now, but you seek to escape from its obli;
And of an intention
of escaping from
As to your assertion that the augation. thorities of South Carolina, instead of ask-
-,
ing explanations, and giving you an opportunity to vindicate yourself, took possession of other property of the United States, we would observe that, even if this were
so, it
for decision
does not avail you for defense, for the opportunity was afforded you before these facts occurred.
Chap. XXXIII.]
55 1
We arrived at Washington on Wednesday; the news from Major Anderson reached here early on Thursday, and was immediately communicated to you. All that
day men of the highest consideration men who had striven successfully to lift you to your great office, who had been your tried and true friends through the troubles of your administration, sought you and entreated you to act at once. to act They told you that every hour complicated your position. They only asked you to give the assurance that, if the facts were so that if the commander had acted without and against your orders, and
in violation of
your pledges that you would restore the You restatus you had pledged your honor to maintain. fused to decide. For the last sixty days you have had in Charleston Harbor not force enough to hold the forts Two of them were einpty one against an equal enemy. It could of those two the most important in the harbor. have been taken at any time. You ought to know better than any man that it would have been S%h2! taken but for the efforts of those who put would have wrest,. i ed the forts from their trust in your honor. -Deiievmo; that " him but for consideratiousofgenerthey were threatened by Fort Sumter especially, the people were with difficulty restrained from securing, without blood, the possession of After many and reiterated asthis important fortress. surances given on your behalf, which we can not believe unauthorized, they determined to forbear, and in good faith sent on their commissioners to negotiate with you. They meant you no harm wished you no ill; they thought of you kindly, believed you true, and were willing, as far as was consistent with duty, to spare you unScarcely had these comnecessary and hostile collision. missioners left than Mai or Anderson waged O And that they conNo otner words will describe his acsifn'smfaa war an act of war. It was not a peaceful change from one t[ ou
;
,
-,
-,
>
552
[Sect. VI.
fort to another
it
was a
and only justified in the presence of a superior enemy, and in imminent peril. He abandoned his position, spiked his guns, burned his gun-carriages, made preparations for the destruction of his post, and withdrew, under cover of the night, to a safer position. This was war. You have decided you have resolved to hold by force what you have obtained through our misplaced confidence, and, by refusing to disavow the action of Major Anderson, have converted his violation of orders into a
;
Be the issue legitimate act of your executive authority. what it may, of this we are assured, that if Fort Moultrie
has been recorded in history as a memorial of Carolina gallantry, Fort Sumter will live upon the succeeding page as an imperishable testimony of Carolina faith."
your course you have probably rendered civil war inevitable. Be it so. If J you choose to force They cast upon h tnis lssue upon us, tne State of South Carobmty of the'dvu
"
By
who
God
is
the
to tne
God
lina will accept it, and, relying upon him of Justice as well as the God of Hosts,
They appeal
win endeavor
to
of Hosts,
thoroughly." " Our mission being one for negotiation and peace, and note leaving us without hope of a withAnd decline all far- your n t^ o ther negotiations drawal ot the troops from .tort feumter, or x with the President. \ of the restoration or the status quo existing
-,
-,
. .
-,
at the time of our arrival, and intimating, as we think, your determination to re-enforce the garrison in Charles-
is
made upon
the foregoing
Chap. XXXIII.]
553
o'clock, Wednesday.
He
This paper, presented to the President, a c iiarac ter that he declines to receive it,"
"
is
of such
And, indeed, it was not possible that even the timid and
other course. vacillating President should take any could approve either of the spirit or the impartial person language of this communication, addressed as it was to
No
impression on
men
of
all
made
Even by those who were politically hostile to States. Mr. Buchanan it was read with indignation. '' these letters on It alienated many who had heretofore looked
on Southern interests with favor. They exclaimed, "Had General Jackson been President now, If the authors things would not have come to this pass. of such a paper had ventured to present it to him, they would not have escaped with impunity from his iron
grasp."
Mr. Buchanan himself says;" This (letter) was so vio,r ._ lent, unfounded, and disrespectful, and so reMr. Buchanan's
.
,
'
6"
ment respecting
gardless of what is due to any individual whom the people have honored with the of-
fice
of President, that the reading of it in the cabinet exWith their cited indignation among all the members.
unanimous approbation,
of
its date,
it
returned to the commissioners. Surely no newas ever conducted in such a manner, unless, gotiation indeed, it had been the predetermined purpose of the neIt gotiators to produce an open and impending rupture. was presented to the Senate by Mr. Jefferson Davis immediately after the reading of the President's Message on January 8th, and such was the temper of that body that Mr. it was received, read, and entered on the journals."
Davis followed it up by a severe attack on the President. It has been said of the message of January 8th that
554
"
it
[Sect. VI.
hia inflrmity of
was a plea for mercy and a cry of despair and that the President was appalled
;
expectation' of civil war." But, in Mr. Buchanan's conduct during these trying considering times, we must bear in mind the special circumstances in
by the
which he was placed. He was living in an , TT His cabinet 'was atmosphere , or treason. treason. , disorganized its confidential policy was repeatedly betrayed a ship could not be ordered on secret
He is living In an
atmosphere of
.
,,
crecy in its council chamber was instantly reverberated to Montgomery. Senators who had sworn to support the
its
Kepresentatives were holding their seats in Congress merely to embarrass legislation, and be of service to the insurgents. It was a state of things which recalled the old times when conspirators against Borne were treasonably establishing a canrp in Etruria, and Catiline was meeting with the Senate in the Temple of Conclaves were held under the very Jupiter Stator. shadow of the Capitol for the seizure of forts, arsenals, custom-houses, and for the organization of Conventions to insure secession in the distant states the telegraph and the post-office were tampered with. Officers, forgetful of the honor of a soldier, surrendered their commissions nay, more, surrendered the army sailors were surrendering ships arsenals were stealthily despoiled. The government itself was secretly disarmed; its munitions of war were transferred to its assailant its troops, under specious pretenses, were sent off to the frontiers, there to be entrapped its navy was treacherously dispersed all over the ocean its finances, with atrocious skill, were
overthrow.
ruin.
The public
Ciiap.
XXXIII. ]
555
were swarming with disloyal men, and even of who were loyal, the wives and daughters many trusted. Nothing could be hidden from the were not to be
offices
of those
female spies who pervaded society in "Washington through and through. When Mr. Buchanan saw that so dreadful was the general demoralization that acts from which men
had heretofore recoiled with abomination were now gloried in, and that there was no wickedness for which a he saw that he justification could not be found; when was held not only officially, but personally responsible for what was taking place, it is not to be wondered at that after the cabinet meeting of December 27th he lived
in terror of assassination.
On New
any of the customary calls were made on him. Loyal " I and disloyal men declined to shake hands with him.
have
tried," lie
"
to
do
;
my
am
self-
duty to both
sections,
The
contradictions of the party that had borne him to power were concentrating on his head. It was impossible for
him
to please one side without giving mortal offense to a Cromwell may cease to resolute man the other.
smile
when he
shadow
palled.
in France
that his
Buchanan is apweak man a T> Not without truth was it asserted presidency had been consumed in
a
;
powand the consequent ruin of the Democratic party that the South was determined to get out of the Union the moment the balance inclined against her, and that
er,
the rebellion
was prepared
coup
d'etat.
was a slavery These were not the times for one whose
at leisure;
it
office were subsequently dequalifications for his great his antagonist, Mr. Davis, the President of the scribed by
550
[Sect. VI.
Confederacy, as being that he more nearly fulfilled the European idea of chief of state in his social relations than
"
any other American since Washington; that he was dignified, polished, reticent, suave, fond of lady -gossip and the atmosphere of intrigue, a stickler for the ceremony
of power." The President was alternately querulously casting the responsibility on Congress, and alternately proposing vain compromises with a triumphant con-
The times demanded something more than a dexterous politician, a trimming placeman. The roaring
spiracy.
gulf of a revolutionary Niagara could not be crossed by an acrobat, who must make his way on a slender and
fearfully
ror,
swaying rope, whose head was giddy with terand who, in mid-passage, had dropped his balancing-
pole.
of the commissioners.
But the President was not unavenged for this outrage This was the second occasion on
which, through ill-conceived or unsuitable state papers, South Carolina brought injury on herself. Nor was that
injury restricted to the forfeiture of esteem on the part of her friends in the North ; it also extended to the slave-
holding states; and accordingly it was seen in the subsequent administration of the affairs of the Confederacy that she never occupied a controlling position. Her office
was
to break the
Union by
violence.
In that most
important of all state papers which she could possibly put forth the declaration of causes which induced her
she secession
sion, and instead of that masterly exhibition of the great facts of the case, which would have been given had Mr. Calhoun been spared to her, she*sought to justify her momentous action by the weakest and most unpopular of the arguments that were at her command. Modern civilization had conclusively repudiated African slavery. It was not likely to accept any infractions of the Fugitive
Chap. XXXIII.]
EUROPEAN OPINIONS.
the states of
tlie
557
sufficient vin-
Slave
Law by
North as a
dication for the inducing of civil war, and especially when it was openly affirmed that South Carolina herself
had never
on these transactions
lost
.
Opinions in Europe
a single slave through that cause. In Europe, the inadequacy of this document was a i -it j l i signal disappointment to those who were well disposed to favor its revolutionary in,
tent.
England, referring to
and
almost amusing. The philosophy and phraseology of the Declaration of Independence of 1776 are imitated. Whole paragraphs are copied from that famous document. The
Mongreat writers of his age,**and we may trace of his composition. tesquieu and Rousseau in every line It is rather interesting to see his language, which de-
by the
social compact,
used by a conclave of frantic negro-drivers to stigmatize the conduct of those who will not allow a Southern gentleman to bring his 'body-servant' into their territory. South Carolina, however, has shown wisdom in thus taking high ground. People are generally taken at the value which they set on themselves, and Carolina does right
to play the part of outraged patience
'
and indignant
vir-
tue."
of
had dispatched Mr. dishing to Charleston as his confiIt was his desire to postpone the trouble dential agent.
now
so unmistakably impending until after the inauguration of his successor, but it did not suit the views of
the leaders of secession to gratify his wishes. Mr. Cobb, of Georgia, had resigned his position as SecThe
cabinet is in state of disorgan-
a.
retary ot the Ireasury on December 10th. General Cass, the Secretary of State, had re-
.-,
-^
_,
r.,-l
558
[Sect. VI.
signed on the 14tb, though for a very different motive disapproval of the President's refusal to sustain Major
in Charleston by re-enforcements and provisMr. Thompson, the Secretary of the Interior, followed their example early in January. Mr. Floyd's resignation has already been referred to. The cabinet was
ions.
Anderson
time
wavering, and undetermined what to do. Among those who were brought into power by these cabinet changes was Edwin M. Stanton. His first office
general.
ministration of Mr. Lincoln he rose to a position of supreme responsibility. He stood forth what his country
in her
great war-minister. In the annals of England, our ancestral country, there in the annals of France is no counterpart of this man
;
but one. Meanwhile the seizure of the national property by the Slave States went on without any check. , Seizure of the nar tionai property by (reorgia took possession oi the arsenal at the seceding states. Augusta, and of Forts Pulaski and Jackson. North Carolina seized the arsenal at Fayetteville, Fort Macon, and the defenses of Beaufort and Wilmington. Alabama seized the arsenal at Mobile, and also Fort Morgan. Louisiana seized the arsenal at Baton Rouge, the Mint and Custom-house at New Orleans, together with Forts Jackson and St. Philip, commanding the Mississippi, and Fort Pike, which commanded Lake Pontchartrain. Florida and Alabama conjointly seized the navy yard at Pensacola, and Fort Barrancas and Fort M'Rae. If to these be added the property given up to Texas by General Twiggs, the munitions of war with which the seized arsenals had been filled by the premedthere
is
^
,
.
-,
Chap. XXXIII.]
559
itated orders of Mr. Floyd, the gold taken from the various sub-treasuries half a million of dollars being ob-
New
its
Orleans alone
ships of
with
after seized
by
which the secessionists had thus obtained can not be estimated at less than forty millions of dollars. It was seized with impunity, because it was without defense. Fortunately for the nation, Fortress Monroe, in Virginia, the most valuable of all these public works, escaped it played a most conspicuous and decisive part in the ensuing
;
Buchanan came
to the determina-*
_ The President
.,
tion to
at-
ttyttlSefoi f rCe
Port Sumter.
ter
West"
left
New York
that purpose.
Accordingly, the steamer "Star of the on the night of January 5 th for The intention was that she should accom;
sippi, the Secretary of the Interior, after ati -,. ,. i j_n tending a meeting ot the cabinet, actually sent a dispatch to Charleston, informing the
On
the
appearance of the ship in Charleston Harbor, she was accordingly fired at from a battery on Morris
KwSgK
tomans and drfven
off.
She had the American flag flying at the time, and, soon after the first shot,
Island.
hoisted a large American ensign. tinued under fire for more than ten minutes.
...
"
struck just abaft the fore-rigging, and her planking stove in one shot came within an ace of carrying away the rudder." At the same time, two steamers and a schooner
;
made an attempt
stances,
to cut her
off.
Under
these circum-
5G0
[Sect. VI.
for sea, the Lattery firing at her until the shot fell short.
New
She
civil
war.
took
^j ie
fearful
manifest duty, and fired at the American flag. In her delirium of fancied sovereignty, she cast from her all
of
its
thought that an avenger would one day come. The Slave States, from Chesapeake Bay to the Mexican frontier, joined with her in a bacchanal dance. They were
goddesses in each other's eyes.
Awfui respcsibiii-
The
frantic
alon g evei
C
!fu.fhfthese t?ans-
a later page we shall see the consequences of their intoxication, their thyrsus
dis-
On
with
its
-, -,
.
.
,
directions to
arm
itself.
repaired, 1
-
'
and
.
thing's got
-,
m readiness to open
.
-, .
,
on Major Anderson in Fort Sumter. The Governor of Virginia announced that " he will regard
fire
t\
the attempt of (American) troops to pass across Virginia for the purpose of coercing a Southern state as an act of
invasion which must be repelled." Artillery was sent to Vicksburg to control the navigation of the Mississippi Even from New York itself an attempt was River.
made
pany
is
to ship fire-arms to the South; one express comaccused of having forwarded to Orleans
New
In retaliation for forty tons of shot, shell, and powder. in New York of muskets intended for Georthe stoppage
gia,
New York
ships.
Officers, both of the army and navy, resigned their commissions and took up arms against the government.
Chap. XXXIII. ]
TREACHERY
IN
THE NAVY.
5(31
united statel
resign their commissions.
Ships were made over by their captains, not to the authorities of their own states,
.
but to the insurgents elsewhere. Even the ^ of state-rights and primary state allepleas Thus Captain Breshwood, a giance were disregarded. Virginian, surrendered the revenue cutter he
. 11 "
derel tome'uTsurgents.
commanded
.
The
the navy spirit thus appearing was strikingly manifested by the reply of this officer to the special agent sent out by the government to order
mutinous
m
.
him
New York.
Your letter, with one of the 19th of January from the "Sir, Honorable Secretary of the Treasury, I have duly received, and, in reply, I refuse to obey the order. " I am, sir, your obedient servant,
" Joh:^ G.
Beeshwood, Captain."
not
Treasury.
On
:
wood's act, the following dispatch was forthwith sent to New Orleans
"Treasury Department, January
29th, 1861.
"W. Hemphill
"
Jones,
New
Orleans
command of the cutter, and obey the order through toSSS?*? T. If Captain Breshwood, after arrest, undertempts to cfieck takes to interfere with the command of the cutter,
Lieutenant Caldwell to consider him as a muIf any one attempts to haul tineer, and treat him accordingly. him on the spot. down the American flag, shoot "John A. Dix, Secretary of the Treasury."
tell
the mutiny.
,
,,
attempts
that were
made
SSSSSSS*
L-Ns
been passed.
The Democratic
party,
know-
5(32
[Skct.VI.
ing well that its influence had always depended on a coalition with its slavery ally, was willing to forget the con-
make any The Republicans, solicitous to secure their peaceable advent to place, would "convince the disturbers that their only safe course was to desist, and behave
tumely with which
it
to
concession.
themselves;" "they could not see why their adversaries should not submit unqualifiedly to the result of a fair
and honest
Thoy
:
election, as they
But
abortive.
the time had gone by for Crittenden compromises, Senate committees of thirteen, House
committees of thirty-three, amendments of the ConstituThe slave power saw clearly tion, Peace Conventions.
persuaded from arbitrarily controlling the Union, as it had done for sixty years, there was no longer any For long it had been consafety in the Union for it. " tending against the dogmas of human equality" and
;
that
now
or never
it
must take
its
stand
it
"
the political wisdom of a brute majority." To surrender its convictions on those points now was, in its opinion, to
ty.
surrender
its institutions
and disorganize
its
its socie-
of
antagonist had
fear-
fully increased.
Proud and impetuous, it took its course. Giving itself no concern for promises, protestations, guarantees all of which it perceived were valueless, and certain to be made nugatory by the irresistible process of eventsit broke " away from its Northern master, and his voter, the for-
It persuaded itself that if it were once reeign vagrant." lieved from the pressure of the North, it conld maintain its slave system in spite of the unanimous condemnation
inauguration of a
reign of terror in the south.
rei<m of terror, a vision of independ . ence, appeals to patriotism, the novel excite.
Chap. XXXIII. ]
5(33
ment of military life, a prospect of placing the slave institution beyond the reach of Abolitionism, soon gave unanimity to the South. Her journalism was
by unscrupulous misrepresentations and an unparalleled gasconade. An illiterate people was made to believe that it was the most enlightened, the most religious, the most polite, the most One Southern soldier chivalrous community on earth. was equal in battle to five Yankees many were of opinion that that number was too small, and were rather disdisgraced
;
-.
of " indignant virtue," which had originated in Charleston, and had caused so much amusement in Europe, spread like a delusion of
posed to put
it
at ten.
The sentiment
insanity through the South. Forgetting her conspiracy of thirty years, which had culminated in her firing on the
she actually persuaded herself, before many months were gone, that "the North was the aggressor,
national
flag,
through jealousy of her superior civilization and virtues, and the purer and more pious life of her society." Her politicians had more than accomplished their purpose of firing the Southern heart. They had Firing of the southern heart. ignited the whole country. Every thing was in a dance of excitement, like the quivering of objects seen over a hot surface. The deceitful mirage of inde-
pendence loomed up in the distance, but, like the mirages of Sahara, was destined never to be reached. The sky
was
full
The women,
on an
au-
fire-flies
sage of an Ordinance of Secession was equivi 1 alent to the establishment 01 a great slave
.
.
-.
empire.
Up
to this
-1
settled
time,
504
truly war. osyllable
RETRIBUTION.
[Sect. VI.
what was
meant by that
little
When
States called for 75,000 soldiers, the news was received in Montgomery with screams of derisive laughter. There
families in
America who
In Charleston that dreadful arbitrament was first invoked. Crowds of beautiful ladies and galEnthusiasm in i Charleston at the lant gentlemen went out to see the cannons
.
-,
-,
jii
fired.
down
in Fort
"When the American flag was hauled Sumter it was a gala-day a day of cham-
by an
-.
-,
eye-witness
-.
who
walked through Charleston after an avenAwful condition of. A ,-!, Charleston at its gins; J ~ American army had raised again that in close. suited flag " The wharves looked as if they had been deserted for half a century broken down, di:
grass and moss peeping up between the pavewhere once the busy feet of commerce trode incesments,
lapidated
santly.
river,
the streets as
we
buildings
we look
at them,
take increases our astonishamazement. Every step ment. JSo pen, no pencil, no tongue can do justice to the scene no imagination can conceive the utter wreck, the universal ruin, the stupendous desolation. Rum, ruin,
;
we
above and below, on the right hand and on the left, ruin, ruin, ruin, every where and always staring at us froin every paneless. window, looking out at us from every shell-torn wall, glaring at us from every battered door, pillar, and veranda, crouching beneath our feet on every side-walk. Not Pompeii, nor Herculaneum, nor Tadmor, nor the Nile, have ruins so complete, so saddening, so plaintively eloquent, for they speak to us of an age not ours and long ago dead, with whose people, and
ruin,
Chap. XXXIII.]
RETRIBUTION.
565
and ideas we have no sympathy whatever but here, on these shattered wrecks of houses built in our own
life,
them doing credit to the architecture of read names familiar to us all, telling us our of trades, and professions, and commercial institutions which every modern city reckons up by the hundred
style,
epoch we
many
of
as silent as the graves of the Phayet dead, dead, dead as deserted as the bazars of the merchant princes raohs,
;
baleful path of
se-
blasted, but once Devastated c u beautiful provinces of the Sun, he would of?anhe ceding states. geen ^.j ie footprints of Retribution ]iave for the sake of every where retribution on those who,
now
se
ambitious ends, bring upon their country the greatest of In Columbia, where the Convencivil war. all curses tion first met, and whence it was driven by a loathsome
pestilence, stark
chimneys point out where family hearthIf he inquired in Charleston for St. Andrew's Hall, where the ordinance was passed, or for the Institute in which it was signed, some emancipated
stones once were.
black would point out to him piles of charred rubbish. The tomb in St. Philip's Church-yard he would find had been violated by the friendly hands of a sad remnant of
those
who had
and the ashes spared from the hospital and the sword of the great teacher of secession piously secreted from a He would see that the prophetic conqueror's wrath.
threat from a state in the far
"
it
a remnant
The
rebellion,
North had come to pass which began where Charleston is, shall
:
Had
50G
RETRIBUTION.
[Sect. VI.
Brown, tor trying to liberate slaves: in that home lie would have seen u a Yankee school-marm" teaching negroes to read the Bible, and that "school-marm the daughter of "old John Brown." In the once picturesque, but now desolated woods of
1'
whose ghastly corpses lie under are flitting in the midnight moonshine grassy lawns, and beckoning its master to come not to the fantastic
soldiers,
its
sand American
dance of
its
gay and
glittering halls,
tribunal of that inexorable Judge who will demand why these men were deprived of light and life. It is the unearthly welcome of
in his dream.
Warwick and
that there
is
Retribution
when he
sees the once imperious master of many hundred slaves now lowly bending his forehead on the footstool of a " poor white" who in his early life gained his bread by
and
submissively supplicating
hope
tip of the outstretched sceptre of clemency ? The stars, in their courses in the heavens, are
Retribution on tbe North and on the South.
,
-,
guided
by immutable law, and the families of men upon earth are J & uulged with unswerving x &
.
her participation the great American crime, the North has had mourning sent into tens of thousands of her families, and the wealth she has wearied herself in acquiring is wrung from her by reequity,
.bor
morseless taxation.
Her more
guilty
sister,
the South,
has in bitterness of soul surrendered far more than her first-born and as the African many a time fainted under
;
the lash of a cruel task-master, so now she faints under the lash of the Axgel of RETMBUTiOiSr. In her former
that peace
days of peace she hugged slavery to her bosom, and now, is at last given back to her, she is condemned
Chap. XXXIII.]
RETRIBUTION.
5(>f
be chained with adamant to that black and festering carcass. Guilty then both of us in the sight of God, let us not vex each other with mutual crimination, but bear with humility our punishment, though, it may be, as our chief magistrate once told us, he hard penalty, that for every tear the black man has shed, the white man
to
shall
There
D ._ Retnbution
..
await-
another people whose day of retribution is not far off who brought the curse of slavO
on ffofa nati n who, for the sake of gain, armed it and strengthened it in its dying battle; who abetted it in its treason, and encouraged it in its
er y
;
ing En-land.
fratricidal strife.
Shall he
who
its fearful
writes the story of this hideous Avar hide lesson? shall he not remember
that on this wide-spread continent climate is making us a many -diversified people ? that, in the nature of .things,
quarrels
with one another \ If, in the future, there should be any one who undertakes to fire the heart of his ^ The lesson to be learned from this people, and to set in mortal battle a cominunity against the nation, let us leave him without the excuse which the war-secessionist of our time may perhaps not unjustly plead, that he knew not what he did. Let us put our experience in the primer of every child; let us make it the staple of the novel of every school-girl let us tear from this bloody conflict its false
-i
,
, ,
-.
grandeur and tinsel glories, and set it naked in the light of day a spectacle to blanch the cheek of the bravest man, and make the heart of every mother flutter as she
sits
by her
cradle.
END OF
VOL.
I.
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