ThePoliticalGeographyOfCities_preview
ThePoliticalGeographyOfCities_preview
ThePoliticalGeographyOfCities_preview
September 2022
Abstract
We study the link between subnational capital cities and urban development
around the globe. To identify causal effects, we exploit new data on hundreds of
first-order administrative and capital city reforms from 1987 until 2018 in an event
study framework. We show that gaining subnational capital status has a sizable
effect on city growth in the medium run and that these effects spill over to nearby
cities. We provide new evidence that political importance complements locational
fundamentals, such as greater internal market access, and is limited by economies
of scale and the age of the urban network. Consistent with both an influx of
public investments and a private response of individuals and firms, we document
an increase of urban built-up, population, skilled migrants, and foreign investments
in subnational capitals. Our results imply that the locational choice of capital cities
affects agglomeration and that there are limits to how much administrative politics
can shift economic activity and promote urban growth in the hinterland.
∗
Bluhm: University of Stuttgart, Institute of Economics and Law, e-mail: [email protected]
stuttgart.de; Lessmann: Technische Universität Dresden, Ifo Institute for Economic Research & CESifo
Munich, e-mail: [email protected]; Schaudt: University of Bern, Wyss Academy for
Nature, e-mail: [email protected]). Markus Rosenbaum and Jonas Klärchen provided excellent
research assistance. Richard Bluhm has benefited from financial support by the Alexander von Humboldt
foundation and thanks the University of California San Diego for hospitality during parts of this research.
We are grateful for helpful suggestions by Samuel Bazzi, Sascha Becker, Filipe Campante, Beatrix
Eugster, Roland Hodler, Ruixue Jia, Michael Peters, Paul Raschky, Tobias Rommel, Mark Schelker, Kurt
Schmidheiny, Claudia Steinwender, Michelle Torres, Daniel Treisman, Nick Tsivanidis, and David Weil,
as well as comments from seminar participants at UC San Diego, University of St. Gallen, University of
Bergen, University of Hannover, Monash University, The College of William & Mary, and participants
at APSA, DENS, UEA, and the Harvard Cities and Development workshop.
1
1. Introduction
Subnational capitals are typically the largest city of their administrative region. For
example, most capital cities in Brazil, Indonesia, and India are also the primary city and
largest agglomeration of their region. However, the same is true in only about half the
regions of Kenya, South Africa, or the United States. Similar variation exists among cities
that have recently become capitals. Compare Raipur in India, which rose to become the
primary city of the new state of Chhattisgarh (founded in 2000), to Kiambu in Kenya,
which remained the third-ranked city of Kiambu county (founded in 2010). Why do we
observe such differences in relative growth rates among cities that formally occupy the
same position in the administrative hierarchy?
This paper studies how the change in the capital status of cities influences the
relative growth rates of cities. We exploit the recent wave of decentralization reforms1 in
developing countries and, to a lesser extent, in developed countries as a quasi-experimental
setting to estimate what we call the ‘capital city premium.’ Our analysis focuses on
city growth in a global sample of cities. We compile data on hundreds of first-order
administrative reforms that result in changes of the capital status of cities. Using these
reforms and the varied contexts in which they occur, we investigate i) whether new
capital cities increase density and attract more economic activity to a location and its
surroundings, and ii) whether the political status of a city complements or substitutes
for (a lack of) favorable locational fundamentals. The answers have important policy
implications. They shed light on the circumstances under which capitals shift activity
towards their locations and bring about local, or even regional, development.
To examine these questions, we compile comprehensive data on cities and data on
whether administrative reforms treated them. Using Geographic Information Systems
(GIS) and a plethora of more traditional sources, we first catalog all first-order sub-
national units and the location of their capitals over the period from 1987 until 2018.
We then detect the boundaries of all cities with a population above 20,000 people in
1990 (and 2015) using data derived from high-resolution daytime images (in an approach
similar to Rozenfeld et al., 2011; Baragwanath et al., 2019; Eberle et al., 2020) and
assign these cities their time-varying capital status. We measure annual variation in
economic activity and population density at the city level using nighttime light intensity
and urban built-up (similar to Storeygard, 2016; Campante and Yanagizawa-Drott, 2017;
Henderson et al., 2018). To capture how attractive particular locations are, we compile
an array of geographic characteristics for the greater area inhabited by each city, ranging
from agriculture over internal market access to the ease of external trade. This gives us
a globally comparable sample of cities and their characteristics.
1
Grossman and Lewis (2014) document a trend towards administrative unit proliferation in sub-
Saharan Africa. Our data show that this pattern holds globally at the highest level of subnational
government.
2
We analyze the short and medium-run effects of capital city reforms on city growth
using event studies and difference-in-differences specifications. Our primary source of
identifying variation is more than three decades of panel variation in the capital status
of cities. While the choice to reform a particular region and promote or demote a city to
a subnational capital is seldom random, we document that the timing of these reforms
is usually unrelated with pre-reform characteristics of these cities and that unobserved
confounders are likely to affect all cities in a reformed region similarly. This is aided by
our focus on first-order capital cities. Their importance in the political hierarchy of a
country implies that reforming them often requires constitutional changes and includes
political considerations which are typically unrelated to local conditions at the city level
(see, e.g, Bai and Jia, 2021, or Düben and Krause, 2021, on location choices in Imperial
China). To strengthen this approach and minimize the scope for dynamic selection into
treatment, we focus on the effect of gaining the status of a subnational capital for the first
time, typically when regions are split. Our design allows us to separate the potentially
endogenous decision to split a region, which we control for with fixed effects, from the
treatment of designating a new regional capital (similar to Bazzi and Gudgeon, 2021, who
study district splitting and conflict). Testing for pre-trends suggests that the identifying
assumptions hold in the sample of cities in reformed regions, the larger sample of all cities,
and matched samples with comparable control cities. The pattern of leads and lags shows
no anticipatory increases in activity but a substantial effect following the reform. It is
inconsistent with unobserved shocks driving our results and robust to using estimation
approaches of the event study model that allow for heterogeneous effects across cohorts
of cities treated at different points in time. We also find no evidence suggesting that
heterogeneous selection on observed fundamentals is driving our results. In other words,
cities that become capitals but are in locations with better market access or in countries
that are just urbanizing are not on a different growth path than other cities in the same
initial region prior to the reform.
Our analysis establishes two main findings. First, we show that there are sizable
advantages for cities that are elevated to subnational capitals. The advantages persist
in the medium run and spill over to nearby cities. Economic activity, as measured by
light intensity, in new capital cities rises by 15.7–25% five years after a territorial reform,
depending on the specification. The event-study estimates show that these effects take
about two years to materialize and then gradually increase until five years after the
change in status. Both the larger agglomeration and surrounding cities benefit from being
proximate to a city with capital status. Our analysis suggests positive but decreasing
benefits for cities up to 100 km away from the new capital. We find no evidence of negative
spillovers to non-capital cities. Second, we study the limits to how much politics can shift
economic activity to certain locations via the administrative status of a city. We find that
political status complements good locational fundamentals. Locating subnational capitals
3
in areas with better fundamentals, in particular, greater internal market access, has a
larger effect on economic activity than locating them in areas suitable for agriculture.
Moreover, we show that the capital premium depends on the intensive margin of political
importance, that is, the size of the territory governed by the new capital city, and we
find evidence suggesting that the premium is not uniform across the level of development
but primarily occurs in countries which have started to agglomerate later. This suggests
that politics exerts a more powerful force on the spatial equilibrium when the speed of
urbanization is rapid and the urban network is not fully settled, but also that policymakers
are constrained in how much they use administrative reforms to shift economic activity
towards the hinterland. Additional results show that the capital premium dissipates only
slowly after cities lose their status.
We examine three mechanisms. First, we observe significant increases in housing
and infrastructure (urban built-up) and population density. Second, using microdata
from recent migrants to cities that become new regional capitals, we provide direct
within-city evidence of selective in-migration to new capitals. More educated individuals
migrate to capital cities after they gain the status of a subnational capital. Third, we
find evidence of increased private investments in finance and insurance, manufacturing,
and other productive sectors in capital cities. Public investments are larger in capitals
and appear to be concentrated in water and sanitation, infrastructure, and government.
Hence, our findings are unlikely to be driven by increases in public employment in capital
cities alone. Consistent with the pattern of private and public investments, we document
that residents of capital cities accumulate more assets, have better access to electricity,
higher educational attainment, and lower child mortality rates than residents of other
comparably dense cities in the same region. This pattern is robust to excluding recent
migrants to capital cities, except for educational attainment, where selective migration
plays a larger role. Together with the pattern of spillovers, these results suggest that
the investments associated with cities becoming capitals promote local and regional
development more broadly.
Our finding that the political status of a city affects where economic activity takes
place relates to a seminal literature in urban economics which has established that
(national) capitals and primate cities are more populous in non-democracies than in
democracies (Ades and Glaeser, 1995; Davis and Henderson, 2003). We show that
territorial decentralization in democracies and non-democracies alike can shift activity
within an initial region and the entire country. To the best of our knowledge, our study
is the first to document the contemporary effects of capital cities on the concentration
of economic activity over a policy-relevant time frame in a global sample of cities.
This differentiates our contribution from the nascent literature on subnational capitals.
Isolated state capitals in the US, for example, are associated with more corruption, less
accountability, and lower public good provision (Campante and Do, 2014), but we lack
4
broader evidence on how location interacts with urban growth.2 In related studies, Bai
and Jia (2021) and Chambru et al. (2021) study the effects of subnational capitals on
population growth in Chinese prefectures from 1000 to 2000 CE and French municipalities
after the French Revolution. They observe long-run increases in population, public goods,
and connectivity, while the latter also document a lack of short-term growth in the new
departmental capitals of France. Our focus is very different. Beyond establishing that
capitals grow faster, we study why the capital premium is higher or absent in some cities
and show that the characteristics of a location matter for whether administrative cities
grow in the short and medium run. Moreover, both studies focus on highly centralized
countries that have had a remarkable administrative capacity throughout their history,
leaving open the question of whether this extends to developing countries today—many
of whom are more decentralized but also have limited state capacity.3
Our finding that economic fundamentals, such as internal market access, play an
important role for capital city growth supports a central premise of economic geography.
Increasing returns to scale and path dependence can explain why we observe cities in
places that do not seem to have favorable fundamentals today (Krugman, 1991; Davis
and Weinstein, 2002; Miguel and Roland, 2011; Bleakley and Lin, 2012; Michaels and
Rauch, 2018). We add that granting capital status to cities in locations with good
fundamentals can facilitate agglomeration in more productive locations. However, the
capital premium dissipates slowly and does not persist once the status is lost. Hence,
choosing particular cities as capitals can improve welfare, provided that the relative
importance of fundamentals shifts only slowly (see Allen and Donaldson, 2020, on how
temporary shocks can permanently affect aggregate welfare). A related literature is
concerned with whether fundamentals, sorting, or learning drive the large productivity
gains observed for workers in bigger cities (see, e.g., Glaeser, 1999; Combes et al., 2008;
Roca and Puga, 2016). We provide new evidence that migrants with higher initial
educational attainment sort into capital cities (after, not before, they change their status).
Our results are also relevant to debates about what policies can be used to address
spatial inequality (see, e.g., Lessmann, 2014; Kessler et al., 2011; Baum-Snow et al.,
2020). Henderson et al. (2018), for example, show that city locations in countries that
have developed earlier tend to have been more influenced by agricultural characteristics
and exhibit a more balanced distribution of economic activity than late agglomerators.
We add a policy-relevant margin to this finding. Although countries that began to
agglomerate late exhibit higher spatial concentration today, decentralizing their territorial
structure can influence the spatial equilibrium. Our results suggest that a key constraint
for policymakers is the size of the administrative regions. Moreover, our finding of
2
Campante et al. (2019) add that isolation can also provide autocrats with shelter from insurrection,
which is precisely why they sometimes relocate national capitals to the hinterland.
3
In fact, in additional results, we show that the capital city premium is about twice as large in
decentralized (federal) countries than in more centralized countries.
5
complementarity between politics and fundamentals speaks to the literature on place-
based policies (Glaeser and Gottlieb, 2008; Kline, 2010; Neumark and Simpson, 2015).
This literature has yielded mixed results empirically but highlights the potential (and
challenges) of exploiting agglomeration economies through public policy.
Several aspects of this paper aim to move the current literature forward. First, we
offer new global data on first-order administrative and capital city reforms. There is an
extensive list of single country studies focusing on the diverse impacts of administrative
reforms but sparse global evidence of this phenomenon. Second, leveraging large amounts
of remotely-sensed data allows us to focus directly on cities, rather than administrative
regions which change as a result of territorial reforms. Third, taking a global perspective
enables us to ask a different set of questions over a shorter time frame. The heterogeneity
in fundamentals and national contexts allows us to exploit variation that is usually
unavailable within a single country.
The paper is organized as follows. Section 2 presents the data on capital city reforms
and describes the global sample of cities. Section 3 discusses the empirical strategy.
Section 4 presents the results and discusses them. Section 5 investigates treatment
heterogeneity, Section 6 household outcomes, and Section 7 mechanisms. Section 8
concludes.
2. Data
We start by describing our data, focusing on the construction of our main variables of
interest. Other data sources are introduced later when they are used for the first time. A
key constraint is that all data need to be available on a global scale, which is why we rely
heavily on remotely-sensed data. This is not necessarily a disadvantage. Little to no data
are available on the city level in developing countries and, even if more were available, it
would be difficult to harmonize measurement across countries. Satellite-based measures
are consistently defined for the entire globe and allow us to apply uniform definitions
throughout. Online Appendix A provides a complete overview of the sources, variables,
their coverage, and summary statistics.
4
Two sources come somewhat close: The Global Administrative Unit Layers (GAUL) project of the
Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) tracks the spatial evolution of administrative units between
1990 and 2014 across the world. Drawing on input from a variety of sources, the Statoids project collects
(non-spatial) information on capital cities and administrative units (Law, 2010). Unfortunately, both
data sets are riddled with errors and omissions, cover different time spans, and do not contain coordinates
6
new data containing the names and spatial extent of all first-order administrative units
from 1987 until 2018, including the names and locations of capital cities over time. The
data covers all types of territorial reforms, that is, splits and mergers of regions, area
swaps, capital city re-locations and the creation of new countries. Creating this data is
a two step process. First, we identify suitable vector data which accurately represents
the boundaries of each unit within a country at a particular point in time. This involves
a variety of sources (e.g., GAUL, GADM, Digital Chart of the World, United Nations
Environment Program, and AidData’s GeoBoundaries project) and an algorithm which
re-allocates small differences in boundaries to match those reported in the most accurate
data sources. When no suitable data are available, we use international or national
atlases, georeference and digitize the corresponding map. Second, we geocode all capital
cities. Online Appendix B contains a detailed explanation of the data construction and
provides summary statistics.
Figure I
Subnational capitals: Global trends
(a) Number of subnational capitals (b) Density of capital network
5.56
4.62
2700
No. capitals
5.52
4.58
2500
60
4.56
2400
5.5
40
5.48
2300
4.54
20
2200
4.52
5.46
0
1987 1993 1999 2005 2011 2017 1987 1993 1999 2005 2011 2017
1990 1996 2002 2008 2014 2020 1990 1996 2002 2008 2014 2020
Notes: The figure illustrates how global trends in territorial reforms change the number and network
of first-order administrative capitals. Panel A illustrates the net number of capital cities over time
and the number of cities which became capital cities in each year. Newly independent countries
are included in the former but not in the latter. We omit the Sudan and South Sudan after their
separation in 2011. Panel B plots the average log distance of cities to the nearest capital in gray
and the average log distance to the national capital within countries in black.
Panel A of Figure I illustrates the variation in the number of capital cities over time.
We observe a net increase of 506 capitals and new first-order units over the entire period
from 1987 to 2018. Note that this understates the variation in our data, as some cities
lose their capital status at the same time, some countries become independent over this
of capital cities. Other sources only document the most recent boundaries and contain no information
about the relevant time-frame of these administrative borders or their capital cities (such as the Database
of Global Administrative Areas, GADM).
7
period, and in a few rare occasions a capital city is simply moved within the same region.5
In fact, when we track each city from when it enters our sample, we observe 701 cities
which have gained capital city status and 336 cities who have lost this status over the
same period. Panel A of Figure I also shows that a substantial number of new capitals
has been created in every decade since 1987 (net of the creation of new countries). Panel
B of Figure I highlights that new capitals are both intensifying and expanding the capital
network over time, i.e., reducing the average distance between capitals and the national
capital, and the distance of non-capitals to any subnational capital.
Figure II
A provincial split: West and South Sulawesi in Indonesia
Notes: The figure illustrates the split of the former province of South Sulawesi into South and West
Sulawesi in 2004. Post-2004 boundaries are indicated in white. The pre-reform area of the province
is shaded in red. Red circles indicate capital cities. Black circles indicate other cities detected using
our approach.
Figure II illustrates a typical provincial split, which is frequent in our data and will
be the basis of our identification strategy. South Sulawesi (Sulawesi Selatan) was the
fifth largest province of Indonesia with a population of about 8 million people in 2000.
In 2004, West Sulawesi (Sulawesi Barat) was created out of the northwestern segment
of the southern province. The new province had a population of little more than one
million people and completed the partition of the island into north, south, east and west
that was started in 1964. Makassar remained the capital of the south, while the city of
Mamuju received the new status of a provincial capital.
5
Our sample includes all countries which have a population of at least 1.5 million people, a land area
of at least 22,500 km2 , and have gained independence before 2000. Smaller states typically only have
one administrative layer and are not well captured by our approach. To document that this is the case,
we compiled time-varying administrative data on these countries as well.
8
Online Appendix C provides descriptive statistics about which (static) variables
correlate with with the probability that a particular city becomes a capital during a
territorial reform.
9
Figure III
Locations of capital and non-capital cities in 1990
Notes: The figure shows the coordinates of 24,315 cities with a population above 20,000 people
detected using the clustering algorithm described in the text. All cities are shown in blue. Cities
elevated to capitals during the 1987-2019 period are highlighted in green.
the coordinates of about 24,000 cities detected in this manner. We also define larger
agglomerations as the union of the initial and final boundaries, which will allow us to
study overall growth later on. Naturally, we obtain fewer agglomerations than cities when
joining the boundaries, as cities expand and merge into one over time. When studying
agglomerations, we focus on new parts of a city forming around a 1990 city or cities which
become amalgamated and ignore new cities detected only in 2015. The main reason is
that the detection probability of a city increases (relative to non-capital cities) when it
becomes a capital. We discuss this issue further in Online Appendix D, where we show
that gaining capital status over the period from 1990 to 2015 predicts inclusion in the
2015 sample (see Table D-1).
Figure IV illustrates this approach using the city of Mamuju, Indonesia. We observe a
significant increase in the urban perimeter as the city grew from less than 50,000 people
in 1990 to slightly more than 175,000 by 2015. The envelope here corresponds to the
2015 boundaries, as they fully contain the urban area in 1990. The early boundaries, on
the other hand, give an accurate indication of the older core of the city.
Our primary outcome is the log of nighttime light intensity from the Defense
Meteorological Satellite Program Operational Linescan System (DMSP-OLS). These data
have been used in a variety of small scale and city level applications (e.g., Storeygard,
2016; Baum-Snow et al., 2020) but suffer from sensor saturation in cities which severely
understates economic activity in urban centers relative to rural areas (Henderson et al.,
10
Figure IV
Urban footprint of Mamuju (Mamudju) in 1990 and 2015
Notes: The figure shows the urban area of Mamuju (or Mamudju) in Indonesia, as detected using the
algorithms and data described in the text. The white boundaries delineate the 1990 footprint, while
the yellow boundaries indicate the 2015 footprint (which coincides with the larger agglomeration).
Slight differences in the coast line imply that one urban pixel is missing in both. The background
shows a contemporary Google Maps image. Note that some of the urban areas with partial forest
cover have a per pixel population density that easily crosses our threshold of 1,500 people. Google
images are used as part of their “fair use” policy. All rights to the underlying maps belong to Google.
2018; Bluhm and Krause, 2022). For our main analysis, we use a version of this data
which has been corrected for bottom coding9 and top coding (see Bluhm and Krause,
2022, for details). Correcting for top-coding in the lights data ensures that light intensity
is approximately linear in GDP and population density, even for smaller geographies in
highly developed countries, such as the United States or Germany (Bluhm and Krause,
2022). We present results varying these adjustments later in the robustness section. We
normalize light by the area of the city in 1990 to study increases in density (and henceforth
refer to this measure as light density or light intensity).
Our preferred interpretation is that light intensity proxies for population density in
the city.10 We thus view our results in light of a large literature in urban economics
which emphasizes the importance of city size and population density for productivity
9
We use a simple adjustment to remove artificial variation at the bottom. The stable lights detection
process carried out by the U.S. National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) filters our
background noise by effectively setting all clusters of pixels with a value of 3 or less equal to zero
(Storeygard, 2016). Since we know that all light in our sample originates from a city, we undo this
filtering by imposing a lower bound of 3 DN for each city pixel.
10
Henderson et al. (2018) make a similar claim and use data on subnational regions to show that,
conditional on country fixed effects, the R2 from a regression of lights on population density is 0.775,
whereas it falls to 0.128 for income per capita. This correlation is just suggestive, given that local
purchasing power parities are not available in most countries.
11
(see e.g. Rosenthal and Strange, 2004; Combes et al., 2010). While density is not always
synonymous with higher welfare, an emerging literature documents that city dwellers in
developing countries are substantially better off than those living in the countryside.11
C. Additional data
To capture how economic fundamentals vary with city locations, we compute a large
set of geographic characteristics for a 25 km radius around the centroid of each
agglomeration and assign these to the cities constituting the larger agglomeration. While
the overwhelming majority occupy an area far smaller than this, the main advantage of
focusing on such large areas is that we capture how well suited the area surrounding the
city is for different economic activities.
We use three types of fundamentals describing how attractive a particular location
is for agriculture, internal trade, or external trade. All of these are time-invariant. The
set of agricultural characteristics consists of wheat suitability, temperature, precipitation,
and elevation. External trade integration is measured by a set of distances: a dummy if
the city is within 25 km of a natural harbor or the coast, and the continuous distance
to the coast. Our measures of internal trade are dummies whether a city is within 25
km of a river or lake and a measure of market access in 1990. Market access of each
city is defined by the sum of the cost of trading with every other city, the population of
that other city and the market access of every other city to others in the same country.
Donaldson and Hornbeck (2016), for example, show that such a measure summarizes the
direct and indirect effects of changes in trade costs in general equilibrium trade theory.12
Moreover, we use ruggedness (Nunn and Puga, 2012) and the estimated malaria burden
(Depetris-Chauvin and Weil, 2018) to proxy for how hospitable a location is for human
settlement.
11
Gollin et al. (2021) and Henderson et al. (2020), for example, document that amenities in cities are
higher than in the country-side (in addition to high urban wages, consumption and income). They find
a positive density gradient in access to public goods and many other outcomes. Moreover, wages appear
to rise faster with city size than the cost of living in several developing countries (Chauvin et al., 2017).
Henderson and Turner (2020) argue that this relatively high utility of living in developing country cities
could imply that urbanization is too slow.
12
Since we are not interested in changes in trade costs elsewhere, we do not construct costs using
along the actual road or rail network but use geographic distances to create a measure of the initial
P of each city at the start of the sample. Specifically, we define market access for each city c
market access
as M Ac = c6=d pop1990 × distcd −θ where we set the distance elasticity θ to 1.4 following Baragwanath
et al. (2019) and distcd is the geographic distance from city c to city d. We exclude each city c from
the summation to focus only on its relationship to other cities. Baragwanath et al. (2019) find that a
non-trivial proportion of market access in India is explained by cities that are close by.
12
3. Empirical strategy
Capital city reforms rarely occur in response to exogenous shocks, such as natural
disasters.13 In the absence of a randomized experiment on the location of subnational
capitals, we will use observational data and leverage two aspects of the reform process:
i) the timing of reforms is often idiosyncratic and, more importantly, ii), unobserved
confounders are likely to affect all cities in reformed regions similarly. In other words,
other cities in the region that will be reformed (i.e., split) were likely candidates to become
capitals and were on similar growth trajectories before the reform took place.
A. Event-study design
Our base specification tests the role of capital cities in an event-study framework, where
we exploit the switching of some cities into status of a subnational capital. We specify
a standard event-study specification with an effect window running from j to j for all
t = t, . . . , t
j
βj bjcit + µc + λ(i,d)t + z0c γ t + ecit
X
ln Lightscit = (1)
j=j
where ln Lightscit is the log of light density in the urban cluster c in country i at time
t, bjcit are treatment change indicators, which indicate whether a city became a capital
exactly j periods before or after period t (with bins at the endpoints)14 , µc are city fixed
effects and λ(i,d)t are country-year or initial-region times year fixed effects, zc are time-
invariant fundamentals and γt are time-varying coefficients on the fundamentals. We
omit b−1 cit so that all effects are estimated relative to the last pre-treatment period.
Our combination of city and country-year fixed effects implies that we essentially stack
many individual country-level event studies. In this setting, λit nets out all country-wide
variation in a specific year. This does not just include business cycle variation but also the
national level decision to reform the territorial structure in more than one region at the
same time. For most of our specifications, we go one step further and define λ(i,d)t ≡ λdt
as initial-region times year fixed effects. Together with our focus on cities which gain
the status as a capital, this structure implies a well-defined identification strategy. We
13
We do observe an instance where the capital city was moved from Rabaul to Kokopo in Papua New
Guinea’s East New Britain province following the destruction of the former by a volcanic eruption.
14
We summarize the dynamic treatment effects prior to period j + 1 and beyond period j − 1 in
one estimate for each. More formally, following the notation from Schmidheiny and Siegloch (2019), we
define P
t−j−1
s=t−j dcis for j = j
j
bcit = dci,t−j for j < j < j
Pt−j
dcis for j = j
s=t−j+1
13
compare cities who gain the status after an administrative region is partitioned to all
other non-capitals in the initial region (i.e., we compare the new capital, Mamuju, to all
other non-capital cities in the region highlighted in Figure II). This allows us to separate
the treatment effect of the regional split on all cities from the treatment effect of becoming
a capital. Shocks that affect all cities in the initial region within a particular year, such
as the decision to reform the territorial structure or common trends, are absorbed. The
influence of the fundamentals in the baseline period is absorbed by the city fixed effects.
However, allowing time-varying coefficients on the fundamentals accounts for a variety
of meaningful patterns, such as a shift towards local density and/or market potential as
transport costs fall (as in Brülhart et al., 2020).
The event-study design allows us to test for pre-trends and study the dynamics of the
estimated treatment effect. When testing for pre-trends, we set j = −5 to j = 5 for a
symmetric window around the treatment date. We rely primarily on visual evidence of
the underlying specifications, where we report confidence intervals (clustered on initial
regions) together with simultaneous confidence bands (which have the correct coverage
probabilities for the entire parameter vector at 95%). We construct sup-t bootstrap
confidence bands with block sampling over initial regions to mirror the dependency
structure of the errors (Montiel Olea and Plagborg-Møller, 2019).
For most of the extensions and robustness checks, we collapse the event study to a
difference-in-differences specification but keep all other aspects of the design the same.
Treatment and control groups: Our data on subnational capitals and first-order
administrative regions contains a wide variety of reforms (splits, mergers, re-locations and
wholesale changes in the administrative territorial structure). A potential concern could
be that these treatments are very different, in that they imply different pre-treatment
trends and subsequent treatment effects, conditional on the chosen control group. For
example, losing the status as a regional capital in a merger could be associated with a
secular decline in the importance of the city, resulting in pre-treatment trends. Moreover,
our data and time frame are not well suited to deal with negative shocks to durable
14
housing. We exploit the strengths of our setting and focus on the effect of gaining the
status as a subnational capital. Hence, we limit the sample to cases where an initial
region is split, such that one or several new capitals are created. We defer the issue
of capital loss to Online Appendix F, in which we discuss the appropriate comparison
groups for different treatments, the effects of capital loss, as well as related issues, such
as “mother” capitals.15
Table I
Identifying variation
Table I illustrates the capital city reforms we observe in our data and the subset we
use for identification. For the event study, we obtain data on the treatment status from
t = 1987 to t = 2018. We later collapse the estimates into a difference-in-differences
design, for which we only use information on cities that switch their status during the
period from t = 1992 until t = 2013. The first column shows the total number of cities
and their changes in status, no matter if we actually observe them in the satellite-derived
data on city footprints or not. The second column indicates how many urban clusters
derived from the 1990 satellite data were always capitals or experienced a change in
status.16 While we observe a large share of administrative cities in 1990, not all of them
pass the population threshold of 20,000 in 1990 and many close-by capitals are matched to
the same cluster. Several administrative cities in developing countries which are heavily
15
Our identification strategy is not well suited to deal with multiple treatments. There are several
instances in our data (about 9% of the ever treated cities) where a capital was moved or a new
administrative region was created sometime in the 1990s, followed by another reform in the 2000s.
We discard all multiple treatments and focus only on instances where a city received the status as a
subnational capital only once during the period of interest.
16
We match administrative cities to an urban cluster if the centroid of the administrative city is
within 3 km of the urban cluster or the names are identical. Note that some clusters contain several
administrative cities so that the fraction of matched cities is somewhat higher than implied by the table.
15
decentralized by the end of the period, such as Uganda, are initially too small. We prefer
to focus on the 1990 universe of cities, as this avoids selection problems by which cities
pass the detection threshold in later years precisely because they became a subnational
capital (discussed in Online Appendix D). The last column highlights the switches which
we effectively use for identification. The event-study design uses 277 cities which become
capitals of which 217 switchers are observed during the 1992-2013 period for which we
observe our outcomes.
We typically compute our results for two samples: i) all cities and ii) cities in regions
which have been reformed within the period of observation. If we are concerned with
potential spillovers and “forbidden comparisons”, where treated units end up being used
as controls due to the staggered design (see, e.g., Borusyak et al., 2021), then we would
prefer a large control group since this reduces the weights of these comparisons in a
staggered difference-in-differences setting. If we are concerned about obtaining a control
group that closely resembles the treatment group, then we would prefer to restrict
ourselves to places that are in close proximity. Given that our control group is more
than an order magnitude larger than the treatment group in either sample (mitigating
the first set of concerns), we have a preference for the latter approach but report both
for completeness.
The size of the never treated control group can mitigate biases in staggered difference-
in-differences designs (Borusyak et al., 2021) but is no panacea in event studies. Sun
and Abraham (2021) show that the coefficients obtained from the two-way fixed effects
estimator of the event study specification in eq. 1 can be contaminated by information
from other periods. This occurs when there is heterogeneity in treatment effects across
treatment cohorts and this contamination affects leads, lags, and endpoint bins. Sun and
Abraham (2021) and Callaway and Sant’Anna (2021) present alternative (and related)
estimators that do not suffer from this problem. We compare how fixed-effects estimation
performs relative to alternatives in our setting in robustness checks.
Timing of reforms: Capital city reforms occur for a variety of circumstances and
policy-makers may pursue a range of political and economic objectives (e.g. granting
regional autonomy, avoiding conflict, improving service delivery, and more). Our focus
on first-order units implies that these reforms are seldom carried out without the influence
of national politics. This helps identification in our context, as it makes the timing of
reforms less predictable and, therefore, pre-trends at the city level less likely.
Anecdotal evidence supports this conjecture. The 2010 restructuring of Kenya’s
provinces illustrates this well. A constitutional reform process was started following the
post election violence in 2008. A key objective of this process was to reduce ethnic tensions
in the country which was, at least in part, to be achieved by a devolution of power and
16
territorial reform.17 Up on to this point, Kenya was organized into eight large provinces.
The first attempt at constitutional reform had failed in 2005 and even in January 2010
“it appeared that the political disputes which had undermined previous attempts at
constitutional reform were likely to resurface” (Kramon and Posner, 2011, p. 93). There
were lengthy debates about how many tiers and counties the new administrative structure
should have, which were finally settled when the parliamentary committee “agreed to
the least controversial position: a two-tier system with 47 county governments whose
boundaries would be congruent to the country’s pre-1992 regions” in April 2010 (Kramon
and Posner, 2011, p. 94). The new constitution was adopted by national referendum in
August 2010, leaving little scope for anticipation effects.
Even when splitting of regions is driven by local demands, such as in neighboring
Uganda, the national parliament is usually involved in approving them, so that the
timing of splits becomes difficult to predict. Uganda decentralized its administrative
structure from 34 regions in 1990 to 127 by 2018. The reforms were carried out in
several waves. While most splits were eventually approved, some were denied by the
parliament (Grossman and Lewis, 2014). National involvement in these types of reforms
is not limited to Africa. Indonesia created eight new provinces and more than 150 new
second-tier regions after the fall of Suharto in 1998. Splitting required parliamentary and
presidential approval. India’s national parliament created three new states in 2000. There
were local movements in favor of these states for cultural and economic considerations,
but previous attempts to carve out new territories had failed repeatedly before their final
adoption (Agarwal, 2017).
Although random timing of the reforms is appealing, it is not necessary for
identification and likely to be violated in several settings.18 The parallel trends
assumption needed for our strategy to work is substantially weaker. On top of static
selection, it allows for time-varying omitted variables to affect the treatment and control
group, provided that these two are affected equally. We consider this assumption
particularly plausible in the sample of cities in reformed regions with initial-region-by-
year fixed effects, as all cities in those regions are indirectly affected by the same territorial
reform. To test whether selection is heterogeneous in terms of locational fundamentals
and other observed factors, we interact the entire event-time path with these variables.
17
See Bluhm et al. (2021) for a study of the effects of this reform on ethnic voting.
18
Identification is straightforward if the timing of the intervention is exogenous to city level
characteristics (conditional on the fixed effects and observed covariates). If the pre-reform time indexes
can be swapped, there cannot be any pre-trends. Figure E-1 in Online Appendix E shows that the timing
of capital city reforms is difficult to predict, at least with time-invariant initial city characteristics and
especially once we focus only on within country variation.
17
4. Results
Baseline results: Figure V reports the results from our main event-study specification
based on two different samples. Panel A plots estimates based on a specification using all
cities and country-year FEs (circles). This is our baseline estimate for the larger sample
where the control group consists of all other (non-capital) cities in the same country. The
diamonds report results for a specification that purges the time-varying effects of the
fundamentals, and the triangles show estimates obtained by adding initial-region-by-year
fixed effects. The latter are our preferred estimates since the control group now only
consists of non-capital cities within the same initial region. Panel B repeats this set-up
for the sample of cities in reformed regions.
Figure V
Capital cities and light intensity: Event study
(a) All cities (b) Cities in reformed regions
.3
Country-year FE Country-year FE
.3
.2
Log light density
.1
0
0
-.1
-.1
-5+ -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 5+ -5+ -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 5+
Notes: The figure illustrates event-study results from fixed effects regressions of the log of light
intensity per square kilometer on the binned sequence of treatment change dummies defined in the
text. Circles represent point estimates from a regression with city and country-year fixed effects,
diamonds represent specifications with additional controls for locational fundamental, and triangles
represent specifications with initial-region-by-year fixed effects in addition. Panel A shows estimates
for all cities. Panel B shows estimates for cities in reformed regions. All regressions include city
fixed effects. 95% confidence intervals based on standard clustered on initial regions are provided
by the gray error bars. The orange error bars indicate 95% sup-t bootstrap confidence bands with
block sampling over initial regions (Montiel Olea and Plagborg-Møller, 2019).
The estimates and their confidence bands strongly support the notion that gaining
the status as a capital is exogenous to pre-reform changes in the economic activity of
treated cities. The pre-trends are essentially flat. There are no systematic differences in
city light intensities prior to a change in capital status. Both the pointwise confidence
intervals and the sup-t bands rule out a wide range of positive anticipation effects. We
view this as strong evidence for the validity of our identification strategy. Any unobserved
confounding factor would have to very closely mimic the timing implied by this observed
pattern. Moreover, since both the full sample and the sample of cities in reformed
18
regions reveal a very similar pattern, and we find no evidence of pre-trends in any of
the specifications we examine, we consider it unlikely that pre-testing bias is a major
concern in our application (Roth, 2021).19
In all dynamic specifications, we do not detect a spike in activity in the first year.
This is intuitive in the sense that constructing new buildings, an influx of public and
private investment, moving an administration, or a migratory response all take time.
More importantly, the medium-run estimates across both panels and all specifications
suggest that the light intensity of capital cities is 15.7 to 25.0% higher five years after
the gain in status. The estimates are slightly larger in the sample of cities in reformed
regions (panel B). Here light intensity begins to increase by approximately 4.2 to 6.1%
two years after a city becomes a subnational capital and settles within a narrower band
of 20.3 to 25% five years after the reform and beyond.
We investigate how the size of the event-study window influences the estimate of
the medium-run effect (endpoints) and compare it to the difference-in-differences version
in Online Appendix E. Consistent with the gradual rise of the estimated effects, we
find that the estimate of the medium-run effect is closer to 20% for longer event windows
(estimated on fewer treatments) but its confidence interval always contains the difference-
in-differences estimate (see Figure E-2). The difference-in-differences is around 9.2 to
15.4%, depending on the specification, and utilizes only switchers during the period
from 1992 to 2013 (see Table E-1). These estimates are lower than the medium-run
estimates from the corresponding event studies, as they average over the first years and
all subsequent post-treatment periods.
In Online Appendix E, we also explore whether these results are affected by the
estimation method. Figure E-2 compares the estimates using TWFE to those obtained
via the interaction-weighted (IW) estimator (Sun and Abraham, 2021), which correctly
identifies cohort-average treatment effects in the presence of heterogeneous treatment
effects.20 No matter if we focus on a five-year event window or a 15-year event
19
Using the approach from Roth (2021) to calculate the power of detecting specific linear pre-trends
in our setting, we find that the slope of a linear pre-trend which we would detect only half the time is
about 0.0119 in the specification with country-year fixed effects in panel A of Figure V and about 0.0149
in the preferred specification with initial-region-by-year fixed effects in panel B. This leads to a mean
after pre-testing in period 5 and beyond of 0.0720 and 0.0895, respectively. Power rises quickly against
more severe pre-trends. A linear pre-trend which we would expect to detect in 80% of cases has a slope of
0.0183 and 0.0230, implying a conditional expectation after pre-testing in period 5 and beyond of 0.111
and 0.1379, respectively. Hence, in our setting, it seems unlikely that strong linear pre-trends explaining
about half our effect size in the final period would have gone undetected. Moreover, we have more than
97% power to detect linear pre-trends that have a conditional expectation after pre-testing which passes
through the final period estimate in either specification.
20
The IW estimator is constructed in three steps. First, we estimate an event study specification
where the relative time dummies are interacted with cohort (treatment year) dummies using TWFE.
Second, we estimate the probability of first being treated in a particular year as the sample shares of each
cohort in the relevant period(s). Finally, we form the IW estimator by taking averages of the estimates
by cohort weighted by their probability of treatment. Following Sun and Abraham (2021), we balance
the sample in calendar time, which is why the TWFE results differ marginally from Figure V.
19
window to mitigate the influence of binning, we find that TWFE and IW estimation
deliver quantitatively and qualitatively similar results. The estimates of leads, lags, and
endpoints bins obtained via the two estimators are typically close and well within each
others confidence intervals. We continue to find no indication of pre-trends,21 a rise
from the second or third period onward, and effect sizes that begin to level off to their
medium-run value sometime around the fifth post-treatment period.
In summary, our main results suggest that cities which become capitals grow
substantially faster than their peers in the subsequent period. There is a build up
in economic activity during the first five years after which we observe a medium-term
increase around 20%, with some variation across specifications. This is up to half of the
within city standard deviation in light intensity. To put this in perspective, consider the
results in Storeygard (2016) where an African city which is further away from the primate
city than the median city loses about 12% of its economic activity when the oil price is
high.22 For the reminder of the paper, we report difference-in-differences estimates in the
main text and relegate the corresponding event-study plots to Online Appendix E.
Unlike the economic advantages documented in Bleakley and Lin (2012), we find
evidence that this political premium does not persist. Online Appendix F provides a
detailed analysis of cities that lose their status as a regional capital (usually during a
merger of first-order regions). Such an analysis necessitates a somewhat different design,
as the relevant comparison group now consists of cities that remain capitals over the
entire period. Our results suggest that former capitals lose economic activity, roughly
mirroring the initial increase in light intensity, starting around four years after losing
their elevated political status.
20
fixed (to represent ‘the core’). This avoids potential endogeneity issues in the selection
of cities and allows us to focus on increases in density but comes at the cost of neglecting
initially less densely developed areas of cities. In Table II we loosen this assumption by
accounting for cities that ultimately merge into a single larger agglomeration and include
areas which were initially in the periphery but became part of a single agglomeration by
2015. This allows us to study changes in the light intensity of the overall agglomeration
and changes outside of the 1990s core of each city.
Table II
Larger agglomerations and city fringe: Difference-in-differences
Capital cities experience faster overall growth than non-capital cities and their
peripheries grow faster as well. Panel A of Table II reports our six specifications at the
level of agglomerations, that is, cities detected in 1990 including the parts that only pass
our density threshold of 1,500 people or 50% built-up per sq. km by 2015. The estimates
tend to be smaller than our difference-in-differences estimates by about 2–4 percentage
points but are otherwise similar. Panel B reports the same set of specifications but
focuses on light growth in the periphery, that is, only the area of each agglomeration
that is initially less dense and subsequently passes the population threshold. We find
that new developments around capital cities are growing at a pace comparable to the
larger agglomeration but somewhat slower than the core. The results are statistically
significant at conventional levels in all columns, apart from column 2 where the effect is
21
less precisely estimated but within a standard error of other estimates. Taken together,
this strongly suggests that both increasing density in the center and urban expansion are
associated with gaining the status as a capital city.
Figure VI
Spillovers to nearby agglomerations: Difference-in-differences
(a) All cities (b) Cities in reformed regions
0.4
0.4
Country-year FE Country-year FE
Country-year FE w/ fundamentals Country-year FE w/ fundamentals
Ini. district-year FE w/ fundamentals Ini. district-year FE w/ fundamentals
0.3
0.3
0.2
0.2
Log light density
0.1
0
0
-0.1
-0.1
-0.2
-0.2
Capital ≤ 25km 50km < Capital ≤ 75km 100km < Capital ≤ 125km Capital ≤ 25km 50km < Capital ≤ 75km 100km < Capital ≤ 125km
25km < Capital ≤ 50km 75km < Capital ≤ 100km 125km < Capital ≤ 150km 25km < Capital ≤ 50km 75km < Capital ≤ 100km 125km < Capital ≤ 150km
Distance to Capital Distance to capital
Notes: The figure reports results from fixed effects regressions of the log of light intensity per
square kilometer on capital city status as well as several spillover dummies for different distance
intervals (panel A for all agglomerations, panel B for agglomerations within reformed areas). Circles
represent point estimates from a regression with city and country-year fixed effects, diamonds
represent specifications with additional controls for locational fundamental, and triangles represent
specifications with initial-region-by-year fixed effects in addition. Panel A shows estimates for all
cities. Panel B shows estimates for cities in reformed regions. All regressions include city fixed
effects. 95% confidence intervals based on standard clustered on initial regions are provided by the
gray error bars.
Figure VI explores this possibility by adding indicators for the (time-varying) distance
22
to the nearest capital city in the country, where each indicator captures agglomerations
in a 25 km ring around the treated agglomeration, starting from 0 km and going up to
150 km.24 A considerable advantage of this specification over our baseline results is that
it allows us to account for capital cities which we did not match to an urban cluster in
1990. Even if the urban extent of some capitals is not observed, the distance of all other
urban clusters to these “unobserved” capitals with known coordinates is straightforward
to compute, so that we indirectly capture the entire universe of capital cities, including
all changes in status of nearby cities. The spillovers are identified by cities switching
between rings as they move closer to (or further away from) capital cities.25
The country-year fixed effects specification (circles in panel A) in Figure VI provides
the least evidence of spillovers. It uses all non-capital agglomerations in the same country
as a control, many of which are located in regions far apart from treated agglomerations.
The evidence in favor of spillovers becomes stronger once we introduce initial-region-by-
year fixed effects (triangles) or limited the sample to cities in reformed regions, as in
panel B. Depending on the specification, we find evidence of positive spillovers affecting
agglomerations which are up to 75 to 100 km away from a new capital. All specifications
suggest a declining pattern of positive treatment effects, where satellite towns close to the
new capital grow substantially faster but this effect disappears after a distance of 75 to
100 km. Accounting for these indirect effects increases the estimate for the capital itself,
particularly in the sample of cities in reformed regions. We now estimate a treatment
effect between 23.2% and 26.2%. This spatial pattern has an important policy implication.
Rather just drawing activity and population from its immediate surroundings, creating
new capital cities appears to benefit more cities in the reformed region.
Alternative control groups: A potential concern is that our baseline results include
a variety of cities in the control group, many of which are unlikely to ever become
subnational capitals. In fact, future capitals are usually among the biggest and brightest
cities in the pre-reform region. Out of the 221 cities which became capitals during
the period from 1992 to 2013, the median city was ranked second in terms of its 1990
population in the initial region, while the city at 90th percentile was ranked 10th.26 Static
selection is not a concern in difference-in-differences designs. However, in spite of finding
no evidence in favor of pre-trends, our baseline results could still include cities in the
control group that are on fundamentally different growth paths than cities which later
become subnational capitals.
We use a simple form of nearest-neighbor matching to assess whether the definition of
the control group influences our results. We rank all cities in the initial region according
24
We use 150 km as an upper bound for spillovers, but the results are not sensitive to this choice.
25
Spillovers are identified through proximity to the closest administrative capital. These distances
change both when nearby cities become capitals and when they lose their elevated status.
26
See the discussion of correlates of capital locations in Online Appendix C.
23
Table III
Different control groups: Matched difference-in-differences
24
to their initial light intensity or population in 1990 and designate all cities that are within
k-ranks of the treated city as potential controls, where k ranges from 2 to 4 positions.27
This creates a trade-off. While selecting among a subset of comparable cities in the initial
region makes it more likely that these are good controls, positive spillovers imply that
nearby cities are affected by the change in status of the capital city and therefore, as we
just showed, represent a treatment group of their own.
Table III reports a range of results addressing these issues, all of which are based on the
the most restrictive specification with initial-region-by-year fixed effects. By definition,
we are now only using variation from cities in reformed regions. Reassuringly, every
single estimate indicates a positive and significant effect of capital city status on city
growth. We find effects in columns 1 and 4 that are close to our difference-in-differences
results no matter if we use initial light intensity or estimates of city population in 1990 to
define the control group, or if we consider only two, three or four similarly ranked cities.
We also conduct simple omnibus tests for pre-trends using the equivalent event-study
specification for each of these samples. In every case, we fail to reject the null hypothesis
that the coefficients on all leading terms are jointly zero by a wide margin. The remaining
columns remove observations whose minimum distance to a capital city is smaller than
50 or 75 km to mitigate the concerns about potential SUTVA violations.28 There is some
indication that the effects could be smaller once cities affected by spillovers are excluded.
However, all estimates are well within two standard errors of one another and based on
a different specification with substantially less variation in distance to treated cities than
the more comprehensive spillover analysis presented above.29
27
This approach is similar to Becker et al. (2021), who construct controls for Bonn—the temporary
capital of the Federal Republic of Germany from 1949 until 1990—using cities ranked 20 places below
and above Bonn in terms of their 1939 population.
28
We disregard the time variation in distances to capital cities in this table to construct a conservative
test which excludes all cities which were ever located within 50 or 75 km of a capital city. Results using
time-varying distances are similar.
29
In Table E-5 in Online Appendix E, we repeat this matching exercise using all similarly ranked cities
in the country as controls in a specification with country-year fixed effects (to not limit the comparison
to the same initial region). The results are qualitatively similar in these samples as well.
25
rise somewhat with initial city size (see Table E-3). Finally, none of these perturbations
results in significant pre-treatment trends.
5. Treatment heterogeneity
We now examine two types of treatment heterogeneity to understand better which
combination of factors affects economic activity in capital cities. The first are economic
fundamentals and the second are factors limiting the capital city premium, such as a lack
of economies of scale in the administrative region and settled urban networks. Of course,
heterogeneity in the treatment effect implies that selection into the treatment could also
be heterogeneous. We test for pre-trends by interacting these static variables with the
entire event-time path.
26
Table IV
Heterogeneity in fundamentals: Difference-in-differences
Notes: The table reports results from fixed effects regressions of the log of light intensity per square
kilometer on capital city status and interactions of the status with a particular fundamental. The
interactions of the capital city status with some other variable z̃ are standardized such that z̃ ≡
(z − z̄)/σz . All first principal components are scaled to represent better suitability. All regressions
include city fixed effects and initial-region-by-year fixed effects. Standard errors clustered on initial
regions are provided in parentheses.
All heterogeneity analyses are based on the full difference-in-differences specification for
cities in reformed regions (without accounting for spillovers).
Columns 1 to 3 in panel A show individual regressions where the capital city status
is interacted with an index of how easy it is to trade internally, trade externally, or
produce agricultural goods around the location of the city. Column 4 and 5 include all
variables at the same time and add the time-varying coefficients on the fundamentals.
In nearly all specifications, we find strong evidence of complementarity between gaining
the political advantage of a capital city and economic fundamentals. A two standard
deviation decrease in the index of internal trade offsets the positive capital city effect
in column 4, although this effect is no longer significant in column 5. External trade
integration appears to matter little for the relative growth rates of subnational capitals,
27
whereas cities which become capitals in agricultural locations attract considerably less
activity than those located in other locations. While only suggestive, these results are
in line with a reduced importance of agriculture for city locations or productivity and a
greater importance of connectivity-related fundamentals today (Henderson et al., 2018).
Panel B unpacks these three groups. Column 1 interacts the treatment status
with a city’s internal market access (to other cities in the country) in 1990. Here we
observe a strong interaction effect. A city which becomes a capital in a location with
a level of market access that is a standard deviation above the mean experiences an
additional increase in light intensity of 13.8%. Given that most of our reforms occur
in developing countries, this finding echos Brülhart et al. (2020), who show that market
access remains a strong determinant of regional productivity in developing countries, even
as its importance declines in developed economies. Column 2 uses distance to coast as
a measure of external market access. The coefficient points in the expected direction,
but the estimated effect is small and insignificant. Column 3 uses wheat suitability as
a proxy for locations in the agricultural hinterland. Mirroring the results from above, it
shows that greater suitability for agriculture is negatively correlated with the growth of
capital cities.
Figure E-6 in Online Appendix E shows that the event-study estimates of internal
trade and market access rise in line with the baseline capital city effect, while the
negative effect of agricultural fundamentals only starts to appear in the medium run
and is barely significant. Moreover, the estimates of the pre-treatment coefficients and
their sub-t confidence intervals strongly suggest that heterogeneous selection in terms of
these fundamentals is unlikely.
Limits to the capital city premium: Our results thus far suggest that creating more
subnational capitals and, hence, more first-order units benefits these cities and regions
irrespective of their size. It is unlikely that subnational capital cities which rule over ever
smaller territories would stand to benefit in the same way, as those who are the capitals of
more populated regions. The literature on the optimal size of local jurisdictions highlights
a number of relevant trade-offs, ranging from scale economies, over externalities in the
provision of public goods, to preference homogeneity (Oates, 1972; Alesina et al., 2004;
Coate and Knight, 2007). While our empirical framework is not suited to directly address
most of these questions, we can examine if the positive effects of gaining capital city status
documented here depend on scale. This captures the intensive margin of the “political
importance” treatment, since we expect the premium to increase in the size of the region
the capital administers and diminish when a region contains few other cities.31
31
In a related study, Grossman and Lewis (2014) argue that Uganda has become so heavily
decentralized that the intergovernmental bargaining power of a single first-order unit has been
substantially weakened as a result.
28
Table V
Economies of scale: Difference-in-differences
Table V reports a series of regressions in which we interact the capital city status with
a variable measuring the scale of the region. Columns 1 and 2 use the regional population
in 1990. Columns 3 and 4 use the urban population of the region in 1990, which we take
as a proxy for the size of the non-agricultural economy, while 5 and 6 use counts of the
number of cities in the resulting region. The measures of scale are standardized and
time-varying (they change whenever a region is reformed). No matter in which way we
specify this interaction with scale, we find evidence suggesting a trade-off: new capital
cities benefit only when they rule over larger regions. Since the reforms in our baseline
sample are splits of larger regions, this implies that creating new capitals of increasingly
smaller regions weakens the effect of this reform on economic activity. A two standard
deviation decrease in scale all but wipes out the capital city effect in all specifications.
This could occur through a variety of channels, such as limited public investments in
smaller regions or a small migratory response when the population of the new region is
smaller.
Figure E-7 in Online Appendix E shows the corresponding event studies for each
column of the table. We continue to observe an upward trend in the estimates for the
capital city effect, at average levels of the scaling variable, and also observe an increase
after treatment in the estimated interaction effects. Pre-trends appear to be flat, with
the exception of the estimate two periods before treatment when the scaling variable is
the urban population in the initial region.
In Online Appendix F, we examine whether “mother” capitals—i.e., cities that rule
29
over a smaller area after a regional split but maintain their political status—experience a
change in economic activity. We find no evidence suggesting their activity responds
in either direction (but the relatively wide confidence intervals include a range of
potential effects). We also briefly examine the role of preference heterogeneity in Online
Appendix E. There, we use ethnic diversity in the initial region as a proxy for preference
heterogeneity (Table E-6).32 We find no evidence in favor of the hypothesis that capital
cities grow at different speeds when they are located in more ethnically homogeneous (or
diverse) regions. While this appears to contradict recent research suggesting that initial
diversity inhibits agglomeration (Eberle et al., 2020), it only shows that such an effect is
unlikely to run through changes in the density of capital cities relative to other cities.33
Next, we examine whether redesigning the territorial structure has different effects
on the spatial equilibrium if a country agglomerated early or is still urbanizing today.
Designating new capital cities could have little to no impact on migration in well-
established urban networks with limited population pressures. In contrast, similar
interventions in developing countries with growing populations and ongoing structural
transformation could lead to a lasting shift in the location of economic activity. To
test this conjecture and avoid constructing potentially endogenous sample splits, we rely
on the country-level classification into early and late developing countries provided by
Henderson et al. (2018).34
The results in Table VI show a clear pattern. No matter if we interact the capital
city status with an indicator for late development according to education, urbanization
or GDP in 1950, we always find that the effects are driven by late developers. The results
for early developers are small and insignificant at conventional levels in nearly all samples
apart from column 1, whereas the effect for late developers is remarkably stable across
the different sample splits. The effect for late developing countries ranges from about
12.8% to 19.6%, depending on whether we account for time varying fundamentals or not,
but varies little across the different grouping variables. Figure E-8 in Online Appendix E
shows the corresponding event studies and sup-t confidence bands for each column of the
table. No matter how the sample is split, we observe flat pre-trends and a steep rise after
the reform in the sample of late developers. The results for early developers follow no
systematic, or statistically significant, pattern.
32
Similar to Eberle et al. (2020), we measure the ethno-linguistic fractionalization of initial regions
using GHSL population data for 1975 and an algorithm developed by Desmet et al. (2020) which
distributes data from the World Language Mapping System (WLMS)—the vector version of the
Ethnologue project—on a 5 × 5 km grid.
33
Eberle et al. (2020) suggest that this is a result of diverse groups spreading over smaller cities.
Given that we typically include country-year or initial-region-by-year fixed effects, we would not pick up
an effect if all cities are similarly affected by initial diversity.
34
Henderson et al. (2018) use a simple algorithm to let the data decide at which point the unexplained
variance over the ‘late’ and ‘early’ samples is minimized. Their dependent variable is a contemporary
cross-section of light intensity in a grid cell, while they define ‘late’ or ‘early’ according to urbanization,
schooling and GDP per capita in 1950.
30
Table VI
Late versus early developing countries: Difference-in-differences
Online Appendix E shows that these late developer results can not be fully explained
by differences in political systems. Expanding on Ades and Glaeser (1995), we find that
capitals in autocracies grow faster compared to their democratic counterparts. Yet, the
size of the effect is much smaller than the early vs. late distinction and only present
in the full sample of cities (see Table E-7). A potentially important distinction is that
first-order administrative regions, including their capitals, have more political power in
federal countries (such as states in Germany or India) than in more centralized countries
(such as departments in France or provinces in China). Table E-8 shows that the capital
city premium exists in both federal and centralized countries but tends to be about twice
as large in the former.
Taken together, our estimates imply that there is strong heterogeneity in the
medium-run effect of gaining capital city status. We interpret this as evidence that
“territorial politics” can have a substantial effect on the location of economic activity
and urbanization in developing countries, but that this effect varies by locational
fundamentals, the territorial design of the administrative structure, federalism, and the
age of the urban network.
6. Individual-level evidence
We now examine individual-level evidence and compare outcomes among residents in
capital cities to residents of non-capital cities in the same initial region. This additional
31
layer of analysis serves two purposes. First, it allows us to validate the results obtained
with nighttime lights using indicators that directly measure development outcomes (and
a different estimation strategy). Second, the survey data enable us to examine specific
dimensions in which residents of capital cities might be doing better and frame the
mechanisms we examine in the next section. For example, we can test if households in
capital cities have better access to electricity, more schooling or better health outcomes.35
Figure VII
DHS coverage
Notes: The figure illustrates the spatial distribution of DHS clusters (dark blue with gray borders),
DHS clusters matched to our cities (light blue with dark blue borders) and DHS cluster matched to
capitals (green with light gray borders).
32
Table VII
Amenities in capitals: Within-region regressions
Dependent Variable:
a first test to see if migrants moving to capital cities differ from those who have always
lived there.
Table VII presents the results of specifications regressing household-level or individual-
level outcomes on a capital dummy at the time of the survey. Column 1 highlights that
households in capitals accumulate, on average, more assets than households in non-capital
cities. The effect is larger for all city dwellers (Panel A) than for city natives (Panel B),
but makes up close to 7.5% of the sample average in both cases. Column 2 shows that
33
residents of capital cities are about 9 percentage points more likely to have electricity in
their household compared to residents of other cities within the same initial region, but
this falls to 3 percentage points when we restrict the sample to city natives. Turning
to schooling, we find that residents of capital cities that are 16 years or older are 7.3
percentage points more likely to have completed eight years of schooling (column 3 in
Panel A). While this effect appears small, only around 3.3% of all respondents over the
age of 16 have completed eight years of education, so that this about 22% of the sample
average. We find weaker results in terms of years of schooling (about 1% more) for all
residents of capital cities. Remarkably, the schooling results disappear when we only
look at city natives (Panel B), suggesting that the migrant population of capital cities
is somewhat more educated than the native population. Finally, we also find a sizable
reduction in infant mortality of around 7.3 to 8.2 children per 1000 births. This is up to
12.1% of mean infant mortality.
Taken together, these results imply that residents of capital cities in developing
countries enjoy a number of benefits compared to those in non-capital cities. The increase
in household wealth suggests that our main finding on density also runs through increased
productivity and higher wages. The proximity to government appears to manifest itself
in substantially better access to electricity and health outcomes. However, the pattern
of larger effects for all city dwellers compared to city natives suggests that some of these
results may be driven by selective migration into capital cities. Such migration flows
could be a response to a city becoming a subnational capital, which is why we return to
this issue when studying potential mechanisms.
7. Mechanisms
There are a range of mechanisms which could explain why capital cities attract more
economic activity. We first examine changes in urban built-up and population at the city
level to investigate whether new capital cities are, in fact, becoming denser than non-
capital cities. Second, we use the DHS data from above to examine whether capital cities
attract more highly skilled migrants. Third, we utilize city-level data on international
financial flows to examine whether capital cities mainly receive public funds in the form
of development projects or also an influx of private investment from abroad.
Urban built-up and population growth: Ideally, we would like to have city-level
measures for the housing stock, housing prices, and annual data on city-level population.
As these are not available for our global sample of cities, we construct proxies based on
remotely-sensed and census-derived data.
Table VIII examines changes in urban land cover within a city.37 We derive three
37
Figure E-10 in Online Appendix E reports the corresponding event studies for the preferred
34
Table VIII
Built-up area within city: Difference-in-differences
frequently used spectral indices of land cover by creating annual composites from daily
images taken by the Landsat 5 and Landsat 7 satellites over the entire period from 1987
to 2018. The Normalized Difference Built-up Index (NDBI), the Urban Index (UI) and
the Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) are well-established spectral indices
of urban and non-urban land cover, which are typically used as inputs for more advanced
land cover classifications (e.g. the USGS data used by Burchfield et al., 2006). Since
we already know the urban extent of each city in 1990, taking the average value of
each index within each city and year allows us to track annual changes in urban land
cover within the city core, just as in our main specification. Columns 1 to 6 show that
each of these measures either indicates a significant increase in urban land cover (due
to new housing, businesses or infrastructure) or a corresponding decrease in vegetation
in case of the NDVI when a city gains capital status. Depending on the sample, the
estimated effect sizes are about 10–15% of the typical within-city standard deviation for
these indices. Online Appendix E shows that we also observe increases in built-up in the
larger agglomerations, including areas outside of the 1990s core (Table E-9). Hence, part
of the increase in economic activity is directly reflected in housing and other physical
infrastructure.
The increase in urban built-up is mirrored by a sizable increase in population. Table E-
10 in Online Appendix E uses long differences from the census-derived GHSL population
data in 1990, 2000 and 2015 to show that cities which were capitals for a longer period
experience stronger population growth. There is some variation across time-periods and
specifications but, on average, subnational capitals appear to grow slightly more than a
35
percentage point per year faster than other cities. We interpret this as indirect evidence
that short and medium term increases in light intensity at the city level partly reflect an
influx of population from other locations.38
38
Given the pattern of spillovers documented earlier, this increase is likely to come from rural areas
and cities far away from the capital (although we have no direct evidence documenting such a migratory
response). However, we do find some evidence that the larger agglomeration appears to grow faster than
the core. Table E-11 in Online Appendix E shows analogous regressions. Due to the limited time period
and measurement errors inherent in the spatial and temporal interpolation of census data, we can no
longer specify regressions that mirror our main identification strategy. Instead, we ask how much faster
the population density of capital cities grows relative to that of other cities in the same initial region
(and with similar fundamentals).
36
Figure VIII
Selective migration: Within city evidence
(a) Event study (b) Difference-in-differences
.2
.3
> 8 years of schooling > 8 years of schooling
Log of years of schooling Log of years of schooling
.2
.1
.1
Effect size
Effect size
0
0
-.1
-.1
-.2
< 10 10s 20s 30s >= 40
-5+ -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 5+
Moved to capital at age
Notes: The figure plots estimates of educational attainment from the DHS surveys on different
treatment dummies. Panel A reports event-study results from fixed effects regressions of a dummy
for more than 8 years of schooling for migrants of all ages (blue circles) and log years of schooling for
migrants of all ages (red triangles) on a binned sequence of treatment change dummies defined as
the year of the last move of a migrant minus the year a city changed its status. Panel B reports the
results of a difference-in-differences specification with cohort-level heterogeneity. All specification
include city-year and cohort-at-move fixed effects (defined four bins from ‘0 to 10’ to ‘older than
40’ at the time of the last move), a gender dummy, age and age squared. 95% confidence intervals
based on standard clustered on the city level are provided by the gray error bars.
at the time of the move appear to have higher human capital.39 Given their age at the
time of the move, this strongly suggests that these migrants have acquired their human
capital before they moved to a new capital city. We take this as direct evidence that
capital cities attract a (moderately) more skilled migrant population than other cities.
Public and private investments by sector: The previous finding raises the question
of whether capital cities only attract public investments (and public employment) or
whether we also observe a private response. Bairoch (1991), for example, describes
places where educated bureaucrats and property owners rule in the absence of industry
as “parasite cities.” Lacking census data on the employment structure of cities, we use
two proxies for public and private investments: i) geocoded data on World Bank projects
from 1995 to 2014 and similar data on Chinese-financed development projects from 2001
to 2014, and ii) the fDi Markets database on private foreign direct investments, which is
available over the period from 2003 to 2018.40
World Bank projects are usually carried out in close cooperation with the national
government in the recipient country and even substitute for some of its basic functions in
39
Those that moved in their 30s or later have a 6.6–9.4 pp higher probability to have eight years of
schooling and 7.5–15% more years of schooling than those in the same age group who moved before the
city became a capital.
40
fDi Market is proprietary and available via subscription at www.fdimarkets.com.
37
particularly poor countries. The data includes all projects approved in the World Bank
IBRD/IDA lending lines over this period (AidData, 2017), including many infrastructure
investments. It contains more than US$630 billion in commitments (in 2011 dollars)
which were spent on 5,684 projects in 61,243 locations. We supplement this data with
geocoded project level data on China’s global footprint of official financial flows over the
period from 2000 to 2014 (Bluhm et al., 2020). The data include 3,485 projects (worth
US$273.6 billion in 2014 dollars) in 6,184 locations across the globe. China invests heavily
in economic infrastructure and services, ranging from roads over seaports to power grids.
Both the World Bank and China project locations were geocoded ex post and
include precision codes indicating if an exact building, city or administrative region were
identified.41 We use a subset of these data which were coded to be either exact or near
to the exact location. We then match these projects to our universe of capital and non-
capital cities if they fall within 10 km of the city centroid. Aiddata codes the sector of
each project following a variant of the OECD Creditor Reporting System (CRS). This
allows us to distinguish investment in, say, government from investments in water and
sanitation. We examine two outcomes for overall and aid per sector in a series of cross-
sectional regressions: whether a city had any project committed over the entire available
period (e.g. 1995 to 2014 for the World Bank) and the total amount committed. On the
right hand side we have the share of years in which a city was a capital. All regressions
include initial-region fixed effects, control for the full set of fundamentals (including initial
population), and include a dummy for national capitals. Similar to the long difference
approach taken with population, this help us to understand whether capital cities attract
more or less projects funded from abroad than comparable cities, but this evidence does
not show that new capital cities attract funding immediately after gaining status.42
Figure IX reports the regression results per sector and shows several interesting
patterns. First, capital cities are considerably more likely to receive any development
project than other cities in the same region. For example, a city that has been a
capital throughout the entire period has a 24.9 percentage point higher probability of
receiving any World Bank project and was about 14.6 percentage points more likely to
receive a Chinese-funded project than a non-capital city. Second, the sectoral composition
of projects suggest that capital cities primarily attract funds for water and sanitation,
government and civil society, and infrastructure when it comes to funding by the World
Bank. China, on the other hand, appears to invest relatively more in the physical
infrastructure of subnational capitals compared to other cities or sectors. In fact, most
of the other sectors, apart from water and sanitation or industry and mining show no
41
Restricting the sample to the two highest precision codes makes sure that we do not mechanically
find more projects in subnational capitals, as projects for which less precise geographic information is
available are often geocoded to regional capitals.
42
Running event studies with these data matched to cities leads to results which have large
uncertainties and could encompass a large range of positive or negative effect sizes.
38
Figure IX
Capitals and aid by sector
(a) Any project (WB) (b) Log commitments (WB)
Notes: The figure plots estimates from regressions of development projects in a particular sector
on the fraction of years a city was a capital. Panels A and C show the results from regressions
with binary variables on the left hand side indicating whether a city has received any project in
a particular sector by the World Bank and China, respectively. Panels B and D show the results
from regressions with the log of 1 + commitments in USD on the left hand side indicating the
amount of commitments a city has received in a particular sector by the World Bank and China,
respectively. The definition of sectors follows the OECD’s Common Reporting Standard (see Online
Appendix A for details). 95% confidence intervals based on standard errors clustered on initial
regions are provided as error bars.
differences across capital and non-capital cities. Subnational capitals thus attract more
public funds from international donors or creditors and these funds primarily go to sectors
that improve living standards, government operations, and connectivity. This pattern
of investments lines up well with the DHS evidence presented above (and the related
evidence in Gollin et al., 2016; Henderson and Turner, 2020; Henderson et al., 2020). Of
course, we cannot rule out that this allocation is the product of regional favoritism or
corruption (Hodler and Raschky, 2014; De Luca et al., 2018) and cannot test within our
framework whether these projects are effective.
39
Having documented that capital cities attract more public funds begs the question
whether the increase in activity and density is primarily the product of more public
employment (and the related investments) or whether private employment increases as
well. This is far from a theoretical conjecture. A significant part of the increase in the
urban extent of Mamuju after 1990 documented in Figure IV occurs in the area of the city
where the new provincial headquarters were built. Recent findings on public employment
multipliers appear to depend on the context and usually come from developed countries.43
Public investment multipliers could be substantially larger in developing countries where
the initial capital stock is low.
Figure X
Capitals and FDI by industry
(a) Ln value (b) Ln jobs
Notes: The figure plots estimates from regressions of FDI projects in a particular sector on the
fraction of years a city was a capital. Panel A shows the results from regressions with the log of
1 + value of FDI projects in USD on the left hand side indicating the amount of FDI a city has
received in a particular sector. Panel B shows the results from regressions with the log of 1 +
estimated number of jobs of FDI projects in the city on the left hand side indicating the increase in
private employment a city has experienced in a particular sector. The definition of sectors follows
the NAICS 2-digit sector classification (see Online Appendix A for details). 95% confidence intervals
based on standard errors clustered on initial regions are provided as error bars.
The fDi Markets tracks global FDI investments and joint ventures by sector, provided
that they lead to a new physical operation in the host country. Similar to the China
data, the data are not primarily based on official statistics but collected from media,
industry organisations and investment agencies. The fDi Markets data reports the host
city of the project, the value of the investment and an estimate of the jobs created
43
Faggio and Overman (2014), for example, find no evidence of increases in private employment in
response to substantial increases in public employment in more rural areas of the UK. Becker et al. (2021)
study the relocation of the German government to Bonn in 1949 and Faggio et al. (2019) study the move
back to Berlin in 1999. Public jobs crowded out private employment in Bonn almost one-to-one, while
Berlin’s service sector benefited (with 0.55 private jobs for every public job). Jofre-Monseny et al. (2020)
use the capital city status of Spanish cities to identify the effects of public employment and find evidence
of significant crowd-in of private sector employment (1 to 1.3 jobs).
40
that can be connected to the investment. We use a subset of the global data for cities
in reformed regions. We geocode each host city and match it to an urban cluster or
administrative center when it is within 10 kilometers of an FDI project. We run the
same set of regressions used for aid projects, only this time the cumulative value of FDI
projects in a city or the cumulative number of projected jobs a company plans to create
are on the left hand side, and the fraction of years a city was a capital from 2003 to 2018
plus fundamentals and initial-region fixed effects are on the right hand side. The FDI
data uses the North American Industry Classification System (NAICS). We aggregate
their highly detailed classification to the 2-digit NAICS industry level, which delivers a
level of aggregation similar to the CRS codes used for aid projects.
Figure X suggests that subnational capitals attract considerably more FDI than non-
capital cities. The value of FDI projects in capitals is about 5.7 log points larger
and these project come with an 8-fold increase in the number of jobs compared to
projects in non-capital cities in the same initial region. The sectoral composition of FDI
also shows an interesting pattern. Capital cities attract more high-value projects with
more manufacturing, finance and insurance, and retail jobs than other cities. However,
differences to other cities in terms of private investments in public administration and
agriculture are negligible. This finding suggests that core industries with international
linkages preferably locate themselves in subnational capitals.
Although the evidence documented on these mechanisms is only a series of partial
correlations, it generally supports the conjecture that capital cities attract substantial
public and private investments. Our findings on medium-run population changes also
make it unlikely that the fast growth of subnational capitals can only be attributed to
increases in public employment.44
8. Conclusion
Our results provide the first evidence that the recent proliferation of administrative units
and the corresponding change in status of some cities to first-order administrative capitals
affect the location of economic activity in developing countries. Leveraging a new and
global panel of administrative reforms from 1987 until 2018, we find that new capital
44
Public employment shares in developing countries are often not particularly high (e.g. provincial
level public employment ranges from about 8 to 47 per thousand in Indonesia, see OECD, 2016), so that
the population increases documented above would imply an implausibly large expansion of the public
sector. To see this, consider an initial public employment share of 5%. If the population of a capital
city grows by 30% from 1990 to 2015 as a consequence of the change in capital status, then public
employment would have to rise 6-fold to explain all of this increase. If the increases are more modest, for
example a doubling in public employment, then the associated multipliers would have to be much larger
than what is suggested by the literature (Faggio and Overman, 2014; Becker et al., 2021; Jofre-Monseny
et al., 2020). This is in line with Bai and Jia (2021), who document similar results for the very long-run
development of China’s prefectures when they host provincial capitals.
41
cities attract significantly more economic activity in the short and medium run. These
benefits spill over to nearby cities but are heterogeneous across key dimensions. Capitals
in inferior locations, as defined by a lack of internal market access or high agricultural
suitability, experience considerably weaker growth than those in superior locations. The
capital premium varies along the intensive margin of political importance, as measured
by the size of the resulting administrative unit, and depends inversely on the age of urban
network.
We interpret these findings and our analysis of likely channels as evidence that
subnational capitals are focal points for migrants and business within regions. If these
capitals coincide with productive locations, then accelerating agglomeration in these cities
is likely to impact aggregate welfare positively. More broadly, these findings are relevant
to policy-makers who decide to decentralize based on various political considerations.
Territorial politics and public investments can be a tool for steering agglomeration in
rapidly urbanizing developing countries. However, we also illustrate how ineffective
such policies are if they target unfavorable locations in the hinterland or when their
implementation no longer delivers sufficient economies of scale.
The global data we provide in this paper opens the door to studying various questions
about cities and their role in the administrative hierarchy. So far, we know little about
the politics behind the observed locations of subnational capital cities apart from a few
historical cases. Our paper only exploits the varied nature of the underlying motivations
and their unpredictability but makes no contribution to untangling them. We leave such
questions for future research and hope that our global data of administrative cities will
prove useful in exploring them.
42
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46
Online appendix
A Data Appendix ii
A-1 Remotely-sensed data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ii
A-2 DHS data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii
A-3 Investment data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiii
A-4 Summary statistics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xv
C Capital locations xx
i
A. Data Appendix
A-1. Remotely-sensed data
Light density: We calculate our light density measures by taking the average value
per pixel within the year (to mitigate between multiple satellites) and then summing the
average pixel values across our city shapes before dividing by the city area. The luminosity
data is based on the raw NOAA data of the OLS-DMSP (stable light) product https://
sos.noaa.gov/catalog/datasets/nighttime-lights/. The bottom correction is implemented
following Storeygard (2016) and the top coding correction following Bluhm and Krause
(2022).
Population: density within our cities is calculating by first taking the sum of
population based on the Global Human Settlement Layer Raster (GHSL R2018A/2019A)
and then dividing by the area of our cities (https://ghsl.jrc.ec.europa.eu).
Malaria suitability: Malaria Ecology Index from Kiszewski et al. (2004) in raster
format for GIS (https://sites.google.com/site/gordoncmccord/datasets?authuser=0).
Market access: Own calculation based on GHSL raster. See main text for details.
River within 25km: We generate a dummy for all cities located within 25km of river,
based on our city coordinates and river shapes from Natural Earth 1:10m grid version
4.1.0 (https://www.naturalearthdata.com/downloads/10m-raster-data/).
Lake within 25km: We generate a dummy for all cities located within 25km of a
lake, based on our city coordinates and “lake centerlines” from Natural Earth 1:10m grid
version 4.1.0 (https://www.naturalearthdata.com/downloads/10m-raster-data/).
Port within 25km: We generate a dummy for all cities located within 25km of a port,
based on our city coordinates and port locations obtained from the World Port Index
2010 (https://msi.nga.mil/Publications/WPI).
Coast within 25km: We generate a dummy for all cities located within 25km of the
coast, based on our city coordinates and the coastlines from from Natural Earth 1:10m
grid version 4.1.0 (https://www.naturalearthdata.com/downloads/10m-raster-data/).
ii
Precipitation: Average precipitation is calculated within 25km buffers of our city
coordinates, we average yearly values from Jan 1990 to Dec 2014 from the monthly
totals. The precipitation data is obtained from NOA (Version 4.01 https://psl.noaa.gov/
data/gridded/data.UDel AirT Precip.html).
Elevation: Average elevation within a 25km buffer of the city is calculated based on
the SRTM Version 4.1 raster (Jarvis et al., 2008).
Temperature: Average temperature is calculated for 25km buffers around our cities.
We use the average temperature from Jan 1990 to Dec 2014 from the monthly totals as
inputs, which is obtained from NOA (Version 4.01 https://psl.noaa.gov/data/gridded/
data.UDel AirT Precip.html).
Wheat suitability: Average wheat suitability is calculated for 25km buffers around our
city coordinates. The wheat suitability values are obtained from the FAO GAEZ Agro-
climatically attainable yield for intermediate input level rain-fed wheat for the baseline
period 1961-1990 at 5 arc minutes.
Built-up: We calculate built-up and vegetation measures using the entire archive of
Landsat images from 1987 until 2018, available at a resolution of 30m from Landsat
5 and 7 in Google Earth Engine. The measures are based on spectral bands, denoted
by ρx , and calculated as follows: N DBI = (ρSW IR1 − ρN IR ) / (ρSW IR1 + ρN IR ), U I =
(ρSW IR2 − ρN IR ) / ((ρSW IR2 + ρN IR ), and N DV I = (ρN IR − ρred ) / (N IR + red). Prior
to calculation we extract the average values of cloud free images of the Landsat input as
is standard in such calculations.
Table A-1
Countries in sample
iii
Table A-1 – Continued from previous page
Country LATE LATE LATE
(schooling) (urbanization) (GDP)
Brazil 1 1 1
Bulgaria 0 1 1
Burkina Faso . 1 1
Burundi 1 1 1
Cambodia 1 1 1
Cameroon 1 1 1
Canada 0 0 0
Central African Republic 1 1 1
Chad . 1 1
Chile 0 0 0
China 1 1 1
Colombia 1 1 1
Congo 1 1 1
Costa Rica 0 1 1
Cuba 0 0 1
Czech Republic 0 0 0
Cote d’Ivoire 1 1 1
Democratic Republic of the Congo 1 1 1
Denmark 0 0 0
Dominican Republic 1 1 1
Ecuador 1 1 1
Egypt 1 1 1
Eritrea . 1 .
Estonia 0 0 .
Ethiopia . 1 1
Finland 0 0 0
France 0 0 0
Georgia . 0 .
Germany 0 0 0
Ghana 1 1 1
Greece 0 0 1
Guatemala 1 1 1
Guinea . 1 1
Haiti 1 1 1
Honduras 1 1 1
Hungary 0 0 0
India 1 1 1
Indonesia 1 1 1
Iran 1 1 1
Iraq 1 1 1
Ireland 0 0 0
Italy 0 0 0
Japan 0 0 1
Kazakhstan 1 0 .
Kenya 1 1 1
Korea, North . 1 1
Korea, South 0 1 1
Continued on next page
iv
Table A-1 – Continued from previous page
Country LATE LATE LATE
(schooling) (urbanization) (GDP)
Kyrgyzstan 0 1 .
Laos 1 1 1
Latvia 0 0 .
Lesotho 1 1 1
Liberia 1 1 1
Madagascar . 1 1
Malawi 1 1 1
Malaysia 1 1 1
Mali 1 1 1
Mauritania 1 1 1
Mexico 1 0 0
Moldova 0 1 .
Mongolia 1 1 1
Morocco 1 1 1
Mozambique 1 1 1
Myanmar 1 1 1
Nepal 1 1 1
Netherlands 0 0 0
New Zealand 0 0 0
Nicaragua 1 1 1
Niger 1 1 1
Nigeria . 1 1
Norway 0 0 0
Oman . 1 1
Pakistan 1 1 1
Panama 0 1 1
Papa New Guinea 1 1 .
Paraguay 1 1 1
Peru 1 0 0
Philippines 1 1 1
Poland 0 0 0
Portugal 1 1 1
Romania 0 1 1
Russian Federation 0 0 .
Rwanda 1 1 1
Saudi Arabia 1 1 1
Senegal 1 1 1
Sierra Leone 1 1 1
Slovakia 0 1 .
Somalia . 1 1
South Africa 0 0 0
South Sudan 1 1 1
Spain 0 0 1
Sri-Lanka 0 1 1
Sudan 1 1 1
Sweden 0 0 0
Switzerland 0 0 0
Continued on next page
v
Table A-1 – Continued from previous page
Country LATE LATE LATE
(schooling) (urbanization) (GDP)
Syrian Arab Republic 1 1 0
Taiwan 0 1 1
Tajikistan 0 1 .
Thailand 1 1 1
Togo 1 1 1
Tunisia 1 1 1
Turkey 1 1 1
Turkmenistan . 0 .
United Kingdom 0 0 0
Uganda 1 1 1
Ukraine 0 1 .
United Arab Emirates 1 0 0
United Republic of Tanzania 1 1 1
United States of America 0 0 0
Uruguay 0 0 0
Uzbekistan . 1 .
Venezuela 1 0 0
Vietnam 1 1 1
Yemen 1 1 1
Zambia 1 1 1
Zimbabwe 1 1 1
Notes: The table depicts the countries covered in our study. The thee LATe dummies
refer to the country classification of Henderson et al. (2018).
vi
A-2. DHS data
DHS wealth index: is taken directly from the DHS surveys (v190). In general the
DHS describes their wealth index as being: “... a composite measure of a household’s
cumulative living standard. The wealth index is calculated using easy-to-collect data on a
household’s ownership of selected assets, such as televisions and bicycles; materials used
for housing construction; and types of water access and sanitation facilities” (https://
www.dhsprogram.com/topics/wealth-index/wealth-index-construction.cfm). Note that
the specific assets considered are country dependent.
Save water indicator: is a indicator variables set to unity if the respondent household
has access to either: protected wells or springs, boreholes, packaged water, and rainwater
(v113) (see Henderson et al., 2020, for a similar classification).
Infant mortality: is defined as the probability of dying before the first birthday.
The corresponding rate is normalized as a ratio per 1000 live births. The variable
is constructed based on the “age at death” responses about the children of female
respondents (variables b13-1 to b13-20). As common in the literature, we use the
individual-child-level data to compute this measure and multiply the resulting dummy
by 1000 to estimate a rate (“per thousand births”).
Log household size: is the log of the number of household members (v136).
vii
Log head of household age: is the log of age (in years) of the household head (v152).
Age in years of the respondent (v012 and mv012) in the DHS. Also included as a
squared term.
Female indicator taking unity for all respondents in the IR dataset of the DHS and
zero for all respondents in the MR dataset of the DHS.
Sex indicator for respondents children, takes unity if the respondent child is female
(b401 –b420 ).
Multiple birth indicator is unity if a respondents child was born either as a twin or
multiple (b001 –b020 ).
Period of birth indicator: Indicator for the period of birth of the reported children
(by decade, i.e, 1990s).
viii
Table A-2
DHS survey sample
ix
Table A-2 – Continued from previous page
ISO Interview year Respondents urban female
GHA 2008 2645 95 53
GHA 2013 35 100 66
GIN 1999 2149 97 75
GIN 2005 2004 95 65
GIN 2012 3275 98 69
HND 2011 2483 99 80
HTI 2000 3378 89 81
HTI 2006 2879 91 73
HTI 2007 109 100 56
HTI 2012 7020 95 63
IDN 2003 2385 98 77
KEN 2003 4002 95 82
KEN 2008 1087 93 72
KEN 2009 557 100 69
KGZ 2012 2210 81 80
LBR 2006 149 71 52
LBR 2007 2822 100 57
LBR 2008 792 100 100
LBR 2009 167 100 100
LBR 2011 778 100 100
LBR 2013 1673 100 71
LSO 2004 443 87 74
LSO 2005 89 100 73
LSO 2009 354 100 73
LSO 2010 206 100 73
MAR 2003 3854 99 100
MDA 2005 2969 100 76
MDG 1997 1216 96 100
MDG 2008 1906 95 70
MDG 2009 137 100 70
MDG 2011 95 34 100
MDG 2013 172 58 100
MLI 1995 1062 100 80
MLI 1996 1121 100 79
MLI 2001 2869 100 78
MLI 2006 3177 100 76
MLI 2012 2758 100 72
MLI 2013 505 87 67
MOZ 2009 3256 99 100
MOZ 2011 4946 99 77
MWI 2000 835 97 80
MWI 2004 270 100 75
MWI 2005 345 100 74
MWI 2010 1211 100 74
MWI 2012 828 100 100
NER 1992 2201 47 81
NER 1998 1195 92 69
NGA 2003 3168 87 75
Continued on next page
x
Table A-2 – Continued from previous page
ISO Interview year Respondents urban female
NGA 2008 10456 89 67
NGA 2010 1481 85 100
NGA 2013 13150 90 68
PAK 2006 2462 93 100
PER 2000 10256 99 100
PER 2004 3794 100 100
PER 2009 8710 99 100
PHL 2003 5862 96 76
PHL 2008 3241 97 100
RWA 2005 1128 94 69
RWA 2008 1174 96 47
RWA 2010 197 31 69
RWA 2011 1532 92 68
SEN 1992 817 82 80
SEN 1993 1584 80 81
SEN 1997 3752 94 67
SEN 2005 11160 88 77
SEN 2008 8782 85 100
SEN 2009 1424 89 100
SEN 2010 2831 87 75
SEN 2011 2940 92 75
SEN 2012 998 93 100
SEN 2013 1080 88 100
SLE 2008 2799 99 70
SLE 2013 4732 100 69
TGO 1998 3441 93 70
TGO 2013 2328 98 70
TJK 2012 2096 90 100
TZA 1999 1395 100 54
TZA 2003 331 100 100
TZA 2004 2053 97 94
TZA 2007 952 95 100
TZA 2008 844 96 100
TZA 2009 408 100 82
TZA 2010 1227 98 81
TZA 2011 463 96 100
TZA 2012 1941 95 100
UGA 2000 473 94 77
UGA 2001 414 100 81
UGA 2006 1231 100 79
UGA 2008 31 100 77
UGA 2009 860 94 100
UGA 2011 6756 94 89
ZMB 2007 2416 100 52
ZMB 2013 4613 96 53
ZWE 1999 1431 100 68
ZWE 2005 2729 98 56
ZWE 2006 228 89 53
Continued on next page
xi
Table A-2 – Continued from previous page
ISO Interview year Respondents urban female
ZWE 2010 1905 97 56
ZWE 2011 1018 100 58
Notes: The table depicts the DHS survey included in our sample. The
survey years the number of respondents in each suvery that we can
match to our data as well as the percentage of urban dwellers and
female respondents within each DHS survey.
xii
A-3. Investment data
Development aid (World Bank): Development aid provided by the World Bank
is obtained AidData (2017). This geocoded dataset includes all projects approved from
1995-2014 in the World Bank IBRD/IDA lending lines. It tracks more than $630 billion in
commitments for 5,684 projects across 61,243 locations. We construct several aid variables
following the sectoral classification. The sectoral classification are in order; Education,
health, water supply & sanitation, government and civil society, other social infrastructure
& services, economic infrastructure and services, agriculture forestry and fishing, industry
and mining and construction, and environmental protection. They correspond to the
broadest classification of the project types provided by the World Bank. Note that any
project can have multiple (up to 5) project classifications. In such cases the same project
appears under multiple headings.
Development aid (China): Development aid like financial flows for China are
obtained from AidData’s Geocoded Global Chinese Official Finance Dataset, Version
1.1.1. (Bluhm et al., 2020). This dataset geolocates Chinese Government-financed
projects that were implemented between 2000-2014. It captures 3,485 projects worth
$273.6 billion in total official financing. The dataset includes both Chinese aid and
non-concessional official financing. We construct several aid variables following the
sectoral classification. The sectoral classification are in order; Education, health, water
supply & sanitation, government and civil society, other social infrastructure & services,
economic infrastructure and services, agriculture forestry and fishing, industry and mining
and construction, and environmental protection. They correspond to the broadest
classification of the project types provided by the World Bank. Note that any project can
have multiple (up to 5) project classifications. In such cases the same project appears
under multiple headings.
FDI: The raw data for our FDI outcomes (dummy, log investment value, and log
estimated jobs) comes from the fDi Markets database (https://www.fdimarkets.com)
a service provided by the Financial Times group. The database contains in detail
information on FDI projects across the world for the period 2003 until 2018, including
information about the investing company the origin country the company is based and
much more. Important for us the database has the estimated jobs created the value spend,
the host city name and if the project is a greenfield investment. We geocoded the projects
using the same OSM algorithm we employed for the location of the capital cities using the
host city information. In a next step we match the FDI to our cities if the projects host
city (which do not need to meet any population threshold) fall within a 10km buffer of our
detected cities. Finally, we summarize the invested dollar value and the estimated jobs by
the host city location and take the logs of them. Note that we only gathered data for our
xiii
reformed areas, since the terms of use only allow us to use 10% of their sample. The data
is then aggregated to the NAICS 2 digit level. The 2 digits NAICS classification we use
are in order: Agriculture, Forestry, Fishing and Hunting; Mining, Quarrying, and Oil and
Gas Extraction; Utilities ; Construction; Manufacturing; Wholesale Trade; Retail Trade;
Transportation and Warehousing; Information; Finance and Insurance; Real Estate and
Rental and Leasing; Professional, Scientific, and Technical Services; Administrative and
Support and Waste Management and Remediation Services; Educational Services; Health
Care and Social Assistance; Arts, Entertainment, and Recreation; Accommodation and
Food Services; Public Administration.
xiv
A-4. Summary statistics
Table A-3
Summary statistics: Fundamentals
xv
B. Tracking capital cities and subnational units
We separately track changes in the geography of subnational units and capitals over time,
and cross-reference both results at the end to minimize the scope for error. We start
cataloging subnational capitals using the two most comprehensive databases available
today (i.e., the Statoids database, Law, 2010 and the City Population database, Brinkhoff,
2020). We use the Global Administrative Unit Layers (GAUL) vector data as a baseline to
track subnational units over time, which only records the spatial extent of administrative
units but contains no information on their capitals. The three databases have varying
temporal coverage. Statoids often tracks capitals and subnational units back to the
founding of a country and is usually accurate (up until 2013/2014), but lacks any spatial
information. City Population and GAUL cover short time periods, from 1998 until 2020
and 1990 until 2014, respectively.
xvi
Figure B-1
Reform History of Cape Province, South Africa
(a) Cape province in 1992 (b) Cape province in 1995 (c) Cape province in 2005
Notes: Panel a to c illustrate initial and successor regions of the Cape Province in South Africa.
Panel d) illustrates the evolutionary tree for the splinters which were formerly part of Cape Province,
South Africa. The last level represents the situation after the 2005 reform.
North-West was assigned to the Northern Cape in 2005 (see the yellow area in panel B,
which turns purple in Panel C). As a result, all splinters of Cape Province are affiliated
with at least two different administrative regions over this period (panel D).
Next, we compare the resulting reform tree with Statoids and City Population to
document discrepancies (of which there are many). First, the different sources do
not always agree on what unit constitutes the first-order administrative level. GAUL
sometimes contain macro regions, which have no political function and are easily identified
using other data sources. Whenever we detect a case in which GAUL seems to disagree
with other sources, or misses a reform entirely, we collect additional spatial data for these
regions. From 2000 onward, AidData’s GeoBoundaries database and GADM provide a
lot of high quality data, although neither of them is without error. Data for the early
1990s is harder to obtain and sometimes requires us to digitize offline maps. In rare
cases, we were able to recover the correct shapes merging regions. Uganda, for example,
consecutively split its larger regions into smaller units, so that the most recent vector
data was sufficient to reconstruct an administrative map for each year. In summary, we
found that around 40% of all countries in GAUL had missing or incomplete data during
the period from 1990 to 2014 (see Figure B-2 for an illustration).
xvii
Figure B-2
Corrections made in GAUL data from 1990-2014
Notes: The figure plots the corrected GAUL countries. Countries in white are correct in GAUL,
bright blue are those we had to fix, dark blue are those we are unable to fix, because we lack correct
maps for one or more years during the sample period.
Finally, we extended the corrected sample to full period from 1987 to 2018. Extending
the sample from 2014 onward is straightforward, since many statistical offices upload
official vector files and we could use newer version of AidData’s GeoBoundaries database
and GADM to fill in the gaps. Extending backward from 1989 to 1987 was more
cumbersome. We relied mostly the 1980s and early 1990s editions of the Atlas Britannica.
xviii
around 60 out of 136 administrative centers. The manual coding included another
arbitration layer in case of disagreements.
Finally, we merge the remotely-sensed universe of urban clusters in 1990 and 2015
with the coordinates of administrative cities. We consider exact matches all cases where
the centroid of a capital city falls within 3 km of an urban cluster. In the few instances
where no urban cluster is within this distance of an administrative center, we proceed
by matching on names. Any cluster within 50 km of a capital city with almost the same
name, defined as a Levenshtein edit distance of less than 3, is considered a match.
xix
C. Capital locations
We now take a closer look at the political geography determinants of capital locations
within regions and provide some descriptives on which cities are likely to become capitals
within a new administrative region.
We take our inspiration from Bai and Jia (2021), who propose that central government
planners in historical China face a trade-off when determining the location of regional
capital cities. Being close to citizens implies that the administrative location can
efficiently exercise control (levy taxes and provide services at a low cost). Proximity
to the national capital, in turn, makes the local administration more accountable to
the national government and minimizes the cost of delivering local taxes to the central
government (for similar arguments see Bardhan and Mookherjee, 2000; Campante and
Do, 2014). Note that the argument holds for all locations of national capital, which
might be isolated itself to put distance between autocratic rulers and their populations
(Campante et al., 2019). The optimal solution to this problem minimizes a location’s
‘hierarchical distance’: the distance to all citizens within a province and the national
capital (with some weight on either objective). Of course, other factors are likely to play
a role in these location decisions today, which is why we consider a range of additional
variables from proximity to the coast to the size distribution of cities in the initial region.
Panels A to C of Figure C-1 provide some evidence in favor of the idea that hierarchical
distance also matters in our global sample of contemporary capital city reforms. We rank
cities within regions with respect to their distance to the region centroid in panel A,
their distance to the population-weighted centroid in panel B, or their distance to the
national capital in panel C. In all three cases, cities that occupy lower ranks (are closer)
are considerably more likely to become a capital when a region is split. Panel D adds
the proximity to the coast as a proxy for the external trade orientation and documents
a similar pattern. We find a few outliers where high ranks have a high probability of
becoming a capital (due to a few regions in South Asia with relatively “remote” capitals).
Finally, we examine initial size, either based on population or light density, as a
predictor of gaining the status as a regional capital.1 Panel E shows a strong relationship
between the initial size of a city and the probability of becoming the region’s capital.
The largest city in a region is also the region’s capital in almost 60% of the cases, the
second-largest city in around 17% of cases, while the chances of being a capital for the
third and fourth-largest cities are in the single digits. Cities that rank five or higher have
an average probability below 1%. The relationship wakens if we rank by initial light,
where the decline in the probability is smooth, and the largest city becomes the capital
in only 30% of cases (panel F).
1
Note that the largest city does not minimize the distance to all citizens by definition, although there
is a high correlation 0.64.
xx
Figure C-1
Determinants of capital locations within regions: City ranks
(a) Proximity region centroid (b) Proximity population centroid
.25
.25
.2
.2
Probability capital
Probability capital
.15
.15
.1
.1
.05
.05
0
0
0 20 40 60 80 100 0 20 40 60 80 100
Rank Rank)
.2
Probability capital
Probability capital
.15
.1
.1
.05
0
0 20 40 60 80 100 0 20 40 60 80 100
Rank Rank
.3
.4
.2
Probability capital
Probability capital
.2
.1
0
0 20 40 60 80 100 0 20 40 60 80 100
Rank Rank
Notes: This figure shows scatter plots of the average probability that a city becomes a capital
across over the distribution of city characteristics along various dimensions. Panel A ranks cities in
terms of proximity to the regional centroid. Panel B ranks cities with respect to proximity to the
population-weighted centroid of a region. Panel C uses the proximity to the national capital and
panel D the proximity to coast. Panels E and F rank cities based on their initial size, either by
population or light density.
xxi
D. Selection issues: City detection
Throughout the main text, we focus on the cities that we were able to detect in 1990.
We then analyze changes in the core and in the larger agglomeration, including new
developments in these cities from 1990 until 2015. Defining the sample of cities avoids a
sample selection issue that we illustrate in more detail in this appendix.
The selection effect arises since the status of a city as a subnational capital also
influences the detection likelihood in 2015. Our main result is that cities grow faster once
they gain capital city status. Recall that we only observe urban boundaries at two points
in time (1990 and 2015). If a small city becomes a subnational capital in the interim and
grows faster as a result, it is more likely to cross our detection thresholds and classified
as an urban cluster (or city) in 2015. Suppose we track light density (or other outcomes)
in these cities over the entire period, even though they are only detected later. In that
case, we include this dynamic selection bias and, with that, the possibility of pre-trends.
We design a simple test to illustrate this selection effect. We regress the change in
detection status from 1990 to 2015 on the share of years a city is a subnational capital
during the same period. The change in status is the first difference of a binary variable
indicating whether a city was detected in a particular year in the union of urban clusters
found in either in 1990 or 2015. Table D-1 reports the results from several specifications,
where we incrementally add country and initial-region fixed effects for our two samples.
Columns 1 to 3 show that a city that becomes a capital halfway through the period from
1990 to 2015 has a 7.3 to 11.8 percentage points higher probability of being detected in
2015. The estimated effect sizes are smaller for the sample of cities in reformed regions,
but the overall pattern remains the same. Obtaining the status as a first-order capital
during the sample significantly increases the likelihood of detection in 2015.
Table D-1
City detection probability
xxii
E. Additional results
E-1. Additional figures
Figure E-1
Time to treatment
Malaria burden
Close to rivers
Close to lakes
Close to ports
Close to coast
Distance to coast
Precipitation
Elevation
Temperature
Wheat suitability
-.5 0 .5 1
Change in log time to treatment
Notes: The figure illustrates results from cross-sectional regressions of the time to treatment (in
logs plus one) on initial city characteristics. The regressions was run three times, once without
fixed effects, with country fixed effects, and with initial region fixed effects. The coefficients are
standardized beta coefficients. Some coefficients are omitted in the specification with initial region
fixed effect for a lack of within region variation. 95% confidence intervals clustered on initial regions
are indicated by the error bars.
xxiii
Figure E-2
Endpoint binning and medium-run effect size: Event-study estimates
(a) All cities (b) Cities in reformed regions
0.3
0.25
0.3
Coefficient and 95% confidence interval
0.2
0.15
0.15
0.1
0.1
0.05
0.05
0
0
3+ 4+ 5+ 6+ 7+ 8+ 9+ 10+ 3+ 4+ 5+ 6+ 7+ 8+ 9+ 10+
Endpoint bins Endpoint bins
Notes: The figure shows point coefficients and 95% confidence intervals of the endpoint bins
estimated in several event studies with varying window sizes. The underlying event studies use
five pre-treatment periods and extend the event window from 3 (or more) to 10 (or more) periods.
The effect in the last pre-period is normalized to zero. Panel A is based on column 3 and panel
B is based on column 6 of Table E-1. The blue line indicates the difference-in-differences estimate
corresponding to each panel and the dashed blue lines provide the 95% confidence intervals of these
estimates.
Figure E-3
TWFE versus IW estimator of dynamic treatment effects
(a) 5-year event window (b) 15-year event window
.3
FE Estimator
.4
FE Estimator
IW Estimator IW Estimator
.2
.2
Log light density
.1
0
0
-.1
-.2
Notes: The figure illustrates event-study results from fixed effects regressions of the log of light
intensity per square kilometer on a binned sequence of treatment change dummies, city fixed
effects, initial-region-by-year fixed effects, time-varying locational fundamentals for a panel that
is balanced in calendar time. Circles represent point estimates from two-way fixed effects estimation
(TWFE). Diamonds represent point estimates from interaction-weighted (IW) estimation (see Sun
and Abraham, 2021). Panel A shows estimates a five-year event window. Panel A shows estimates
a 15-year event window. 95% confidence intervals based on standard clustered on initial regions are
provided by the gray error bars.
xxiv
Figure E-4
Accounting for spatial autocorrelation
(a) Standard errors (b) t-statistics
.038
4.8
4.6
.036
Standard error
4.4
t-statistic
.034
4.2
.032
4
.03
3.8
Notes: The figure illustrates results from varying the spatial lag cutoff when estimating standard
errors which allow for cross-sectional dependence. All results are based on a variant of column
6 in Table E-1 where we restrict the sample to reformed areas and include city fixed effects, as
well as initial-region fixed effects. Here we omit the time-varying effects of the fundamentals for
computational reasons (to reduce the size of the regressor matrix small). The estimated effect in
this specification is 0.1427 with a standard error of 0.0316. All Conley errors are estimated with a
uniform kernel and a time-series HAC with a cutoff of 1,000 years to allow for arbitrary dependence
over time. Panel A shows estimates of the resulting standard errors, with the original error clustered
on initial regions highlighted in orange. Panel B shows estimates of the resulting t-statistics, with
the original t-statistic clustered on initial regions highlighted in orange.
xxv
Figure E-5
Agglomerations: Event-study estimates
(a) All cities (core) (b) Cities in reformed regions (core)
.3
Country-year FE Country-year FE
.3
Country-year FE w/ fundamentals Country-year FE w/ fundamentals
Ini. region-year FE w/ fundamentals Ini. region-year FE w/ fundamentals
.2
.2
Log light density
0
0
-.1
-.1
-.2
-5+ -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 5+ -5+ -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 5+
Country-year FE Country-year FE
.3
.2
Log light density
.1
0
0
-.1
-.1
-.2
-.2
-5+ -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 5+ -5+ -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 5+
Notes: The figure reports event-study estimates corresponding to the difference-in-differences results
presented in Table II. The upper panels report results for the core of the agglomeration. The
lower panels report results for the fringe (new parts that were added after 1990). Panels A and
C show estimates for all cities. Panels B and D show estimates for cities in reformed regions.
Circles represent point estimates from a regression with city and country-year fixed effects, diamonds
represent specifications with additional controls for locational fundamental, and triangles represent
specifications with initial-region-by-year fixed effects in addition. All regressions include city fixed
effects. 95% confidence intervals based on standard clustered on initial regions are provided by the
gray error bars. The orange error bars indicate 95% sup-t bootstrap confidence bands with block
sampling over initial regions (Montiel Olea and Plagborg-Møller, 2019).
xxvi
Figure E-6
Fundamentals: Event-study estimates
(a) Principal components (b) Single fundamentals
.6
Capital Capital
.3
0
0
-.2
-.1
-.2
-.4
-5+ -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 5+ -5+ -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 5+
Notes: The figure reports event-study estimates corresponding to the difference-in-differences results
presented in Table IV. Panel A reports estimates corresponding to column 5 of panel A, whereas
panel B reports the estimates corresponding to column 5 of panel B of the table. All regressions
include city fixed effects and initial-region-by-year fixed effects. 95% confidence intervals based
on standard clustered on initial regions are provided by the gray error bars. The orange error bars
indicate 95% sup-t bootstrap confidence bands with block sampling over initial regions (Montiel Olea
and Plagborg-Møller, 2019).
xxvii
Figure E-7
Scale: Event-study estimates
(a) Pop region (b) Urb. pop region (c) # cities region
.8
.6
Capital x Scale Capital x Scale Capital x Scale
.6
.6
.4
.4
Log light density
.2
.2
.2
0
0
-.2
-.2
-.2
(d) Pop region (controls) (e) Urb. pop region (controls) (f) # cities region (controls)
.8
1
.6
.5
Log light density
.2
0
0
0
-.2
-.2
-.5
Notes: The figure reports event-study estimates corresponding to the difference-in-differences results
presented in Table V. Panels A to C report the event studies without controls (corresponding
to columns 1, 3 and 5 in the table). Panel D to F report the event studies including controls
(corresponding to columns 2, 4 and 6). All regressions include city fixed effects and initial-region-
by-year fixed effects. 95% confidence intervals based on standard clustered on initial regions are
provided by the gray error bars. The orange error bars indicate 95% sup-t bootstrap confidence
bands with block sampling over initial regions (Montiel Olea and Plagborg-Møller, 2019).
xxviii
Figure E-8
Early vs. late: Event-study estimates
(a) Schooling (b) Urbanization (c) GDP in 1950
.4
Capital x Early Capital x Early Capital x Early
.4
.4
.2
.2
Log light density
0
0
-.2
-.2
-.2
-.4
(d) Schooling (controls) (e) Urbanization (controls) (f) GDP in 1950 (controls)
.4
.4
.2
.2
Log light density
0
0
-.2
-.2
-.2
-.4
Notes: The figure reports event-study estimates corresponding to the difference-in-differences results
presented in Table VI. Panels A to C report the event studies without controls (corresponding
to columns 1, 3 and 5 of the table). Panels D to F report the event studies including controls
(corresponding to columns 2, 4 and 6). All regressions include city fixed effects and initial-region-
by-year fixed effects. 95% confidence intervals based on standard clustered on initial regions are
provided by the gray error bars. The orange error bars indicate 95% sup-t bootstrap confidence
bands with block sampling over initial regions (Montiel Olea and Plagborg-Møller, 2019).
xxix
Figure E-9
Selective migration: Within city evidence (long window)
.3
-10+ -9 -8 -7 -6 -5 -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 +10
Notes: The figure illustrates event-study results from fixed effects regressions of the more than 8 years
of schooling dummy (blue circles) and log years of schooling (red triangles) on the binned sequence
of treatment change dummies defined in the text. All specifications include the following individual
level controls: A gender dummy, a born in city dummy, age and age squared. All specification
include City-year and cohort at move fixed effects as defined in the text. 95% confidence intervals
based on standard clustered on the city level are provided by the gray error bars.
Figure E-10
Built-up: Event-study estimates
(a) NDBI (b) UI (c) NDVI
.02
.04
.02
.01
.01
.02
NDBI
NVDI
UI
0
0
0
-.01
-.01
-.02
-.02
-.02
-.04
Notes: The figure reports event-study estimates corresponding to the difference-in-differences results
presented in Table VIII. Panel A to C cover all six columns of the table. All regressions include
city fixed effects and initial-region-by-year fixed effects. 95% confidence intervals based on standard
clustered on initial regions are provided by the gray error bars. The orange error bars indicate
95% sup-t bootstrap confidence bands with block sampling over initial regions (Montiel Olea and
Plagborg-Møller, 2019).
xxx
E-2. Additional tables
Table E-1
Baseline differences-in-differences
Table E-2
Different light measures
xxxi
Table E-3
Initial city size
Table E-4
City area changes: 1990–2015
xxxii
Table E-5
Different control groups: Countrywide matches
Table E-6
Ethnic diversity
xxxiii
Table E-7
Democracy
Table E-8
Federalism
xxxiv
Table E-9
Larger agglomeration and city fringe: Built-up
Table E-10
Population response: Long differences
xxxv
Table E-11
Population changes: Agglomeration & city fringe
xxxvi
F. Former capitals and “mother” capitals
This appendix provides descriptive statistics on cities that lose their status as a capital,
discusses pre-treatment trends, and the appropriate comparison groups for these cities.
We also report evidence on the effects of cities which lose the capital status relative to
their peers (cities that remain capitals).
Notes: The figure plots all the cities that lose their capital status during the 1987 to 2018 period.
We first turn to our baseline specification which uses other non-capital cities as the
control group. Figure F-2 reports event-study estimates using our preferred specification
with initial-region-by-year fixed effects and controls for locational fundamentals. There
are significant and negative pre-trends. Capital cities that lose their status perform worse
relative to non-capitals prior to treatment. Regardless of why this occurs, identification
is not feasible in our primary setting.
Of course, it makes more sense economically and statistically to compare capitals that
lose their status to cities that remain capitals. Unfortunately, this also implies that we
now work with a drastically reduced sample size (of 392 capital cities) and a design that
xxxvii
Figure F-2
Former capitals vs. all cities
(a) All cities (b) Cities in reformed regions
.4
.4
.2
.2
Log light density
0
-.2
-.2
-.4
-.4
-5+ -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 5+ -5+ -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 5+
Notes: The figure illustrates results from fixed effects regressions of the log of light intensity per
square kilometer on the binned sequence of treatment change dummies (capital loss) defined in the
text. Panel A shows estimates for all ever capital cities based on a specification with country-year
effects. Panel B shows estimates for ever capital cities in reformed regions based on a specification
with final-region-by-year fixed effects. All regressions include city fixed effects. 95% confidence
intervals based on standard clustered on final regions are provided by the gray error bars.
more closely resembles a staggered event study with a small control group. Moreover,
we do not have enough degrees of freedom to allow for time-varying coefficients on the
locational fundamentals. In Figure F-3 we run event studies on the set of ever capitals
using again binned treatment change indicators for city loss. Note that we exclude cities
that become capitals during our sample period. Hence, the comparison groups differ a lot
compared to our standard approach. The identifying variation in panel A is based on the
difference between cities that are always capitals within the country compared to capitals
that lose that status sometime during our sample period. The identifying variation in
panel B is restricted to mergers of administrative regions in which one city loses the
status and the other city becomes the capital of the whole region. Note that focusing on
mergers has also implications for the type fixed effects we can include. Instead of initial-
region-by-year fixed effects, we now use final-region-by-year fixed effects. This allows us
to compare cities within the at some point merging region and control for unobserved
trends in the constituent parts prior to their merger.
The results show a clear pattern. We find no evidence suggesting the presence of pre-
trends. Hence, capitals that will subsequently lose their capital status are not declining
relative to always capitals prior to treatment. After the capital status is remove, we
observe a steady loss of economic activity that takes longer to materialize than our main
result but suggests a decline of similar magnitude in the medium-run.
xxxviii
Figure F-3
Former capitals vs. always capitals
(a) All cities (b) Cities in reformed regions
.1
.1
0
0
Log light density
-.1
-.2
-.2
-.3
-.3
-5+ -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 5+ -5+ -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 5+
Notes: The figure illustrates results from fixed effects regressions of the log of light intensity per
square kilometer on the binned sequence of treatment change dummies (capital loss) defined in
the text. Panel A shows estimates for all ever capital cities based on a specification with country-
year fixed effects. Panel B shows estimates for ever capital cities in reformed regions based on a
specification with final-region-by-year fixed effects. All regressions include city fixed effects. 95%
confidence intervals based on standard clustered on final regions are provided by the gray error bars.
xxxix
Figure F-4
Mother capitals vs. always capitals
(a) All cities (b) Cities in reformed regions
.15
.2
.1
.1
.05
Log light density
-.1
-.05
-.1
-.2
-5+ -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 5+ -5+ -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 5+
Notes: The figure illustrates results from fixed effects regressions of the log of light intensity per
square kilometer on the binned sequence of treatment change dummies (mother capitals). Panel A
shows estimates for all ever capital cities based on a specification with country-year fixed effects.
Panel B shows estimates for ever capital cities in reformed regions based on a specification with
initial-region-by-year fixed effects. All regressions include city fixed effects. 95% confidence intervals
based on standard clustered on initial regions are provided by the gray error bars.
xl
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