Guardian of Ancient Egypt

Studies in Honor of Zahi Hawass

Volume Ill

edited by
Janice Kamrin
Miroslav Barta
Salima lkram
Mark Lehner
Mohamed Megahed

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Servei de Biblioteques
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Prague
Charles University, Faculty of Arts
2020
 Where Did All the Beer Jars Go?

Leslie Anne Warden

Roanoke College

Abstract

The Old Kingdom had an economy based largely on beer and bread transactions,
both of which are archaeologically visible through the ceramic remnants ofbeer
jars and bread molds. By the First Intermediate Period beer jars largely disappear,
though bread molds continue. This paper traces differential patterns of beer jar
use across settlement and necropolis sites in order to investigate changing
economic and ritual structures during the First Intermediate Period and early
Middle Kingdom.

I first met Zahi at the American University in Cairo, when I enrolled in his class on Site Management
of the Giza Plateau. It didn't take long before I discovered in him a wonderful mentor and dear friend.
It is a pleasure to write this small token, with heartfelt thanks, for the scholar who solidified my
interest in the Old Kingdom at the beginning ofmy career, and who has from the beginning through
today been a constant support. Thank you, Zahi.

Ancient Egypt was a non-monetary economy founded on agricultural wealth and exchange (see Eyre
1999; Warburton 2009, 73-75; Muhs 2016, 11). Though more recent periods, such as the New
Kingdom, saw the regular employment of metal measures such as the copper deben (e.g., Kemp 2006,
319-321 ), no such standardizing unit appears to have been employed in the Old Kingdom. Instead,
payment could be made in an array of goods partially dependent on the status of the payer. The general
population paid for labor in bread, beer, or linen (Warden 2014, 32-33, 38-42) while the royal house
was able to pay in those goods as well as in meat (Posener-Krieger 1976, 322-323; Warden 2014,
35-36, 42).

All sectors of Old Kingdom Egyptian society, then, had beer, bread, and linen payments in common.
Sadly, linen from this period is largely lost in the Egyptian material record; what exists tends to be
 Leslie Anne Wa1·der1 Guardian of Ancient Egypt
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preserved to us as garments, often related to funerary ritual and not easily tied to texts about wage absence of a single commodity. Instead, we must question the basic structuring and stability of the
payments (e.g., Hall 1981 , 169; for discussion of sources documenting linen payment see Roth 1994). economic exchange system across the series of transitions from the late Old Kingdom to the First
There is a silver lining for archaeologists, though: bread and beer were produced, and in the case of Intermediate Period and ultimately into the early Middle Kingdom.
beer, distributed, in recognizable ceramic forms-the b{j3 bread mold and the beer jar. The two forms
were hand built and manufactured using coarse fabrics, typically Nile C in the Vienna System. They In exploring how ceramics indicate changing economic structures of the late third to early second
are instantly recognizable for their coarse finish as well as distinctive shapes: the b{j3 with its heavy millennia B.C., we will necessarily have to think about the broader cultural role of ceramic material.
cylindrical body and (at least at first) rounded base; the beer jar with its low rim, small shoulder, and Evidence suggests that pots were valued (in the economic way the modem mind instinctively defines
pointed base (Fig. 1). Identifying bread and beer is then relatively straightforward in the Old Kingdom value) through their contents alone and not based on the vessel or its craftsmanship (Bourriau et al.
ceramic record, allowing us to discuss wage payments and production of goods at both state- and 2000, 137). But we should not think of the importance of pottery as simply transactional. Vessels are,
regional/local level (see Warden 2014). like all objects, active constituents of a culture, helping create or mold activities (Hodder 2012). For
the Egyptians, pottery helped define foodways, enabling food storage, preparation, and distribution.
Ceramic change occured in response to changing cultural patterns around these intertwined stages in
the life of foodstuffs. A new pot type, or the cessation of a type, can signal larger structural change
in how a commodity was grown/raised, collected, stored, prepared, traded, and transported. Changing
pots also help us identify the shifting fads of food use.
,,.
Accordingly, ceramic change does not speak to political change (for all that ceramics are commonly
used as chronological indicators of Egyptian political chronology), but rather to cultural change.
----- Replicated types, used for a specific purpose, create prototypes that unified cultural process and ideas
across space, creating basic knowledge that in turn formed the core of cultural understanding of the
world and how and why things work. Beer jars and bread molds, through their common and abundant
. /'
presence across Old Kingdom sites, served as not only an economic tool but as a cultural marker,
unifying Egypt: Upper to Lower, domestic to ritual spaces. By tracing the patterns of beer jar use and
distribution, we identify not just economy, but consumption and ritual patterns.

A Note of Caution Regarding the Available Data

In order to assess the role of bread and beer during the late third and early second millennia, I will
10 cm essentially be analyzing presence/absence of form, ignoring minor typological changes in favor of
focusing on the broader cultural concepts of bread, beer, and their uses. It is necessary to note as we
begin that the published ceramic corpora from the late Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period are
poor. Ceramics from sites excavated in the early 20 th century were typically cursorily examined and
F19 1 Example of on Old l,ingdom beer ;or and bread mole/ from Elephontine Drawing by th e author
illustrated, often following reductive vessel typologies that limit modem archaeologists' abilities to
By the Middle Kingdom, however, this is no longer the case. Bread molds continue to be easily apply modem typologies and methods. Frequency of specific types of vessels-by vessel count, sherd
recognizable (e.g., Jacquet-Gordon I 981 ), though their form changed greatly from that of the Old count, or weight-is rarely published, hamstringing statistical discussions. We will here rely upon the
Kingdom b{j3. Despite the presence of a so-called "beer jar" in the Middle Kingdom corpus, that form ceramic dates given by the ceramicists and archaeologists working directly with the material; any
was not a single-commodity storage container. Rather, it could hold a wide array of products, from inconsistencies or mistakes in the primary data will of course affect the conclusions. As the evidence
beer to water to grain to dates (Schiestl and Seiler 2012, 640). Beer thus becomes invisible in the itself is fragmentary, I decided to work with the published dates in order to draw preliminary results.
ceramic record of this period. There is no reason to assume that Middle Kingdom Egyptians suddenly Future work should consider new seriations or correspondence analyses of the older sites under discussion.
turned away from beer consumption, as beer still appears in offering formulae and brewery models
were included in some tombs (e.g., Franke 2003; Arnold 2005, 35, 46). Rather, the cessation of a The largest challenge of all is largely insurmountable: few sites have been excavated and the data
tradition of recognizable, single-purpose beer forms opens a far larger question than the presence or skew towards cemeteries (e.g., Reisner and Smith 1955; Slater 1974; Seidlmayer 1990; Rzeuska
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2006; Arias Kytnarova 2014). While recent publications of settlement pottery from this period have Ayn Asil: Soukiassian et al. 2002, 466, 500, fig 327 [type 3]; Elephantine: Raue 2018, 233). Though
changed the landscape somewhat (e.g., Marchand 2004; 2012; le Provost 2014; Raue 2018), the molds become narrower and volumetrically smaller in the First Intermediate Period they still remain
settlement record remains poorly understood. Considering that there are known differences between common in settlements (e.g., Abydos: Adams 2005, 367, 370-37 l; Elephantine: Raue 2018, 196).
cemetery and settlement corpora, as well as local and regional distinctions (e.g., Seidlmayer 1990; By the Middle Kingdom, bread molds are tubular and more finely manufactured (e.g., Czerny 1999,
Sterling 2009), more evidence is clearly necessary. I will engage with the difference between settlement 198). However, their evolution can still be traced to those molds of the First Intermediate Period
and cemetery ceramics and the cultural processes behind their use and deposition; regionalism, (Jacquet-Gordon 1981; Warden 2019). The ceramic evidence combined with texts noting the
however, is an angle I must downplay here simply due to the sparsity of evidence though I suspect distribution of wages via bread payments (Mueller I 975; Robins and Shute 1987, 41-43) strongly
it would have played a role. The goal here is to approach the whole Egyptian polity to ascertain broad suggests that bread continued to be key to the Egyptian economy in the Middle Kingdom despite
patterns in cultural activities. As such, new findings and new ceramic dates might call for a political transitions.
reassessment-but that is always the case in archaeology.
Bread molds from cemeteries and settlements appear to have followed the same typological trends.
The Old Kingdom Economic System They are common in Old Kingdom necropoleis, but during the First Intermediate Period, become only
an occasional find (e.g.,Abydos: Knoblauch in press b, 8; Denderah: Slater 1974, 71-72, 122), a major
As noted above, the Old Kingdom economic system relied upon beer, bread, and linen for economic change in their usage that probably reflects the general separation of cemetery and settlement pottery
exchange and payment of wages. 1 Beer jars and bg"1 bread molds appear routinely in the archaeological beginning in this period (Seidlmayer 1990, 427-429, Knoblauch in press b, 7, 12). The cessation of
record beginning in the Naqada IIID/Dynasty 2 (Kohler et al. 2011, 105-106; Hood 2018, 156, bread mold use in cemeteries seems to have less to do with the economic role of bread molds and more
159; Raue 2018, 190). The ceramic types were, and are, immediately recognizable. Recognizability with an increasing ritualization and differentiation of spaces for the dead and the living.
would have been key to the vessels' easy distribution and regular exchange, as both payer and
payee knew exactly what they were getting (to recognizability, see also Barta 1996; for volumes Beer jars
and value see Warden 2014). bg? molds and beer jars took on memetic cultural value, becoming a
cultural prototype to be reproduced and employed (Lakoff 1987, 58-67, 86). These vessels become In Dynasty 6, beer jars continue to be regular components of the archaeological record, though having
a material marker conceptually linking all Egyptians into one system, an economy, and could serve undergone the type of small formal changes one should expect with the passage of several hundred
as part of the cultural definition of what it was to be Egyptian at a time when the Egyptian state years. In general, beer jar formal change appears to have been site-specific, with several types being
was still formalizing. used contemporaneously at a site (e.g., West Saqqara: Rzeuska 2006, 3 82-3 83; Abusir: Arias Kytnarova
2014, 109; Abydos: Knoblauch in press a). By the First Intermediate Period, a stereotypical beer jar
Beer jars and bread molds continue to be used across social classes and geographic divides through form is gone both from the ceramic and pictorial record, no longer appearing at either settlements or
the early and middle Old Kingdom, dominating ceramic assemblages at both cemeteries and cemeteries. We are instead left with a series of little First Intermediate Period jar forms that do not
settlements. The simple, consistent presence of these forms, recognizable across many sites of the seem to have been intended for any one commodity. The beer jar does not return with the rebirth of
same periods, is enough to point to the material consistency of the economic system. The huge the centralized state in the Middle Kingdom.
number of both vessels at any site of this period strongly suggests that not only was the same
economic system running throughout the country, but also that bread and beer vessels were important The disappearance of beer jars presents a great conundrum: if beer was so important to the economic
material markers of Egyptian cultural identity in both life and death. Beer jars demonstrated ritual framework of the Old Kingdom, should we understand the disappearance of the beer jar to reflect the
efficacy as well as a consistency in the mechanics and needs of life and life-after-death for Old disruption and decay of the Old Kingdom economy? Were beer jars always a statement of state-
Kingdom Egyptians (Knoblauch in press b), forming a consistent backbone for all aspects of the enforced identity over the Nile Valley? The data are spotty to this point and the caveats discussed
Egyptian experience. above should be borne in mind as we move forward. Yet by tracing the presence or absence of
identifiable beer jar forms the framework of cultural use begins to emerge.
Bread molds
In settlement contexts, beer jars seemingly stop appearing no later than Dynasty 6. At Elephantine,
Of the two forms, bread molds offer the greatest consistency-not in form, as that changes over the best published of the settlement corpora employed here, the last of the beer jars seem to be
time, but in presence. Bread molds are known throughout Old Kingdom settlement layers (e.g., produced in Dynasty 6; any examples appearing in more recent contexts appear to be residual (Raue
2018, 231, Tab. 24 ). At the Denderah settlement, beer jars date to Dynasty 6 but no later (Marchand
1
Linen will be left aside not because of irrelevance, but due to sheer absence of data. 2004, 214-216, figs . 5-6).
 Leslie Anne Warden Guardian of Ancient Egypt ~ •
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It is possible that the form stopped being employed even earlier at some sites. Limited excavation at jar is replaced by a smaller, similarly coarse, conical vessel with an unrestricted rim (Knoblauch in
the Abydos settlement in Korn el-Sultan seem to have yielded no beer jars, even in late Old Kingdom press b, 4; Knoblauch n.d.), similar in form to Ayn Asil beer jar type Sb (see Soukiassian et al. 2002,
levels that probably correspond to Dynasty 6 (Adams 2005, 392-395 for jar forms) . Though the 267). Knoblauch notes the evolution of this new type from the Old Kingdom beer jar and relates both
ceramics for this site have been only cursorily published, one would expect beer jars to appear to the offering ritual (in press b, 6). Similar unrestricted coarse beaker forms are attested at late First
alongside bread molds as chronological markers, especially as they are so dominant at Old Kingdom Intermediate Period Sedment (Bader 2012, figs . 12-13) and in late Old Kingdom/First Intermediate
sites. Published material shows that beer jars were entirely absent at the First Intermediate Period Period Hawawish (Fig. 2; Hope and Macfarlane 2006, 64-68, figs. 4- 5), leading one to suspect that
settlement ofEdfu (le Provost 2014); the Old Kingdom ceramics from the settlement have not been the evolution of the beer jar form was broader-reaching feature ofnecropoleis . New excavations at
published making it impossible to tell when the form disappeared. Work at Korn el-Hisn under the Hawawish and Sedment would be required to fully test their fit into this chronology. As the data
Korn el-Hisn Provincialism Project (Roanoke College, directed by the present author) can tentatively currently stand, the Hawawish ceramics were generally not found in situ and so are poorly dated.
be brought to bear on this issue, as preliminary ceramic dating reveals an abundance of beer jars in Sedment to-date has not yielded any material predating the end of the First Intermediate Period and
early-mid Old Kingdom layers while beer jar rims and bases are missing in layers containing pottery thus does not show us the evolution of the beer jar form.
of Dynasty 6 or the late First Intermediate Period.

Ayn Asil proves the outlier, perhaps due to its location in Dakhla Oasis, away from the Nile Valley.
Beer jars appear there in the late Old Kingdom (Dynasty 6) in two forms: one with a restricted neck
ll)WlllJruno,
and small rolled rim (type Sa), the other similar in production, fabric, and general body shape but
with an unrestricted rim (type Sb) (Soukiassian et al. 1990, 114; Soukiassian et al. 2002, 267). Recent
excavations appear to have rendered the original suggestion that type Sa becomes less common after
the fire that decimated the area at the very terminal Old Kingdom incorrect; instead, both forms
continued through the late First Intermediate Period (early Dynasty 11; Jeuthe et al. 2013, 210-212,
figs. 12, 14). Though Ayn Asil's ceramic corpus generally followed trends established in the Nile
Valley, there are some points of difference such the slightly retarded adoption of wheel manufacture Fig 2 Example of /Jeer ;or with
and poor polishing ofMeidum bowls (Ballet 1987, 7; Soukiassian et al. 1990, 165) as well as some unrestricted nm from Howow1sh
formal differences, particularly with bg,3 bread molds (Soukiassian et al. 2002, 461, 465-466) that Redrawn by D S Anderson, ofter
Hope and MocForlone 2006, 133
lend the site a local character. The common use of beer jars even after they had become obsolete in
Not to scale
Nile Valley settlements suggests that the potters and the population they served had the ability to play
with prototypical forms as necessary and desirable in this distant outpost.
Of course, the difference in the final date for beer jar use at settlements versus cemeteries is at this
Cemetery contexts show that beer jar use and deposition often continued in tombs through to the end point dependent upon the ability of identifying Dynasty 8 in the material record-a period shrouded
of Dynasty 6. In Edfu tombs, beer jars were used through the end of Dynasty 6 (Seidlmayer I 990, in obscurity, difficult to date via monument or text. Dynasty 8 is not always considered part of the Old
47-50). At the Denderah necropolis, beer jars are rare and only found in tombs dating to Slater's Kingdom (e.g., Muhs 2016, 21), though most current scholarship has settled on treating it as the Old
"early period" (i.e., Old Kingdom, pre-dating Dynasty 7/8; Slater 1974, 78,473). AtAbusir, it has Kingdom's political terminus (e.g., Papazian2015; Baud 2006, 156--158). Two strong lines of evidence
been suggested that some of the beer jar types might have been produced in the reign of Pepi II or suggest that the different patterns observable at settlements versus necropoleis are real and not the
slightly later, effectively bringing us into Dynasty 8 (Arias Kytnarova 2014, 109). The graves ofQau/ outcome of evolving perspectives on late Old Kingdom/early First Intermediate Period chronology:
Badari employed beer jars with some regularity in Qau Stufe INB, dating from Dynasty 5 to the
beginning of the reign of Pepi II; isolated exemplars appear as late as the beginning of Dynasty 11 1. The dating of the ceramic corpora at Elephantine, the Abydos Middle Cemetery, and West
(Seidlmayer 1990, 154-155, 395). Saqqara are based on internal site chronologies, developed via large amounts of data, stratigraphic
analysis, and artifact/architectural association. They are thus more reliable than dates based on
More recent data extends beer jar manufacture and usage through Dynasty 8 at two sites: West Saqqara, parallels to ceramics from other sites. At Elephantine, the frequency of beer jars makes it clear
where four different beer jar types continue to be employed at the terminal Old Kingdom (Rzeuska that the form had already fallen into disuse by the middle of Dynasty 6 (Raue 2018, 226--230,
2006, 382-383), andAbydos, where a variety of beer jar types are employed at the Central Mastaba Tab. 24). At West Saqqara and Abydos, beer jars were found in contexts that date to late in the
(Knoblauch in press b, 4; Knoblauch n.d.). At Abydos, by the later First Intermediate Period the beer reign of Pepi II and later; even the early end of this chronological span post-dates beer jar
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production at Elephantine. It is impossible to securely date any specific West Saqqara andAbydos The appearance of a new beer-jar-like offering form at cemeteries in the mid-to-late First Intermediate
beer jars to Dynasty 8 specifically. Yet at both sites production seems to have continued after Period emphasizes that the role and use of beer was changing across Egyptian culture. Beer jars with
the close of Dynasty 6 as indicated by the ceramics' association with architecture (see Rzeuska restricted rims continued to be used in cemeteries down through Dynasty 8, likely due to conservativism
2006, 381-383, though Rzeuska 2008, 232-233 offers slightly different dating) as well as the in funerary ritual. The appearance of coarse beaker vessels in cemeteries of the First Intermediate
evolution of the form (Knoblauch in press b, 2). The slow fade of beer jars from Qau/Badari Period further uncouples beer from economic exchange, as such open-mouthed vessels would have
(Seidlmayer 1990, 154---155, 395), corroborates the Abydos and West Saqqara evidence. been difficult to stopper but would have promoted easy consumption, libation, or offering. Offering
rituals at this period did not change so much as become archaic, employing traditional(ish) ceramics
2. The appearance of coarse, conical beaker-like forms in the mid-late First Intermediate Period and giving them a funerary-only purpose.
appear in necropoleis but not in settlements (ifwe treatAynAsil as an outlier), indicating that
beer jar evolution was context-specific. At least in West Saqqara, such beaker forms appeared While we tend to approach the First Intermediate Period as a time of regionalization, the trends in
earlier in Dynasty 6, seemingly used in tandem with the more traditional form with restricted beer and bread production seem to present a state-wide, rather than region-specific, change in economic
rim (Rzeuska 2006, 382). and ritual structure. Perhaps we should revisit our thinking on the First Intermediate Period. While
there is obvious local ceramic variation at this time (e.g., Seidlmayer 1990), a closer look at variation
Conclusion in Old Kingdom ceramics shows that variability at a local scale occurred even then (e.g., Sterling
2009); perhaps local ceramic variation was actually the Egyptian norm, accentuated in the First
Beer jars changed, but beer itself did not go anywhere- it was still brewed and consumed throughout Intermediate Period but not newly formed . We have found centralization where we expect it, and
Egypt. Instead, the loss of a dedicated beer form in settlement contexts before the close of the Old regionalism where we are open to it; the research questions simply have not been asked in reverse.
Kingdom suggests that beer's economic primacy faded during the twilight of the third millennium. The structuring of some Egyptian institutions, even during the First Intermediate Period, had some
Quick and reliable identification of beer was clearly no longer prized; identifiable beer jars were no consistency across Egypt, maintaining a level of cultural, if not political, unity to the two lands that
longer fundamental to the material culture tool kit and no longer served as primary markers of Egyptian existed side-by-side with Egyptian regional identities.
cultural identity. By extension, it seems likely that beer no longer commanded an important role in
exchange and payment. We see this is true in Middle Kingdom ration texts as well, where bread was Acknowledgements
key while beer was only paid occasionally and in small amounts, often measured in fractions and
often not paid to those of the lowest classes (Imhausen 2003; Mueller 1975; Robins and Shute 1987: My thanks to Christian Knoblauch for sharing in press manuscripts and discussing his work in the
41-43). The exception is wages paid to temple workers, where beer was already in circulation as a Abydos Middle Cemetery with me. Additional thanks to Salima Ikram, Janice Kamrin, and Nicholas
basic cult offering (Imhausen 2003 , 12-13 ). Perhaps beer in these cases was circulating in small open S. Picardo, whose comments improved the final manuscript.
vessels similar to the "beer beakers" found in large number in the mortuary temple of Senwosret III
atAbydos but generally unknown elsewhere (Wegner et al. 2000, 104, 106-107). Bibliography

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