TORTURE AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF AN ENEMY: THE EXAMPLE OF ARGENTINA

1976-1983
Author(s): Lindsay DuBois
Source: Dialectical Anthropology , 1990, Vol. 15, No. 4 (1990), pp. 317-328
Published by: Springer

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/29790358

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TORTURE AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF AN ENEMY:
THE EXAMPLE OF ARGENTINA 1976-19831

Lindsay DuBois

In an article on Guyana's Jonestown the traditional villains, but Amnesty

massacre, Lee Drummond contemplates International, for example, presents case
the lack of ethnographic interest in this after case, in country after country, of
infamous, bizarre and horrific event.2 the most flagrant human rights
The "professional instinct" of violations, estimating that 98 of the
Drummond's colleagues, he believes, told world's governments torture.5 Surely this
them that it was an unsuitable subject proliferation of violence is not
for anthropological study. The main perpetrated by a few Hitlers and Stalins.
reason they cited was the event's It is inflicted on and by a great many
sensationalism, but Drummond argues real people. In some sense, this simple
that a more essential factor was its fact is the truly startling and perplexing
ugliness and one.
Looking at the recent and well
the basic reluctance to confront documented case of Argentina, I will
malignancy?a reluctance we actually explore the ideology of a specific set of
enshrine in our theories of society by victimizers: to pose some questions about
representing them as long-term, adaptive, their goals, objectives, and rationali?
integrative affairs .... Disorderly change, zations?recognizing that the three may
the eruptions of the bizarre and ugly into be quite different. I try especially to take
our placid lives, is rarely discussed in our to heart Michel Foucault's demand that
monographs.* we abandon the "violence-ideology
opposition."6 Thinking about the relation
Recent Argentine history confronts between violence and ideology seems
us with another such malignancy. One particularly useful in understanding the
need only scan the pages of a document connection of the practice of Argentine
like Nunca Mas, by the Argentine state terrorism and the ideas that helped
National Commission on the generate it. Throughout, it is important
Disappeared,4 to be struck dumb by the not to lose sight of the fact that this
grisly inventiveness of people in thinking shocking physical violence is but one
up new and more horrible ways to aspect of the juntas' "Process of National
torture and murder one another. These Reorganization" that has other, less
kinds of abuses have been well and dramatic expressions in repressive
carefully documented all over the world, social, political, and economic policies.71
though perhaps nowhere so diligently as do not look at these processes here; my
in Argentina. Despite innovations, the intention is more modest: I hope to
sort of events which occurred in illuminate one aspect of El Proceso,
Argentina during the military arguing that the incredible violence of
dicatorship's so called "dirty war" (1976 the late 1970s can be partially
1983) against "subversion" are neither understood in terms of the creation of an
unique nor particularly extraordinary. 'enemy' in fulfillment of the military's
Many prefer to believe that state ideology. I see torture as the realization
terrorism is only possible under one of of an ideology on the bodies of its
victims.8

Dialectical Anthropology, 15:317-328,1990.

? 1990 Kluwer Academic Publishers.

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 318

Argentina has a long history of interrogation. The thousands who never

political violence, but the events 01 the returned are now understood to have
seventies and early eighties were parti? been murdered by the military: to have
cularly bloody.9 In 1974 Juan Peron died, died during torture, been shot, been
leaving the presidency to his wife, Isabel. dropped (either dead or alive) from
Generally considered to have been planes or helicopters into the sea, or
unable to control the troubled economy, otherwise "transferred," as the official
and personally involved in escalating the documents recorded.14 It is important to
political violence, "Isabelita" was note that the disappearances were no
unseated in a bloodless coup under secret.15 Although few suspected the
General Jorge Videla in 1976. The period extent of the horror, the climate of fear
between 1973 and 1976 is often described that prevailed throughout this period is
as anarchic, with multiple sources of sufficient indication that people knew of
politically motivated violence.10 This sinister activities. At the same time,
chaotic interval primed the Argentine there seems to have been a widespread
population for Videla's coup and the belief that the victims "must have been
ensuing "war against subversion" which guilty of something."
was an integral part of "El Proceso de The terror subsided in 1982 with the
Reorganizacion Nacional" (the Process of victory of Britain over Argentina in the
National Reorganizacion, known as "El Malvinas/Falklands war. It was this
Proceso").11 But already, toward the end military defeat, combined with a
of Isabella's reign, there were indica? worsening economy and soaring infla?
tions that part of the government was tion, rather than any sort of public
behind a series of death squad murders. reaction to the horrors of state terrorism,
And as Robert Cox, former editor of the which was eventually responsible for the
Buenos Aires Herald noted: demise of the military and the return to
civilian rule in 1983. Once the other
What was overlooked was that on the day of shortcomings of the military were
the coup, the infamous Ford Falcon cars,
which had already been associated with the Eublicly acknowledged,
uman rights however,
issue was allowed to the
murder squads, formed a sinister phalanx surface. In fact, Raul Alfonsin succeeded
for the tanks and armored cars that rolled in bringing his Radical Party to power on
impressively but unnecessarily into Buenos the human rights issue, in explicit
Aires.12 opposition to the general amnesty the
government had granted itself before
In the ensuing years the military ceding power. Alfonsin had been one of
was responsible for anywhere from ten to the only politicians to speak out against
thirty thousand "disappearances" and the abuses during El Proceso, and in the
probably another eighty to one hundred end it was he who won the election with
thousand detentions.13 People were widespread popular support.
"disappeared"?kidnapped and One of Alronsin's first acts in office
sequestered by military squads who was to bring charges against the nine
universally denied any knowledge of the commanders who had formed the three
victims' whereabouts, or, in fact, of juntas that ruled Argentina from 1976 to
whether they were alive or dead. 1983. Although the charges went first to
Everyone held, in secret detention centers a military court, the commanders were
(as were virtually all the "disappeared," acquitted; Alfonsin then brought them to
and many of those detained) was trial before a civilian court. The public
subjected to systematic torture and trial began April 25th, 1985; over nine

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 319

hundred witnesses testified on 709 cases This fact meets with outrage from
chosen by the public prosecutor, and for human rights groups and the families of
five months Argentines watched as the victims, but others seem satisfied to close
details of the 'secret war' unfolded before the book on a troubling episode in recent
them, receiving extended daily press national history.
coverage (and, bizarrely, silent television Democracy brought much discussion
coverage). Two commanders received life of Argentinian state terrorism. Most of
sentences, three received sentences this centered on bringing the actual
varying from four and a half to fourteen events to light, hence the very high sales
years, and four were acquitted. Mean? of Nunca Mas, which documents the type
while, hundreds of other military men and extent of the state repression in gory
were tried and convicted of human rights and convincing detail;18 the daily
abuses. coverage of testimony at the
More recently, three military up? commanders' trial; special weekly
risings demanding concessions from civil newspapers devoted to the trial (El
authorities successfully used widespread Diario del Juicio); and so on. The
fear of a coup to limit the judicial process questions that do not seem to have been
and to protect members of the military; asked as often are the more difficult
the "punto final" (final stop?stipulating ones: questions about how state
a deadline for the introduction of new terrorism was possible, about why so
cases) and "obediencia debida" (due many people did not act although
obedience) legislation are the tangible everyone knew, about the complicity of
results. The rebels did not simply many Argentines. It is not hard to
demand a limit to prosecution; rather understand why these questions have
they sought, and continue to seek, gone unasked?they seem to implicate
"revindication"?they are trying to almost all Argentine society. But these
rewrite the history of the "dirty war." incidents are not so very unusual; they
The profound economic crisis of the do not stand alone in time and space, as
last years and the consequent defeat of an individual skeleton (or even thirty
Alfonsin have further shifted public thousand skeletons) in Argentina's
attention from issues of human rights. closet; thus itemizing the horrors is not
President Carlos Menem, a Peronist, sufficient. The same kind of events have
seeks "reconciliation" between the happened elsewhere before, happen
military and civil society and is using today, and will continue to happen.
widespread pardons ("indultos") to enlist Therefore these more difficult questions
the support of the armed forces.16 As I remain the important ones.
write, a second indulto covering the Upon reading documents like Nunca
ramaining ex-commanders and the Mas it becomes painfully clear that the
Montenero leader is anticipated, to mark abductions, torture, ana murders were
a break from the past ("el punto de not merely information gathering "tools."
inflexion"). The current Vice-President A policeman who worked at one of the
Duhalde says: "We must think about the hundreds of secret detention centers was
human rights of the living, not of the asked by a judge at the commanders'
dead."17 trial whether torture was practiced at his
The prosecution of military officers center. He responded:
for murder, torture, kidnapping, and
other crimes committed during El What happened was a total aberration, it
Proceso is over, and many of those who makes you sick just to think of the tortures I
were convicted have recently gone free. saw. Everyone who came in was tortured,

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 320

not just for days but for months, every form A specific interpretation of history was
of torture: they hit them, they burnt them, both an expression of, and a justification
they raped them, especially the women but for, the ideological stance that lay behind
also the men, they beat them with chains.19 El Proceso. The trial was part of a
struggle to define truth. Each of the
Given this sort of unremitting use of positions (the government's, the
torture?typical of all the detention military's, and the human rights groups')
centers?and also given the fact that on the the violence of the state and on
tens of thousands of people with the trial is tied to a specific historical
absolutely no connection to violent understanding and interpretation of the
resistance were abducted and interred in events of El Proceso.
these detention centers (many never to The most striking aspect of the defense
return home), one cannot help but argument was that it refused to acknow?
believe that other issues were at stake. ledge that any unjustifiable crimes had
The expressed goals of El Proceso are occurred.22 The argument was quite odd
insufficient to explain its practice. because it contained three contradictory
Neither will a notion of sadism suffice. positions representing various levels of
For here we would be talking not about a argument and fall-back positions. First,
few sadists, but rather about the creation the defense denied that any disappear?
of corps of sadists, and an extensive ances had taken place. Second, it
apparatus designed to exercise this assserted that, had any disappearances
sadism on tens of thousands of people. occurred, the iunta had not ordered
This is clearly a social, not a merely a them. And third, the defense argued that
psychological, aberration. any crimes which had been committed
A few sources deal with the ideology were, in fact, just the exercise of the
of those who were involved in the "anti armed forces' legal duty. Here they cited
subversive" campaign. One of the Isabel Peron's legal command to the
domains in which the ideology of the military to "annihilate" terrorism, and
military is most explicitly expressed is the anti-subversion campaign was
the trials themselves. Mark Osiel's portrayed as fulfilling that command.23
article on the impact of ideas and The defense asserted that the war
interests on the legal strategies of the against terrorism was a just war,
groups involved in the trial of the ex necessary in order to save the country
commanders is useful to this end.20 He from chaos. Similarly, the armed forces
argues that the courtroom drama was argued that it had been "fighting" in self
less about the guilt or innocence of the del fense. The statement of Admiral
accused than about the writing of Massera?head of the Navy from 1976 to
history. The ex-commanders refused to 1979, one of the two defendents who
compromise in any way because they felt received life sentences for multiple
the definition of their past was on trial. counts of murder, torture, rape,
kidnapping, and theft?is truly
What was felt to be at stake at the trial was remarkable for the degree to which he
not so much the fate of the defendants, but sees himself engaged in a just, although
the fate of deeply-felt notions of historical thoroughly ideological, war. He begins:
truth and falsehood, good and evil. The most
narrow judicial disputes . . . evoked and I have not come to defend myself. No one has
symbolized a more general dispute over the to defend himself for winning a just war.
kind of society Argentina was, or should And the war against terrorism was a just
become.21 war. Nevertheless, I am here being

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 321

prosecuted because we won that just war. If to more overtly political ones. Christian
we had lost we would not be here civilization had had to be preserved against
But here we are. Because we won the war those who, under the banner of tolerance,
of arms but lost the psychological war .... had tolerated only the questioning of
[Our fixation on the war of arms] kept us authority, sacred and secular. The
from seeing clearly the exceptional propa? permissive culture of the universities, in
gandists resources of the enemy and, while which all ideas were treated seriously no
we fought, an effective system of persuasion matter how lunatic, had been the natural
began to cast sinister shadows on our breeding ground of terrorists, middle class
reality, transforming it until it converted intellectuals all. The terrorists had simply
assailants into those assaulted, victimizers carried the cultural subversiveness of the
into victims, executioners into innocents liberal universities to its logical conclusion.
When the enemy realized that it had begun It would have been useless to kill only the
to lose the war of arms, it mounted a insects that had already hatched, while still
spectacular defense movement, unobjection? more germinated freely in the nest. The
able, on the sacred theme of human rights. I military had therefore been justified in
have very good reason to know that this was killing those who, though not yet guerrillas,
a psychological war, devoid of good had displayed the sympathies for social
intentions.. change that would sooner or later inexorably
lead them to become ones. This was a view
Thus it is clear that Massera sees the stemming from national security doctrine, to
enemy he "confronted in battle" (in the which many officers still privately
shadows of the clandestine detention subscribed, but which they learned to
center) as the same enemy he faces in express publicly only with much greater
court, and the same enemy that accuses reticence after the democratic transition.27
him of grave human rights abuses.
As Massera's statement shows, the It is important to note that these
military conceived of the "dirty war" as a arguments were expressed after the fact.
legitimate civil war One may want to ask, then, whether they
certain set of values. For example, the represent retrospective justification for
defense insisted that the ex-commanders what would be considered excesses by
should be judged under the rules of war, any definition, or were, in fact, a cause of
rather than under civilian laws.25 This these excesses.
view of recent history was also reflected Although the military was generally
in the military's definitions of the extent careful about destroying documentation
and strength of the enemy, which before they returned the government to
differed markedly from those of the civilian hands, a few historical
government, human rights organiza? documents indicate, if somewhat
tions, and others. While the human obliquely, that the repression was seen
rights groups insisted that the guerillas in these terms. One example is the
had numbered no more than two "Directive 504 of the general command of
hundred, the military leadership the army," signed by General Videla in
maintained that the figure was thirty 1977. Here, although Videla says that
thousand.1* Osiel summarizes the two years into "the Process of National
ideological perspective of the military, Reorganization" the "National Strategy
saying: of Countersubversion" has successfully
eliminated 90 percent of the "opponent,"
From these legal arguments the officers he lays out plans for continuing the
proceeded beyond the walls of the courtroom, campaign in a way that seems to

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322

explicitly expand the object of attack to Nunca Mas portrays anti-Semitism

those with subversive ideas. Videla calls thus:
for a renewed effort:
Anti-Semitism was presented as a
to increase military action in support of the component of a deformed version of what
normalization of industrial, educational, "being Christian" or "religious" signified.
religious and territorial areas, as a way of This was nothing more than a cover for
preventing and neutralizing any intention to political and ideological persecution. The
infiltrate, capture or mobilize the masses in defense of God and Christian values was a
such a way as might interfere in the forward simple ideological motivation which could be
march of the Process of National Reorgani? understood by the agents of repression, even
zation.28 at their lowest organizational and cultural
levels.32
The height of the repression was to
continue through 1979. Anti-Semitism functions as forms of
The discourse of the military and prejudice usually do: to divide the world
their representatives is replete with into simple dichotomies of "us" and
references to war and "the enemy." "them." There are a number of questions
Because the enemy was also Argentine, to ask about the conditions which
the military found itself having to encourage or necessitate the creation of
construct a notion of the enemy as "the an "other" of this sort. One might
subversive." Initially, one supposes, the speculate on the role of specific kinds of
military conceived of the subversive as political and economic situations leading
the leftist guerilla, but as the process to the creation of neccessary victims, but
progressed the notion was expanded to further research would be required to
refer to people with ideas that challenged investigate this avenue.
their own. Most obviously these were In The Origins of Totalitarianism,
"leftists" and critics of the military, but Hannah Arendt deals with the illogic of
Jacobo Timerman argues that it ex? prejudicial ideologies. She argues that
tended to an explicit and systematic anti oppressive states frequently fabricate
Semitism.29
It is a little difficult to determine the f>ropaganda and
ies in the face of cling "toThe
absurdity."33 their original
extent to which "the defense of Christian totalitarian state (and others, to a lesser
values," a prominent theme, implied degree) manages to transform its beliefs
anti-Semitism. Almost all the literature into realities by acting as if they are real.
seems to downplay this aspect, although That is, practices can help to create
passing references to it occur almost meaning and shape ideology. This is not
everywhere. Osiel suggests that anti to say that there was ever a Jewish
Semitism was de-emphasized by the world conspiracy, for example, but rather
government and in the trial precisely that the concept was no longer an
because it is so widespread in Argentine objective issue. It became "the chief
society.30 There is evidence to support element of the Nazi reality; the point was
the argument that at least some of the that the Nazis acted as though the world
torturers emulated Nazis. Survivors were dominated by Jews and needed a
report seeing swastikas in torture rooms, counter-conspiracy to defend itself,"34
hearing iailers and torturers espousing Arendt goes on to write:
Nazi and anti-Semitic rhetoric, and have
testified that Jewish prisoners were Racism for them was no longer a debatable
picked out for particularly brutal abuse theory of dubious scientific value, but was
and torture.31

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 323

being realized every day in the functioning Dr. Noberto Liwsky, another former
hierarchy of a political organization in whose "disappeared," describes the many horrifying
framework it would have been very tortures exercised on him and then continues:
"unrealistic" to question it.35
The most vivid and terrifying memory I have
This is an important point. The of all that time was of always living with
power to enforce a definition of reality is death. I felt it was impossible to think. I
a key characteristic of domination. In the desperately tried to summon up a thought in
torture chamber this domination is order to convince myself I wasn't dead. That
almost complete; the last line of I wasn't mad. At the same time I wished
resistance is a refusal to let the with all my heart that they would kill me as
torturer/jailor determine the prisoner's soon as possible.
reality. One of the most commonly There was a constant struggle in my mind.
described characteristics of this kind of On the one hand: "I must remain lucid and
internment is the feeling that the get my ideas straight again"; on the other:
warden and the prison constitute the "Let them finish me off once and for all."38
prisoner's universe, becoming his or her
entire reality. In her book on her The actual experiences of ex
imprisonment in "Escualita" (the little
school) concentration camp in Bahia Erisoners
iwsky seem like Portnoy,
to point Fernandez, and
to an important
Bianca, Alicia Portnoy describes the connection between the constraints on
minutae that were the moments of ideas and thought that are part of
relative liberty essential to political imprisonment and the physical
survival?like the posession of an empty constraints of being jailed and tortured.
matchbox, the gift of a piece of bread, or If the trial was a moment in a struggle
a few words exchanged with a fellow over the definition and enforcement of a
prisoner.36 Although this seems almost particular "truth," it is only one such
ridiculous in the face of the kind of moment (although an especially well
physical and psychological torture that defined and recorded one) in the ongoing
all prisoners experienced, these tiny struggle to create and define Argentine
expressions of identity and humanity social, political, and historical reality.
were the weapons people used to defend This battle was also fought in the
themselves against the pressure of being clandestine detention centers. Here we
remade by their captors. Daniel Eduardo begin to approach Michel Foucault's idea
Fernandez, an ex-prisoner who was of the dialectic relation between violence
eighteen and a secondary school student and ideology.
when abducted, testifies: Foucault's Discipline and Punish
addresses the problem of the meaning of
The idea was to leave the victim without any violence in terms of a "political economy
kind of psychological resistance, until he was of the body."39 Penal torture, he argues,
at the mercy of the interrogator, and thus "is a differentiated production of pain, an
obtain any answer the latter wanted, how? organized ritual of the marking of
ever absurd. If they wanted you to reply that victims and the expression of the power
you had seen San Martin on horseback the that punishes .... In the "excesses" of
previous day, they succeeded. And then they torture, a whole economy of power is
would tell us we were liars, until you really invested."40 This explanation makes
felt it was true, and then they carried on sense in terms of the Argentine material.
with the torture .. 37
It begins to explain the "excesses" in

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324

terms of a strategy where, as Foucault power, a unique process which linked

says, "power is exercised rather than together the idea of bodily pain (here or in
possessed."41 the here after), with the exchange of
Foucault goes on to describe the question and answer in the pursuit of
association between pain and truth in truth.47
judicial torture:
In both cases, "the body was ... an arena
In the practice of torture, pain, confrontation for the truth."48
and truth were bound together, they worked The Argentine case seems to lie
together on the patient's [victim's] body. The somewhere between these two relations
search for truth through judicial torture was of body pain and truth. On one hand,
certainly a way of obtaining evidence, the torture was conducted together with
most serious of all, the confession of the interrogation, with the explicit goal of
guilty person; but it was also the battle, and obtaining information. Indeed, other
this victory of one adversary over the other, abductions were often carried out on the
that "produced" truth according to a ritual.42 basis of names revealed under torture.49
But victims were universally tortured on
Talal Asad's "Notes on Body Pain arrival "to soften them up" (until the
and Truth in Medieval Christian Ritual" procedures were changed to prevent the
extends Foucault's notion.43 Asad is death of prisoners before they had even
concerned with "the genealogy of been interrogated). The Argentine case
disciplining-the-body-for-getting-at-the also differs from the inquisitorial model
truth"44 as part of a larger interest in the in the manner mentioned above: the
relation between power and Christianity. length and extent of torture surpasses
He contrasts two forms of torture: the any merely "pragmatic" purpose.50
ordeal and judicial torture. In the ordeal, Bringing together these ideas of
the victim was tortured until he Arendt, Foucault, and Asad, we may
confessed, and if he did not confess he begin to approach the "meaning" of
was declared innocent. The ordeal was torture in the context of the terrorism of
akin to the judicial duel, where the victor the state in Argentina. It is, as Steven
is proven right by virtue of his victory. In Gregory and Daniel Timerman suggest, a
the ordeal, the truth was inscribed on ritual-like expression of the modern
the body of the victim. Judicial, totalitarian state.51 It is the ultimate in
inquisitorial torture, on the other hand, domination, a domination not only of the
was quite different. Its goal was to body, but also of ideas. Through the
produce information; it was a "strategy of practices of torture, the torturers use
enquiry."45 The role of inquisitorial their victims to confirm and act out their
torture was to elicit a confession which world-view. By treating thousands of
had to be repeated independently at a people as communist terrorists and
time when trie victim was not under? Zionists, they create them as terrorists,
going torture. "Violence done to the body in Arendt's sense.52 To quote Jacobo
was held to be a condition facilitating the Timerman:
emergence and capture of truth."46 Asad
notes: Any totalitarian interrogator . . . has a
definite conception of the world he inhabits
The church knew full well that confession and of reality. And any fact that fails to
was not an isolated act, that in its creative, conform to this conception is suitably
as in its incriminating aspects, it was a distorted in order to fit into the scheme.
special modality of dialogue informed by Distorted or explained, judged or

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 325

restructured_There's a ring of absurdity it is constituted in practices of torture

to it when you read about it, but a much are especially relevant because they are
more terrible aspect when you hear about it symptomatic of the type of government
in the context of an interrogation unraveling which tries to (and succeeds in) boldly
under the auspices of expert torturers.53 and unhesitatingly abuse its citizens,
tormenting tens of thousands in the
This argument helps to make sense of name of the greater good. It is about the
Massera's testimony at the trials, for exercise of power of and for itself. As
example. The military were never made such, it often lost contact with the
to confront the fact that they were "rational" aims and goals of the military
abducting, torturing, and murdering state. In his testimony in the trial of the
thousands of "innocent" people as ex-commanders, Emilio Mignone
terrorists.54 People without ties to recounts a coversation he had with
terrorism or "subversion" were "remade" Colonel Roberto Roualdes, whom he
into terrorists or subversives. This encountered in the search for his
process worked, and to a remarkable "disappeared" daughter, Monica. Here he
extent continues to work, in society at is quoting Roualdes:
large as well. People who were abducted
"must have been involved in something," ". . . you have to know that I can do what I
it was said (and is still said); or "the want with you because here I am 'the master
military knows what it's doing." Re? of life and death.'" Yes, he said this to me,
actions like this can also be read as and then he stopped, and like a crazy, he
defensive, easing the minds of many in a pointed to the floor and shouted: "Below
climate of fear and apparent powerlessr here, in these 'dungeons/ I have 33 children
ness, but they still buttress the of military men, and they are going to rot
ideological interpretation of the here."56
torturers.
It would be a mistake to argue that With the pardon of virtually all the
this ideological creation of an enemy participants in the terrorism of the state,
which had to be brutally exterminated or the present Argentine government hopes
controlled constituted the entire to put the past behind it. People speak of
"meaning" of the direct physical violence moving on and looking ahead, but the
of El Proceso. Certainly there are many knowledge that the state can and has
other elements that are crucial to brutally exercised power in this way is
understanding this aspect of El Proceso not easy to forget; nor has the ideological
in full. Some of the aspects one would part of this "battle" been effectively
want to examine include the longer settled or laid to rest. Thus recent
history of political violence in Argentina, discussions on the re-introduction of the
the history of some key political symbols, death penalty in Argentina have engaged
a great many economic issues, the concepts of discipline, punishment, and
social/psychological issue of terror, and vengence in the context of a recent
social questions like the class and ethnic history that is profoundly experienced,
memberships of the various people but little understood. The role which the
involved.55 memory of this past will play in
However, the aspects of the Argentina's future remains unclear.
"meaning" of the terrorism of the state as

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326

Notes
1. This work was revised while I was in 11. Timerman suggests that the military
Buenos Aires with the generous support waited to take control for as long as it did
of Sigma-Xi, The Scientific Research for this very reason; Ibid., pp. 45-46. Also
Foundation Grant-in-aid of Research, the there seems to be a consensus that
Social Sciences and Humanities Research widespread public support for the coup
Council of Canada Doctoral Fellowship, was based on the hope that the military
and the Wenner-Gren Foundation Pre would bring the return of law and
doctoral Grant. Also, thanks to Anne order?see, for example, Robert Cox,
Meneley and Nancy Powers for comments "Never Again?" Index on Censorship.
on earlier drafts of this paper. 15:3 (1986), pp. 7-9.
2. Lee Drummond, "Jonestown: A Study in 12. Ibid, p. 8.
Ethnographic Discourse." Semiotica. 46 13. The official body count of the Report of
(1983), pp. 167-209. the Argentine National Commission on
3. Ibid., p. 172. the Disappeared (CONADEP) 1986, op.
4. Argentine National Commission on the cit, was 8,960 people "disappeared"
Disappeared (CONADEP), Nunca Mas. between March 1976 and 1982. Most
Trans. Writers and Scholars observers believe that the actual number
International. (New York: Farrar Strauss of deaths is significantly higher: some
Giroux in association with Index on Argentines are believed to be unwilling to
Censorship, 1986 [1984 in Spanish]). report the disappearance of their
5. Amnesty International, Torture: Report of relatives for fear of reprisals, and the
Amnesty International. (London: Amnesty CONADEP figure is based on a list of
International Publications: 1984). specific documented cases. The most
6. Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: important Argentine human rights
The Birth of the Prison. Trans. Alan groups estimate 30,000, Amnesty
Sheridan. (New York: Vintage Books, International estimates 20,000 while
1979 [1975]) p. 28. other observers propose 12,000 as a more
7. See J. Villareal, "Los hilos sociales del accurate estimate: Peter Ranis, 'The
poder." In Jozani, Paz and Villareal, Dilemmas of Democratization in
Crisis de la dictadura Argentina. (Buenos Argentina," Current History. (January
Aires: Siglo XXI, 1984). 1986), p. 30. Colm Toibin, "Reign of
8. Steven Gregory and Daniel Timerman Terror," The New Statesman. 7/26 (1985)
argue a related although different point p. 26. Mark Osiel, 'The Making of
in their article, "Rituals of the Modern Human Rights Policy in Argentina: the
State: The Case of Torture in Argentina," Impact of Ideas and Interests on a Legal
Dialectical Anthropology 11:1 (1986) p. Conflict," Journal of Latin American
67. Studies. 18 (1986) p. 145, footnote 23.
9. In the last fifty years, eleven presidents 14. CONADEP 1986, op. cit. It is important
have been forcibly removed from office. to note that a large faction of the most
10. See Jacobo Timerman, Prisoner Without famous Argentine human rights group,
a Name, Cell Without a Number. Trans. Las Madres de Plaza de Mayo, refuse to
Toby Talbot. (New York: Vintage Books, make this equation between disappear?
1981 [1980]) p. 13. ances and deaths. They await a full
public confession from the guilty parties.

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 327

15. Ibid., p. 4. excepcionales recursos propagandlsticos del enemigo

16. The indultos were granted to military y mientras combatfamos un cficaslsimo sistema de

men, rebels from the uprisings, and persuasi?n comenz? a arrojar las sombras mis
former Monteneros Qeftist Peronist siniestras sobre nuestra realidad hasta transformarla,

guerrillas) simultaneously. Like the call al punto de oonvertir en agresores a los agrcdidos, en
for reconciliation, these acts are based on victimarios a las vfctimas, en verdugos a los
the theory of "the two demons" which inocentes.(...)
portrays the dirty war as a civil war "Cuando el enimigo se dio cuenta de que empezaba
rather than military repression. a perder la guerra de las annas mont? un espectacular
17. "Duhalde insin?a la amnistfa en remplazo del indulto," movimiento de amparo, inobjetable, del segrado tema
Clarin, July 8, 1990. p. 6., my translation. The de los dcrcchos humanos. Yo tenfa muy buenas
original says: "Tenemos que pensar en los derechos razones infonnativas para saber que se trataba se una
humanos de los vivos, y no de los muertos." guerra pcicol?gica totalmente disprovista de buenos
18. Nunca M?s, meaning "never again," is sentimientos_" (my translation).
the report of CONADEP 1986, op. cit., 25. Osiel 1986, op. cit., pp. 169-72. At the
sold almost 300,000 copies in Argentina, time, their had been hopes that the junta
flyleaf. might officially declare war, so that
19. Armando Lucini cited in Toibin 1985, op. international rules of war might be
cit, p. 27. invoked, Ibid, 172, note 76.
20. Osiel 1986, op. cit. In addition to 26. Note here the coincidence between this
surveying testimony and other figure and the estimate of the number of
documents, Osiel personally interviewed "disappeared" cited by the human rights
a number of representatives of the groups.
various ideological camps. For a study of 27. Ibid., pp. 172-3. These arguments have
the trials as judicial ritual see Ester since been elaborated and more publicly
Kaufman, Un ritual juridico: El juicio a articulated by the rebels who conducted
los ex'commandantes (Master's thesis, uprisings during the Alfonsin
FLACSO, Buenos Aires, 1987). government.
21. Ibid., p. 177. 28. "La orden secreta de Videla: Directiva
22. Ibid., p. 171. 504 del comando en jefe del ejercito," El
23. There is a certain irony here, since the Diairo del Juicio 1:28 (1985 [1977]) p.
President whose orders they went to such 530. The original Spanish says:
lengths to cary out was the same "Incrementar la acci?n militar de apoyo a
President they felt compelled to remove la normalization de los ?mbitos
from office. industrial, educacional, religioso y
24. Emilio Eduardo Massera, "Carezco de territorial o barrial, como forma de
future Mi futuro es una celda," prevenir y neutralizar cualquier intento
statement in the trial of the ex de infiltraci?n, captaci?n o activaci?n de
commanders recorded in El Diario del las masas que pueda interferir la marcha
Juicio. 1:20 (1985) October 8, 1985. In the de Proceso de Reorganizaci?n Nacional..."
original Spanish, the statement reads: (my translation).
"No he venido a defenderme. Nadie tiene que 29. Timerman 1981, op. cit., p. 96.
defenderse por haber ganado una guerra justa. Sin 30. Osiel 1986, op. cit., p. 163, note 64.
embargo, yo estoy aquf procesado porque ganamos 31. CONADEP 1986, op. cit., pp. 67-72.
esa guerra justa. Si la hubieramos perdido no 32. Ibid., pp. 166-8.
estarfamos aquf_ 33. Hannah Arendt, The Origins of
"Pero aquf estamos. Porque ganamos la guerra de las Totalitarianism. (New York: Harcourt
armas y perdimos la guerra psicologica . . . . Ese Brace Jovanovich, 1951). p. 362.
ensimismamiento nos impidi? ver con claridad los

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328

34. Ibid., p. 362. 51. Steven Gregory and Daniel Timerman,

35. Ibid., p. 362. Rituals of the Modern State: The Case of
36. Alicia Portnoy, The Little School: Tales of Torture in Argentina," Dialectical
Disappearance & Survival in Argentina.. Anthropology. 11:1 (1986) p. 63.
Trans. Alicia Portnoy with Lois Athey 52. And, of course, through their oppression,
and Sandra Braunstein. (Pitsburgh: Cleis they really do create opposition in a more
Press, 1986). litteral sense, as an unintended
37. Fernandez in CONADEP 1986, op. cit., p. consequence of their actions.
43. 53. J. Timerman 1981, op. cit, p. 72.
38. Liwsky in CONADEP 1986, op. cit., p. 23. 54. I use innocent in quotation marks here
39. Foucault 1979, op. cit, p. 24. because the notion of innocent victims
40. Ibid., pp. 34-5. seems to imply the existence of 'guilty'
41. Ibid., p. 29. ones. The question of the innocence or
42. J&id., pp. 40-1. guilt of prisoners here seems to me
43. Talal Asad, "Notes on Body Pain and entirely beside the point. It is, however,
Truth in Medieval Christian Ritual," remarkably present in criticisms of the
Economy and Society. 12:3 (1983) pp. repression.
287-327. 55. Gregory and Timerman 1986, op. cit,
44. Ibid., p. 294. point to an intriguing history of stolen
45. Ibid., p. 294. bodies. For a recent study of precisely
46. Ibid., p. 295. this issue, see also Rosana Guber,
47. Ibid., p. 299. "Democracy Handcuffed: The Profination
48. Ibid., p. 295. of Peron's Grave" (manuscript).
49. Often people were picked up because Regarding economic motives, theft was
their names had been given by an an integral part of most abductions,
acquaintance who had spoken any names ransoms were often paid, prisoners were
he or she could think of, in an attempt to sometimes forced to sign over property.
appease his or her torturer. All in all, it was a lucrative business;
50. Indeed, Asad states: 'Thus torture may CONADEP 1986, op. cit, pp. 271-83.
be seen as a ruthless extension of the 56. Emilio Mignone, Testimony in the trial of
intensification of this [centralized] the ex-commanders, Recorded in El
dominating, rationalizing power. (Such a Diario del Juicio, 1:18 (1985) p. 392, my
view might fit with the claim that the translation. The original Spanish is: ". . .
widespread and unrestrained use of Usted tiene que saber que yo puedo hacer
torture for extracting confessions is more con Usted que yo quiera, porque yo aquf
characteristic of modern states which soy 'el senor de la vida y la muerte'." Si,
have greater political ambitions le dijo y aquf entonces se paro, asi como
?totalitarian, colonial and post un enloquecido, empezo a senalar el piso
colonial?than it is medieval.)" Asad y a los gritos decia: "Aquf abajo, en estas
1983, op. cit, pp. 299-300. 'mazmorras' tengo 33 hijos de militares y
se van a podrir alii."

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