THE STATUE OF AN ASIATIC MAN FROM TELL EL-DABcA, EGYPT1

By Robert Schiestl

The site of Tell el-Dabca, today generally identi- south. Of this cemetery, which seems to have
fied with ancient Avaris (BIETAK 1996), has been used exclusively for funerary purposes, an
become synonymous with a meeting point for area covering roughly 3500 m² and 45 tombs
East Mediterranean cultures, a fertile urban have been excavated to date. The tombs are pre-
ground for reshaping various traditions to local dominantly mud brick built chambers covered
needs. Among the most remarkable, and monu- with mud brick vaults, which were set into pits.
mental, expressions of this found at the site are They stand in an Egyptian tradition of funerary
the fragments of a larger than life statue of an architecture. A small number of tombs consist
Asiatic man. The head, bearing a voluminous only of pits without architecture. Most people
mushroom shaped coiffure, and an adjoining were interred individually, adults as well as chil-
shoulder fragment have been published (BIETAK dren, but our picture is blurred by the high
1991 b, 62–63, Abb. 10, Taf.16, 17; 1994; 1996 a, degree of plundering. There is great variation in
fig. 17, pl. 4 B–C) and often reproduced (e.g. tomb size, ranging from brick cist tombs for
BOURRIAU 2000, 189; SCHNEIDER 2003, 188–189). infants and small children (e. g. tombs o/19-Nr.
Further fragments can be attributed to this sculp- 6 and 7; Fig. 1) to large single- or multi-cham-
ture and, while constituting only a very small part bered constructions. The diversity in dimensions
of the whole, a reconstruction of the statue is sug- of tomb constructions among the adult burials
gested here (Figs. 2, 3 and 5). The following could be indicative of a marked social stratifica-
questions will be addressed: The archaeological tion. While we lack almost any inscriptional evi-
context of the fragments, the reconstruction of dence, the remaining funerary ensembles repre-
the statue and a discussion of its iconography. sent an intriguing mixture of Egyptian and non-
The discussion of the mutilations is excluded Egyptian features. The overwhelming majority
here (see SCHIESTL in print). of the ceramic tomb goods are Egyptian in
shape, fabric and production, specific symbolic
1. INTRODUCTION TO THE LATE MIDDLE KINGDOM goods, however, such as the weaponry, are exclu-
CEMETERY, WHERE THE STATUE FRAGMENTS WERE sively of Syro-Palestinian types, for example a
FOUND duck bill axe, numerous socketted javelin heads
All the pieces of the statue presented here were and a dagger with two mid ribs (SCHIESTL 2002
found between 1986 and 1988 in a southeastern and in print). Also the earliest evidence at Tell
part of the cemetery F/I at Tell el-Dabca by the el-Dabca for the Near Eastern custom of ritually
excavation team of the Austrian Archaeological interring a donkey in entrance pits of tombs or
Institute under the directorship of Manfred in an offering pit in the cemetery (o/19-offering
Bietak. The cemetery of stratum d/2 is the old- pit 3, o/19-tomb 8, o/21-pit 14, see Fig. 1)
est cemetery unearthed at Tell el-Dabca to date occurs in stratum d/2. We are dealing with an
(BIETAK 1991 b). The boundaries of the ceme- ethnic group of aAm.w or Asiatics, as they are
tery have so far been only discovered in the called in Egyptian and referred to as in Egyptol-
north, where a settlement, centering around a ogy respectively.2
Syrian “Mittelsaalhaus”, was discovered (BIETAK In the following stratum d/1 this cemetery
1984, 324–325, Abb. 3; EIGNER 1985, 19–21, Abb. continued to be used. 27 tombs have been
1). A small group of tombs was built immediate- unearthed so far. They now formed part of an
ly to the south of the residential area, but the elite and organized necropolis of homogenous
main cemetery area began about 50 m to the appearance, focused on the palatial structure

1 2
This is an updated version of a paper presented at the For discussion of the term see the latest summary by
Third ICAANE in Paris in April 2002. SCHNEIDER 2003, 5–11.
134 Robert Schiestl
 The Statue of an Asiatic Man from Tell el-Dabca, Egypt 135

erected in the north (EIGNER 1985; BIETAK 1991 b) qualify. In order to accommodate such a massive
and thus dubbed “Palace Cemetery”. The older figure, a large superstructure is required, which
tombs of stratum d/2 were generally respected both tombs possess. Of the superstructure of
and not disturbed by new constructions. tomb p/21-Nr. 1 only the length (approximately
8.2 m) is known. The width is not clear, as the
2. THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONTEXTS OF THE
construction is cut off by a huge pit in the south.
SCATTERED FRAGMENTS AND THE ORIGINAL
If the width is reconstructed symmetrically in
PLACEMENT OF THE STATUE
relationship to the tomb-chamber, it reaches
The fragments of the statue under discussion almost the same measurements, resulting in a
were discovered in the context of plundered roughly square layout of even greater size than
tombs of strata d/2 (= phase H, late 12th Dynasty; p/19-Nr. 1 (see Fig. 1). In a brick-lined entrance
ca. 1820–1785 B.C.), d/1 (= phase G/4, early 13th shaft to the tomb-chamber a large assortment of
Dynasty, ca. 1785–1750 B.C.) and possibly c (= lime stone fragments, many without traces of
phase G/1–3, first third to mid 13th Dynasty, hewn surfaces, and amongst them the right
1750–1710 B.C.);3 see Fig. 1, shaded tombs). The shoulder of the statue was found. As head and
tombs lie in an area which continued to be used shoulder were a fit, it was clear one statue had
as a cemetery throughout the 13th and into the been smashed and the fragments spread out.
15th Dynasty (the Hyksos period). It is noteworthy Thus the likelihood that further fragments dis-
that no fragments of the statue were found in covered also belong to the same statue increased
these later tombs (not shown in Fig. 1). and all fragments discovered, such as a left foot
It has been argued (BIETAK 1991 b, 61–64) found in the tomb o/20-Nr. 11 of stratum d/1
that the statue was originally set up in the most (Fig. 1), are included in this reconstruction.5
prominent tomb structure of stratum d/2, tomb Chips of limestone painted red were found in the
p/19-Nr. 1, where the head, a part of the right small tomb p/19-Nr. 10, just south of p/19-Nr. 1.
fist, different fringes of garments, numerous frag- This tomb was completely robbed and filled with
ments painted red and presumably belonging to settlement debris. It is very difficult to date, but
the seat and a part of the inscribed base were dis- most likely should be placed in stratum c
covered in the upper layer of a robber’s pit. The (G/1–3).
tomb is a massive construction at the southern Thus, unfortunately, the original position and
end of the cemetery, with remains of a super- stratigraphic attribution of the statue remain
structure measuring 8 × 7 m and a smaller annex, ambiguous. The end of this monument, its muti-
3.7 × 3.7 m, erected in the east of it (BIETAK 1991 lation and destruction (see SCHIESTL in print) are
b, Abb. 7–9). All in all it covered about 70 m2. As tentatively assigned to the end of stratum c.
only the lowest layers of this construction remain,
we cannot say what its superstructure originally 3. THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE STATUE
looked like, but other Middle Kingdom parallels Putting the pieces together, the following recon-
suggest a vaulted chapel. The tomb had been struction is suggested (Figs. 2 and 3):6 The seated
completely plundered and nothing was left of the figure of a man reaches a height of approximate-
original tomb equipment inside the chamber. ly 2 m, the depth of the seat is about 70 cm (about
Bone fragments from the burial chamber can be 1.3 m including the base).7 The figure is approxi-
assigned to two individuals, an adult male and a mately one and a half times life size. On the back
mature female.4 While this tomb remains a very of the right shoulder the top right corner of a
good possibility for the original location of the back support is still visible, thus making its place-
statue, tomb p/21-Nr.1 of stratum d/1, discov- ment and height certain. Emerging from the
ered 20 m to the east one year later, would also fragment of the fist tiny traces of the throw-stick

3
Cf. BIETAK 1996, fig. 3. league Nicola Math for helping me with this recon-
4
I thank K. Grossschmidt and his team for this informa- struction. Any mistakes are, however, my own.
7
tion. The reconstruction is based on the Egyptian canon (Cf.
5
It cannot, however, be excluded that more, very similar ROBINS 1991). It should, however, be noted that the
statues had been set up. neck is “too” wide, possibly indicating that the whole
6
I am indebted to my father Reiner Schiestl and my col- figure is to be reconstructed with a stockier build.
136 Robert Schiestl

or crook can be detected,8 thus clearly placing it

in the right hand. The length of the garment is
hypothetical. Also, there are no indications of
how the left arm and hand were positioned. The
fragments painted red on their flat and
smoothened surfaces are considered as part of
the seat. Initially the statues’ eyes were considered
to have been inlayed. A limestone eye-inlay found
north of the tomb p/21-Nr. 1 was suggested to be
from the statue (HEIN in BIETAK and HEIN (eds.)
1994, 99, 112–113). However, the eye sockets are
not deep enough to receive inlays. The eye inlay,
which is hardly damaged, must therefore have
belonged to something different –possibly a
funerary mask.
Larger than life size statuary of non-royal
Egyptians in the Middle Kingdom is very unusual,
but rare examples do exist throughout the 12th
Dynasty, both from tombs9 and from temples.10
They seem to be limited, however, to families of
highest ranks. In the late Middle Kingdom non-
royal statuary can become quite small in size
(VANDIER 1958, 255, 271, 284), as represented by
the statuette from tomb l/19-Nr. 1 of stratum d/1
(BIETAK 1991 b, Abb. 12). On the other hand,
most examples of non royal larger than life statu-
ary date to this period as well.11
The most prominent features of the statue are
the protruding hair-do, which is painted in a
dark brownish red, and the throw-stick or crook,
which in Egyptian hieroglyphs ( ) can be used
to write aAm, “Asiatic”. The skin is painted yellow
and its combination with red hair constitutes the
Egyptian ethnic code for Asiatic people. Parallels
for these features are well known in Middle King-
dom art, such as for example on a relief from the
pyramid complex of Sesostris I from Lisht (HILL
1995, 153) or the representations of Asiatic

Fig. 2 Graphic reconstruction of limestone statue of an

Asiatic man from Tell el- Dabca, area F/I. Fragments from
tombs p/19-Nr. 1 (head, fist, fringe of garment, frag-
ments of seat and base), p/21-Nr. 1 (right shoulder),
o/20-Nr. 11 (left foot)

8 10
I thank N. Math for this detection. Abydos; MMA 02.4.191; WILDUNG 2000, 149, Nr. 71.
9 11
E.g. EVERS 1929, Taf. 22, 24; Cf. the depiction of the E.g. Ibu from Qau, STECKEWEH and STEINDORFF 1936, pl.
transport of a colossal statue in the tomb of Djehuti-hetep 15 a; Imenjseneb from Elephantine, HABACHI 1985, 51,
at el-Bersheh (NEWBERRY 1894, pl. XV); WILLEMS, pls. 61–67 (Nr. 21).
PEETERS and VERSTRAETEN 2005, 173–189.
 The Statue of an Asiatic Man from Tell el-Dabca, Egypt 137

Fig. 3 Graphic reconstruction of statue of Asiatic man from Tell el- Dabca, area F/I. For findspots of fragments, see Fig. 2

group from Beni Hasan tombs 2 (GRIFFITH 1900, pl. XX, 2, pl. XXI). It is also worn by a bound Asi-
pl. XXIII, 3) and 3 (NEWBERRY 1891, pl. XXX). atic prisoner on a Middle Kingdom magic wand
The hair style appears in the depictions of con- (FISCHER 1987, pl. IV, 14) and is similar to the
quered Asiatic warriors on the pectoral of hairstyle of crudely fashioned execration fig-
princess Mereret from Dahshur (DE MORGAN 1895, urines, covered with magical texts (POSENER
138 Robert Schiestl

Fig. 4.1 Head of the statue of the Asiatic man from Tell el-Dabca. Chisel marks on top of head

Fig. 4.2 Head of the statue of the Asiatic man from Tell el- Dabca. Chisel marks in left eye
 The Statue of an Asiatic Man from Tell el-Dabca, Egypt 139

Fig. 5 Statue of the Asiatic man from Tell el- Dabca. Back of the right shoulder showing garment

1940, frontispiz, Figs. 3–4). Two small figures of attire. On our statue traces of the design of the
foreign women also have comparable hairstyles, a garment are best visible on the back of the right
wooden statuette from Beni Hasan (BOURRIAU shoulder (Fig. 5): A collar is detectable, with
1988, 108–191, fig. 97) and an ivory figure from three horizontal stripes in black, red and black,
Kerma (WILDUNG 1984, fig. 159). The closest par- with white spaces in between. The garment’s col-
allel is a limestone head recently acquired by the lar is relatively wide, in order to accommodate the
Egyptian Museum in Munich.12 The hair pro- Egyptian wsx-collar worn around the neck, which
trudes even more prominently on all sides. In is visible in the front. Beneath the collar, the cloth
contrast to the Dabca head, traces of a beard, consists of vertical red stripes (see Fig. 5). Traces
which by Egyptian standards is typical for Asiat- of the same design can still be detected on the
ics, have remained as well. The colors on the front upper chest, beneath the crook. It is clear
Munich head have disappeared but for a small that the right shoulder was covered and there-
region in the back where the back pillar enters fore, despite our scarce evidence, we can draw
the hair and some traces on the top. The remain- some conclusions as to how the garment looked.13
ing traces of color are of the same diagnostic red- The whole upper body was covered, as is clear by
dish brown as on the Tell el-Dabca head. the way the horizontal stripes of the garment fall
Another feature emphasized in Egyptian in the back (Fig. 5). Furthermore, if a shoulder is
depictions of Asiatic people is their colorful left bare, it is generally the right one, both in

12
MÄS 7171, WILDUNG 2000, 165, Nr. 83; I would like to stratum b/3 (F) onwards toggle pins are found in situ
thank Biri Fay who kindly provided me with informa- in tombs at Tell el-Dabca. They are always on the left
tion on this statue. side of the upper body (Cf. BIETAK 1991 a, 156–157).
13
The evidence for dress from tombs is also scarce. As of
140 Robert Schiestl

Fig. 5 Statue of the Asiatic man from Tell el- Dabca.

Back of the right shoulder showing garment

Syro-Levantine14 and Egyptian costumes. The fig- representing a fashion influenced by Asiatics.
ure was clearly not wearing the Syro-Mesopotami- The fabrics worn by Asiatic men and women
an robe with fringes (“Fransenmantel”)15 or thick- (NEWBERRY 1891, pls. XXX–XXXI) tend to be
ly rolled borders (“Wulstsaummantel”),16 which, shown as very ornate and full of intricate detail, in
either leaves the right shoulder free17 or drapes contrast to the Egyptian’s clean cut textiles. A par-
one end of the garment over it.18 The fragment of allel to the comparatively plain cloth worn by the
an end of a cloth shows a different arrangement Dabca statue can be found in the depiction of Asi-
of stripes: four vertical red stripes and two vertical atic men on a well preserved stela at the temple of
black stripes remain, as well as part of a larger, Serabit el-Chadim on Sinai. Two figures are wear-
possibly round black design. It is most likely that ing kilts with a décor of horizontal red and white
this fragment is from a separate garment, the stripes („ERNY, GARDINER and PEET 1952–1955,
main piece of clothing, while the red striped gar- 206, fig. 17, pl. LXXXV). There also exist long
ment might constitute a sort of short cape. Such Egyptian cloaks with horizontal stripes (Cf. NEW-
garments are shown as worn by elite men in BERRY 1894, pl. VII); one type in particular had
Egyptian tombs of the Middle Kingdom (e.g. become popular in late Middle Kingdom private
NEWBERRY 1894, pl. XI, XII, XIX, XX).19 statuary (VANDIER 1958, 231, 256).
However, in addition there are three small It seems most likely that the cape and cloak
fragments which seem to be part of a wavy fringe represented an Egyptian-Asiatic stylistic mixture.
painted black (Inv.Nr. 8754H 2, 3, 4, Fig. 6). This A similar blend can possibly be seen in the cloak,
fringe could have formed part of the main gar- draped equally over both shoulders, depicted on
ment, possibly a wrap around cloak with a vertical a Bronze statuette of an Asiatic dignitary, which is
fringe. Such garments appear on stelae of the Sec- said to have been found in the Delta (WILDUNG
ond Intermediate Period (MARÉE 1993), possibly 1984, 186, fig. 164).

14 15
There are, in glyptic art and wall paintings, exceptions, STROMMENGER 1958, 121.
16
where the left shoulder is shown bare. For example in SCHROER 1985, 51–115.
17
Beni Hasan tomb 3 (NEWBERRY 1893, pl. XXX): Of the E.g. statue of Ishtup-Ilum, from Mari, PARROT 1959, pls. I–II,
group of four Asiatic men in the middle, one is depict- or statue of dignitary from Ebla, MATTHIAE 1992,
ed with a bare left, one with a bare right shoulder. On pl. 50:1–3.
18
seals (cf. for example, SCHROER 1985, Abb. 12, 44) in E.g. statue of Idi-Ilum, from Mari, PARROT 1959, pls. IX–X,
both cases two persons are shown antithetically and the or statue of a sitting king from Ebla, MATTHIAE 1992, pl.
person facing right is shown with a bare left shoulder, 50:4, pl. 51:1–2.
19
presumably due to the composition as a mirror image. I thank Dorothea Arnold for this suggestion.
 The Statue of an Asiatic Man from Tell el-Dabca, Egypt 141

4. MIDDLE KINGDOM TOMB STATUES AT TELL EL- 1991, 8) and shrines, both local and “national”
DABcA AND IN THE DELTA such as at Abydos, increases. This shifting of
The excavations of the late Middle Kingdom and importance from the resting place of the dead
2nd Intermediate Period cemeteries of Tell el- body to cultic centers might have intensified in
Dabca have produced few tomb statues. From the the 2nd Intermediate Period.
hundreds of tombs excavated at Tell el-Dabca to However, other regional factors should be
date, only three statues have been found, and taken into account as well. There is a remarkable
only one is clearly associated with a specific general dearth of private Middle Kingdom tomb
tomb.20 So far all tombs discovered are associated statuary from the Delta (VANDIER 1958, 261–262).
with the Syro-Palestinian population, which set- It cannot only be explained by the lack of large
tled at Tell el-Dabca as of the late Middle King- scale excavations of Middle Kingdom cemeteries
dom (stratum d/2). While there is evidence of there, as also “unprovenanced” hard stone statues
Egyptian settlement at the site at least from the in museums and collections very rarely refer to
early 12th Dynasty onwards, we lack any informa- Delta sites. One factor could be the disappear-
tion on their tombs and thus are not able to com- ance of any wooden statuary, as no organic mate-
pare the funerary customs of the immigrants to rial survived in the environment of Tell el-Dabca
local ones. While tomb statues, as the sculptural and other Delta regions. Considering the local
representation of the deceased set up in his or absence of stone raw material, the small wooded
her burial place, are an integral feature of Egypt- areas of the Delta (BUTZER 1975, 1048) could have
ian tombs, this is not the case for the Middle served as the basis of a regional tradition, now
Bronze Age Levant, the region from where it is lost. Thus our understanding of wooden statues
assumed the Asiatic population at Tell el-Dabca in the Middle Kingdom and the observation that
came. However, the few statues found are also they become less frequent towards the end of the
from a cemetery of Asiatic people, albeit only 12th Dynasty (VANDIER 1958, 255; DELANGE 1987,
associated with tombs of the earliest two strata 7; for exceptions see NEEDLER 1981; FAY 1996, 137,
(d/2 and d/1, H and G/4) discovered so far. fig. 26), is based on statues from Middle and
Despite a range of foreign features already pres- Upper Egyptian sites. In this context one could
ent in these oldest tombs (SCHIESTL 2002), many note the recent discovery of gold foil originally
aspects of the funerary equipment are in agree- covering two remarkable late Predynastic or Pro-
ment with contemporary Egyptian tombs. Tomb todynastic wooden statues from the Eastern Delta
statuary might have been one element of Egypt- site of Tell el-Farkha.21 Had they not been covered
ian religious life the Asiatic settlers originally in metal, no evidence of these wooden statues
integrated into their culture of death, but, over would have survived.
time, eventually decided to eliminate.
Most tombs excavated at Tell el-Dabca date to 5. ASIATICS IN MIDDLE KINGDOM ART
the very late Middle Kingdom and the 2nd Inter- Due to the lack of Palestinian early Middle
mediate Period. In the course of the Middle King- Bronze images, looking for comparisons one is
dom changes in Egyptian funerary practices are largely forced to resort to either Egyptian or Syri-
observable. The importance of tomb statues an depictions. Both have their ethno-cultural22
seems to decrease, while the wish to set up statues and contextual limitations. In the Egyptian per-
and stelae in temples (DELANGE 1987, 8; BOURRIAU spectives, Asiatics are restricted to ethnic stereo-

20
Statuette Inv. Nr. 5093 was found in the chamber of F/I- to Avaris at a later point in time (ENGEL 2001, 156).
21
l/19-tomb 1 (BIETAK 1991 b, 64–65, Abb. 12, Taf. 25 B, www.muzarp.poznan.pl/muzeum/muz_eng/Tell_el_
C), which dates to stratum d/1. A second statuette (Nr. Farcha/index_tel.html
22
7195) was found out of context, in area F/I-p/19-above The problem of using primarily North Syrian and
tomb 13 (HEIN 1994). Other out of context finds of Mesopotamian sources to reconstruct Palestinian and
fragmentary Middle Kingdom statues were considered Levantine costume was addressed by D. REDFORD. He
to originally have been set up in temples (ROGGE 1994, concludes, however, that “Cloak over kilt…also was the
192–193). The royal Middle Kingdom statues discov- vogue in Palestine and the Levantine coast” and it can be
ered by L. Habachi had most likely originally been set “construed as the basic winter costume of the ”Amorite”
up in the Memphis-Fayoum region and been carried off upper class” (REDFORD 1988, 21).
142 Robert Schiestl

types and limited to scenes of conquered or material culture of the tombs of the strata d/2
bound prisoners, the Asiatic people essentially and d/1 indicated: a highly Egyptianised, elite
being vanquished by definition. There are, how- group of Asiatics, who strived to successfully com-
ever, some indications in Middle Kingdom art, bine their own traditions with the new ways of the
which could be interpreted as a cautious loosen- country to which they had immigrated. The mate-
ing of the rigidly prescribed role the Asiatic foe rial of the statue, limestone, and the high work-
previously had to play. As other sources tell us of manship are definitely Egyptian, the conception a
a sizeable Middle Kingdom Asiatic presence in collaboration of the Egyptian artist and his Asiat-
Egypt (POSENER 1957), before and beyond the ic client. The size and quality of the product
region of Tell el-Dabca, these changes in Egyptian argue for a connection to a royal workshop.
society are but dimly reflected in art. This is on Of particular interest is the inscribed block,
the one hand due to a generally swift visual inte- which must have formed part of the base upon
gration. Of the large group of people specifically which the feet rested. It is painted red on the
noted as cAm (Asiatic) mentioned and shown on smoothened top and sides, the bottom was left
Egyptian Middle Kingdom stelae, only very few rough and unpainted. Of the hieroglyphic
are visually set apart from Egyptians: In one case inscription the only legible part is the word cnTr,
a woman is marked by an unusual hairdo and cos- incense, written at the beginning of a horizontal
tume (SCHNEIDER 2003, 186), in another case the line of text, running from right to left. Above it, a
men’s skin color is shown as red (SCHNEIDER 2003, second horizontal line can just be made out, but
59). On the other hand, when Asiatics need to be the signs unfortunately remain illegible (discus-
identifiable as such, different trends can be sion in SCHIESTL in print). They are the last traces
observed in their depiction: In the Beni Hasan of the offering formula, in which the deceased
scene (NEWBERRY 1891, pl. XXX), the Asiatics are requested certain provisions, such as food, drink,
not shown vanquished, but as traders, self-confi- clothes and more, to be offered to him. What
dently carrying their own weaponry and their makes this most remarkable is that this is our first
leader is not an anonymous enemy, but has a title clear proof that an Asiatic inhabitant of Tell el-
(HqA-xAc.t, “leader of the foreign land”) and a Dabca is presented as an integrated member in
name, Jbsha.23 Furthermore, on the above men- the Egyptian concept of afterlife and all that
tioned Dahshur pectoral, only visible on the entails. Whether he, or the other people buried
reverse side, we can detect the conquered enemy in these tombs, believed in it as well we do not
wearing a barrel shaped cwr.t-bead, an Egyptian know.
type of jewelry, which was often inscribed with the Until the recent discovery of statues flanking
name of the owner (ANDREWS 1990, 196–197) and the entrance to the royal tomb in Qatna (ELSEN-
thus marked their identity as Egyptians and as NOVÁK, NOVÁK and PFÄLZNER 2003, 156–163), the
human individuals. A conflation of these two concept of a tomb statue was considered alien to
trends could be seen in the base of a statue show- Middle Bronze Age Syria-Palestine. However, tem-
ing heads of captives which had completely lost ple statues and other imagery from tombs at Ebla
their foreign features (SPANEL 1988, 70). Visually offer close iconographic parallels to the Dabca
egyptianising foreigners in such a composition statue. One of the statues discovered in a pit, asso-
would seem to blur the message. ciated with temple P 2,24 shows a man holding a
similar crook in his left hand over the left shoul-
6. THE TELL EL-DABcA STATUE IN SOCIAL CONTEXT der, while the right hand holds a bowl. A scene on
Our reassembled statue, however, is a rare exam- a curved ivory object from the tomb of the Lord of
ple of the self-representation of foreigners living the goats at Ebla25 presumably depicts a funerary
in Egypt, drawing on and emphasizing Egyptian banquet. A man, probably the deceased, holding
stereotypes of skin color and hairstyle and trans- a crook or staff in his right arm over his right
forming them to a monument of self-confidence. shoulder, just as in Tell el-Dabca, is seated in front
The statue reflects iconographically what the of a table heaped with offerings. The shape of

23 24
For the suggested reading ’Ab(i)-Sarr see SCHNEIDER MATTHIAE 1995, 411.
25
2003, 129. PINNOCK 1994, 22, pl. V c.
 The Statue of an Asiatic Man from Tell el-Dabca, Egypt 143

object itself is reminiscent of Egyptian magic could be seen as a product of this discussion, to
wands of the Middle Kingdom. which it also contributed. Such a collaboration
As unusual as the Tell el-Dabca statue seems, must have been fraught with a certain amount of
within Egyptian tomb statuary it simply is a varia- distrust on both sides. Keeping an Egyptian con-
tion. Its language was derived from an icono- ception in mind, the iconographic fusion of
graphic Egyptian pool and as such clearly under- Egyptian and “Asiatic” roles was one way of
standable to Egyptian viewers. When interpreting appropriating the latter. Within the fluid concepts
its message, we are easily influenced by the later of ethnicity, in the statue under discussion the Asi-
history of Tell el-Dabca as capital of foreign rulers atic characteristics were (over)emphasized, just as
in Egypt. Thus, is it to be seen as a provocative they were completely omitted in the statuette
statement of autonomy on the part of the local from tomb l/19-Nr. 1 (BIETAK 1991 b, Abb. 12). In
Asiatic community and, from the Egyptian point the Egyptian way of thinking, what induced fear
of view, as a warning sign of loss of control? The was often used precisely against it and thus ele-
relationship of the Asiatic population at Tell el- gantly subdued. In the realm of religion and
Dabca to the Egyptian state, and their degree of magic, dangerous creatures such as crocodiles,
independence are, during this period, not clear. snakes and scorpions were turned into benevolent
Lacking textual evidence, we have to base our gods, and, for example, the scorpion goddess was
“reading” of their political role on the remains of called upon to help fight scorpion bites, thus,
the material culture. This shows a high degree of “fighting like with like… the dangerous force is neutral-
acculturation to late Middle Kingdom Egyptian ized” (PINCH 1994, 36–37). In the case of the god
culture. There is no evidence that the Asiatic com- Sopdu, he was turned into a god of foreign lands,
munity was acting against Egyptian interests, but and could appear in Asiatic garb (SCHUMACHER
indications to the opposite. Within a suggested 1988). In the Middle Kingdom he appears as such
scenario of cooperation between the Egyptian also in border regions, such as the Wadi Gasus
state and the local Asiatic community in mining, (Gawasis), and on Sinai in the get up of a Beduin,
trading and possibly even military expeditions, holding a crook in one hand („ERNY, GARDINER
another, complementary, reading of the statue and PEET 1952–1955, pl. XLVII).
could be suggested. While it clearly shows an Asi- Thus, the Dabca image could be considered as
atic man in power, a dignitary, it could also be actually reassuring Egyptian power over the Asiat-
read as a dignitary ruling over Asiatics. During the ics, both in and outside of Egypt, while, in a skil-
period under discussion, it could be argued both ful iconographic ambiguity, simultaneously con-
sides profited from this collaboration, resulting in veying to the local Asiatic community an appro-
a discourse on power and control. The statue priate message of their growing importance.
144 Robert Schiestl

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