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 Copyright

Copyright © 2018 by Adam Zamoyski

Hachette Book Group supports the right to free expression and the
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Basic Books
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www.basicbooks.com
First Edition: October 2018
First published in Great Britain by William Collins in 2018

Published by Basic Books, an imprint of Perseus Books, LLC, a

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Zamoyski, Adam, author.
Title: Napoleon: a life / Adam Zamoyski.
Description: First edition. | New York: Basic Books, 2018. | Includes
bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2018015891| ISBN 9780465055937 (hardcover) |
ISBN 9781541644557 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Napoleon I, Emperor of the French, 1769–1821. |
France—Kings and rulers—Biography. | France. Armâee—History—
Napoleonic Wars, 1800–1815. | Napoleonic Wars, 1800–1815.
Classification: LCC DC203 .Z36 2018 | DDC 94405092 [B]—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018015891

ISBNs: 978-0-465-05593-7 (hardcover), 978-1-5416-4455-7 (ebook)

E3-20180827-JV-NF
 Contents

Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Dedication
List of Maps
Preface

1 A Reluctant Messiah
2 Insular Dreams
3 Boy Soldier
4 Freedom
5 Corsica
6 France or Corsica
7 The Jacobin
8 Adolescent Loves
9 General Vendémiaire
10 Italy
11 Lodi
12 Victory and Legend
13 Master of Italy
14 Eastern Promise
15 Egypt
16 Plague
17 The Saviour
18 Fog
19 The Consul
20 Consolidation
21 Marengo
22 Caesar
23 Peace
24 The Liberator of Europe
25 His Consular Majesty
26 Toward Empire
27 Napoleon I
28 Austerlitz
29 Emperor of the West
30 Master of Europe
31 The Sun Emperor
32 The Emperor of the East
33 The Cost of Power
34 Apotheosis
35 Apogee
36 Blinding Power
37 The Rubicon
38 Nemesis
39 Hollow Victories
40 Last Chance
41 The Wounded Lion
42 Rejection
43 The Outlaw
44 A Crown of Thorns

Photos
About the Author
Also by Adam Zamoyski
Notes
Bibliography
Illustration Credits
Index
 In memory

of

GILLON AITKEN
 Maps

Europe in 1792
Toulon
The Italian Theatre
Montenotte
Lodi
The Pursuit
Castiglione
Würmser Outmanoeuvred
Arcole
Rivoli
The March on Vienna
The Settlement of Campo Formio
Egypt
Europe in 1800
Marengo
Ulm
Austerlitz
The Campaigns of 1806–7
Europe in 1808
Aspern–Essling
Wagram
Europe in 1812
The Invasion of Russia
Borodino
The Berezina
The Saxon Campaign 1813
The Defence of France 1814
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The Waterloo Campaign 1815
 Preface

A POLISH HOME, English schools, and holidays with French cousins

exposed me from an early age to violently conflicting visions of
Napoleon—as godlike genius, Romantic avatar, evil monster, or just
nasty little dictator. In this crossfire of fantasy and prejudice I
developed an empathy with each of these views without being able
to agree with any of them.
Napoleon was a man, and while I understand how others have
done, I can see nothing superhuman about him. Although he did
exhibit some extraordinary qualities, he was in many ways a very
ordinary man. I find it difficult to credit genius to someone who, for
all his many triumphs, presided over the worst (and entirely self-
inflicted) disaster in military history and single-handedly destroyed
the great enterprise he and others had toiled so hard to construct.
He was undoubtedly a brilliant tactician, as one would expect of a
clever operator from a small-town background. But he was no
strategist, as his miserable end attests.
Nor was Napoleon an evil monster. He could be as selfish and
violent as the next man, but there is no evidence of him wishing to
inflict suffering gratuitously. His motives were on the whole
praiseworthy, and his ambition no greater than that of
contemporaries such as Alexander I of Russia, Wellington, Nelson,
Metternich, Blücher, Bernadotte, and many more. What made his
ambition so exceptional was the scope it was accorded by
circumstance.
On hearing the news of his death, the Austrian dramatist Franz
Grillparzer wrote a poem on the subject. He had been a student in
Vienna when Napoleon bombarded the city in 1809, so he had no
reason to like him, but in the poem he admits that while he cannot
love him, he cannot bring himself to hate him; according to
Grillparzer, Napoleon was but the visible symptom of the sickness of
the times, and as such bore the blame for the sins of all. There is
much truth in this view.1
In the half-century before Napoleon came to power, a titanic
struggle for dominion saw the British acquire Canada, large swathes
of India, and a string of colonies and aspire to lay down the law at
sea; Austria grab provinces in Italy and Poland; Prussia increase in
size by two-thirds; and Russia push her frontier 600 kilometres into
Europe and occupy large areas of Central Asia, Siberia, and Alaska,
laying claims as far afield as California. Yet George III, Maria
Theresa, Frederick William II, and Catherine II are not generally
accused of being megalomaniac monsters and compulsive
warmongers.
Napoleon is frequently condemned for his invasion of Egypt, while
the British occupation which followed, designed to guarantee
colonial monopoly over India, is not. He is regularly blamed for re-
establishing slavery in Martinique, while Britain applied it in its
colonies for a further thirty years, and every other colonial power for
several decades after that. His use of police surveillance and
censorship is also regularly reproved, even though every other state
in Europe emulated him, with varying degrees of discretion or
hypocrisy.
The tone was set by the victors of 1815, who arrogated the role
of defenders of a supposedly righteous social order against evil, and
writing on Napoleon has been bedevilled ever since by a moral
dimension, which has entailed an imperative to slander or glorify.
Beginning with Stendhal, who claimed he could only write of
Napoleon in religious terms, and no doubt inspired by Goethe, who
saw his life as ‘that of a demi-god’, French and other European
historians have struggled to keep the numinous out of their work,
and even today it is tinged by a sense of awe. Until very recently,
Anglo-Saxon historians have shown reluctance to allow an
understanding of the spirit of the times to help them see Napoleon
as anything other than an alien monster. Rival national mythologies
have added layers of prejudice which many find hard to overcome.2
Napoleon was in every sense the product of his times; he was in
many ways the embodiment of his epoch. If one wishes to gain an
understanding of him and what he was about, one has to place him
in context. This requires ruthless jettisoning of received opinion and
nationalist prejudice and dispassionate examination of what the
seismic conditions of his times threatened and offered.
In the 1790s Napoleon entered a world at war, and one in which
the very basis of human society was being questioned. It was a
struggle for supremacy and survival in which every state on the
Continent acted out of self-interest, breaking treaties and betraying
allies shamelessly. Monarchs, statesmen, and commanders on all
sides displayed similar levels of fearful aggression, greed,
callousness, and brutality. To ascribe to any of the states involved a
morally superior role is ahistorical humbug, and to condemn the lust
for power is to deny human nature and political necessity.
For Aristotle power was, along with wealth and friendship, one of
the essential components of individual happiness. For Hobbes, the
urge to acquire it was not only innate but beneficent, as it led men
to dominate and therefore organise communities, and no social
organisation of any form could exist without the power of one or
more individuals to order others.
Napoleon did not start the war that broke out in 1792 when he
was a mere lieutenant and continued, with one brief interruption,
until 1814. Which side was responsible for the outbreak and for the
continuing hostilities is fruitlessly debatable, since responsibility
cannot be laid squarely on one side or the other. The fighting cost
lives, for which responsibility is often heaped on Napoleon, which is
absurd, as all the belligerents must share the blame. And he was not
as profligate with the lives of his own soldiers as some.
French losses in the seven years of revolutionary government
(1792–99) are estimated at four to five hundred thousand; those
during the fifteen years of Napoleon’s rule are estimated at just
under twice as high, at eight to nine hundred thousand. Given that
these figures include not only dead, wounded, and sick but also
those reported as missing, whose numbers went up dramatically as
his ventures took the armies further afield, it is clear that battle
losses were lower under Napoleon than during the revolutionary
period—despite the increasing use of heavy artillery and the greater
size of the armies. The majority of those classed as missing were
deserters who either drifted back home or settled in other countries.
This is not to diminish the suffering or the trauma of the war, but to
put it in perspective.3

MY AIM IN THIS BOOK is not to justify or condemn, but to piece together

the life of the man born Napoleone Buonaparte, and to examine how
he became ‘Napoleon’ and achieved what he did, and how it came
about that he undid it.
In order to do so I have concentrated on verifiable primary
sources, treating with caution the memoirs of those such as
Bourrienne, Fouché, Barras, and others who wrote principally to
justify themselves or to tailor their own image, and have avoided
using as evidence those of the duchesse d’Abrantès, which were
written years after the events by her lover, the novelist Balzac. I also
ignore the various anecdotes regarding Napoleon’s birth and
childhood, believing that it is immaterial as well as unprovable that
he cried or not when he was born, that he liked playing with swords
and drums as a child, had a childhood crush on some little girl, or
that a comet was sighted at his birth and death. There are quite
enough solid facts to deal with.
I have devoted more space in relative terms to Napoleon’s
formative years than to his time in power, as I believe they hold the
key to understanding his extraordinary trajectory. As I consider the
military aspects only insofar as they produced an effect, on him and
his career or the international situation, the reader will find my
coverage very uneven. I give prominence to the first Italian
campaign because it demonstrates the ways in which Napoleon was
superior to his enemies and colleagues, and because it turned him
into an exceptional being, in both his own eyes and those of others.
Subsequent battles are of interest primarily for the use he made of
them, while the Russian campaign is seminal to his decline and
reveals the confusion in his mind which led to his political suicide. To
those who would like to learn more about the battles, I would
recommend Andrew Roberts’s masterful Napoleon the Great. The
battle maps in the text are similarly spare and do not pretend to
accuracy; they are designed to illustrate the essence of the action.
The subject is so vast that anyone attempting a life of Napoleon
must necessarily rely on the work of many who have trawled
through archives and on published sources. I feel hugely indebted to
all those involved in the Fondation Napoléon’s new edition of
Napoleon’s correspondence. I also owe a great deal to the work
done over the past two decades by French historians in debunking
the myths that have gained the status of truth and excising the
carbuncles that have overgrown the verifiable facts during the past
two centuries. Thierry Lentz and Jean Tulard stand out in this
respect, but Pierre Branda, Jean Defranceschi, Patrice Gueniffey,
Annie Jourdan, Aurélien Lignereux, and Michel Vergé-Franceschi
have also helped to blow away cobwebs and enlighten. Among
Anglo-Saxon historians, Philip Dwyer has my gratitude for his brilliant
work on Napoleon as propagandist, and Munro Price for his
invaluable archival research on the last phase of his reign. The work
of Michael Broers and Steven Englund is also noteworthy.
I owe a debt of thanks to Olivier Varlan for bibliographic
guidance, and particularly for having let me see Caulaincourt’s
manuscript on the Prussian and Russian campaigns of 1806–07; to
Vincenz Hoppe for seeking out sources in Germany; to Hubert
Czyżewski for assisting me in unearthing obscure sources in Polish
libraries; to Laetitia Oppenheim for doing the same for me in France;
to Carlo De Luca for alerting me to the existence of the diary of
Giuseppe Mallardi; and to Angelika von Hase for helping me with
German sources. I also owe thanks to Shervie Price for reading the
typescript, and to the incomparable Robert Lacey for his sensitive
editing.
Although at times I felt like cursing him, I would like to thank
Detlef Felken for his implicit faith in suggesting I write this book, and
Clare Alexander and Arabella Pike for their support. Finally, I must
thank my wife, Emma, for putting up with me and encouraging me
throughout what has been a challenging task.

Adam Zamoyski
 1

A Reluctant Messiah

AT NOON ON 10 December 1797 a thunderous discharge from a

battery of guns echoed across Paris, opening yet another of the
many grandiose festivals for which the French Revolution was so
notable.
Although the day was cold and grey, crowds had been gathering
around the Luxembourg Palace, the seat of the Executive Directory
which governed France, and according to the Prussian diplomat
Daniel von Sandoz-Rollin, ‘never had the cheering sounded more
enthusiastic’. People lined the streets leading up to the palace in the
hope of catching a glimpse of the hero of the day. But his reticence
defeated them. At around ten o’clock that morning he had left his
modest house on the rue Chantereine with one of the Directors who
had come to fetch him in a cab. As it trundled through the streets,
followed by several officers on horseback, he sat well back, seeming
in the words of one English witness ‘to shrink from those
acclamations which were then the voluntary offering of the heart’.1
They were indeed heartfelt. The people of France were tired after
eight years of revolution and political struggle marked by violent
lurches to the right or the left. They were sick of the war which had
lasted for more than five years and which the Directory seemed
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unable to end. The man they were cheering, a twenty-eight-year-old
general by the name of Bonaparte, had won a string of victories in
Italy against France’s principal enemy, Austria, and forced her
emperor to come to terms. The relief felt at the prospect of peace
and the political stability it was hoped would ensue was
accompanied by a subliminal sense of deliverance.
The Revolution which began in 1789 had unleashed boundless
hopes of a new era in human affairs. These had been whipped up
and manipulated by successive political leaders in a self-perpetuating
power struggle, and people longed for someone who could put an
end to it. They had read the bulletins recounting this general’s deeds
and his proclamations to the people of Italy, which contrasted
sharply with the utterances of those ruling France. Many believed, or
just hoped, that the longed-for man had come. The sense of
exaltation engendered by the Revolution had been kept alive by
overblown festivals, and this one was, according to one witness, as
‘magnifique’ as any.2
The great court of the Luxembourg Palace had been transformed
for the occasion. A dais had been erected opposite the entrance, on
which stood the indispensable ‘altar of the fatherland’ surmounted
by three statues, representing Liberty, Equality, and Peace. These
were flanked by panoplies of enemy standards captured during the
recent campaign, beneath which were placed seats for the five
members of the Directory, one for its secretary-general, and more
below them for the ministers. Beneath were places for the diplomatic
corps, and to either side stretched a great amphitheatre for the
members of the two legislative chambers and for the 1,200-strong
choir of the conservatoire. The courtyard was decked with tricolour
flags and covered by an awning, turning it into a monumental tent.3
As the last echoes of the gun salute died away, the Directors
emerged from a chamber in the depths of the palace, dressed in
their ‘grand costume’. Designed by the painter Jacques-Louis David,
this consisted of a blue velvet tunic heavily embroidered with gold
thread and girded with a gold-tasselled white silk sash, white
breeches and stockings, and shoes with blue bows. It was given a
supposedly classical look by a voluminous red cloak with a white lace
collar, a ‘Roman’ sword on a richly embroidered baldric, and a black
felt hat adorned by a blue-white-red tricolour of three ostrich
feathers.
The Directors took their place at the end of a cortège led by the
commissioners of police, followed by magistrates, civil servants, the
judiciary, teachers, members of the Institute of Arts and Sciences,
officers, officials, the diplomatic representatives of foreign powers,
and the ministers of the Directory. It was preceded by a band
playing ‘the airs beloved of the French Republic’.4
The cortège snaked its way through the corridors of the palace
and out into the courtyard, the various bodies taking their appointed
seats. The members of the legislative chambers had already taken
theirs. They wore costumes similar to that of the Directors, the
‘Roman’ look in their case sitting uneasily with their four-cornered
caps, which were David’s homage to the heroes of the Polish
revolution of 1794.
Having taken their seats, the Directors despatched an official to
usher in the principal actors of the day’s festivities. The airs beloved
of the French Republic had been superseded by a symphony
performed by the orchestra of the Conservatoire, but this was rudely
interrupted by shouts of ‘Vive Bonaparte!’, ‘Vive la Nation!’, ‘Vive le
libérateur de l’Italie!’, and ‘Vive le pacificateur du continent!’ as a
group of men entered the courtyard.
First came the ministers of war and foreign relations in their black
ceremonial costumes. They were followed by a diminutive, gaunt
figure in uniform, his lank hair dressed in the already unfashionable
‘dog’s ears’ flopping on either side of his face. His gauche
movements ‘charmed every heart’, according to one onlooker. He
was accompanied by three aides-de-camp, ‘all taller than him, but
almost bowed by the respect they showed him’. There was a
religious silence as the group entered the courtyard. Everyone
present stood and removed their hats. Then the cheering broke out
again. ‘The present elite of France applauded the victorious general,
for he was the hope of everyone: republicans, royalists, all saw their
present and future salvation in the support of his powerful arm.’ The
dazzling military victories and diplomatic triumph he had achieved
contrasted so strikingly with his puny stature, dishevelled
appearance, and unassuming manner that it was difficult not to
believe he was inspired and guided by some higher power. The
philosopher Wilhelm von Humboldt was so impressed when he saw
him, he thought he was contemplating an ideal of modern
humanity.5
When the group reached the foot of the altar of the fatherland,
the orchestra and choir of the Conservatoire struck up a ‘Hymn to
Liberty’ composed by François-Joseph Gossec to the tune of the
Catholic Eucharistic hymn O Salutaris Hostia, and the crowd joined in
an emotionally charged rendition of what the official account of the
proceedings described as ‘this religious couplet’. The Directors and
assembled dignitaries took their seats, with the exception of the
general himself. ‘I saw him decline placing himself in the chair of
state which had been prepared for him, and seem as if he wished to
escape from the general bursts of applause,’ recalled the English
lady, who was full of admiration for the ‘modesty in his demeanour’.
He had in fact requested that the ceremony be cancelled when he
heard what was in store. But there was no escape.6
The Republic’s minister for foreign relations, Charles-Maurice de
Talleyrand, limped forward in his orthopaedic shoe, his ceremonial
sword and the plumes in his hat performing curious motions as he
went. The President of the Directory had chosen him rather than the
minister of war to present the reluctant hero. ‘It is not the general, it
is the peacemaker, and above all the citizen that you must single out
to praise here,’ he had written to Talleyrand. ‘My colleagues are
terrified, not without reason, of military glory.’ This was true.7
‘No government has ever been so universally despised,’ an
informant in France had written to his masters in Vienna only a
couple of weeks before, assuring them that the first general with the
courage to raise the standard of revolt would have half of the nation
behind him. Many in Paris, at both ends of the political spectrum,
were expecting General Bonaparte to make such a move, and in the
words of one observer, ‘everyone seemed to be watching each
other’. According to another, there were many present who would
happily have strangled him.8
The forty-three-year-old ex-aristocrat and former bishop
Talleyrand knew all this. He was used to shrouding his feelings with
an impassive countenance, but his upturned nose and thin lips,
curling up on the left-hand side in a way suggesting wry
amusement, were well fitted to the speech he now delivered.
‘Citizen Directors,’ he began, ‘I have the honour to present to the
executive Directory citizen Bonaparte, who comes bearing the
ratification of the treaty of peace concluded with the emperor.’ While
reminding those present that the peace was only the crowning glory
of ‘innumerable marvels’ on the battlefield, he reassured the
shrinking general that he would not dwell on his military
achievements, leaving that to posterity, secure in the knowledge that
the hero himself viewed them not as his own, but as those of France
and the Revolution. ‘Thus, all Frenchmen have been victorious
through Bonaparte; thus his glory is the property of all; thus there is
no republican who cannot claim his part of it.’ The general’s
extraordinary talents, which Talleyrand briefly ran through, were, he
admitted, innate to him, but they were also in large measure the
fruit of his ‘insatiable love of the fatherland and of humanity’. But it
was his modesty, the fact that he seemed to ‘apologise for his own
glory’, his extraordinary taste for simplicity, worthy of the heroes of
classical antiquity, his love of the abstract sciences, his literary
passion for ‘that sublime Ossian’ and ‘his profound contempt for
show, luxury, ostentation, those paltry ambitions of common souls’
that were so striking, indeed alarming: ‘Oh! far from fearing what
some would call his ambition, I feel that we will one day have to beg
him to give up the comforts of his studious retreat.’ The general’s
countless civic virtues were almost a burden to him: ‘All France will
be free: it may be that he will never be, that is his destiny.’9
When the minister had concluded, the victim of destiny presented
the ratified copy of the peace treaty to the Directors, and then
addressed the assembly ‘with a kind of feigned nonchalance, as
though he were trying to intimate that he little liked the regime
under which he was called to serve’, in the words of one observer.
According to another, he spoke ‘like a man who knows his worth’.10
In a few clipped sentences, delivered in an atrocious foreign
accent, he attributed his victories to the French nation, which
through the Revolution had abolished eighteen centuries of bigotry
and tyranny, established representative government, and roused the
other two great nations of Europe, the Germans and Italians,
enabling them to embrace the ‘spirit of liberty’. He concluded,
somewhat bluntly, that the whole of Europe would be truly free and
at peace ‘when the happiness of the French people will be based on
the best organic laws’.11
The response of the Directory to this equivocal statement was
delivered by its president, Paul François Barras, a forty-two-year-old
minor nobleman from Provence with a fine figure and what one
contemporary described as the swagger of a fencing-master. He
began with the usual flowery glorification of ‘the sublime revolution
of the French nation’ before moving on to vaporous praise of the
‘peacemaker of the continent’, whom he likened to Socrates and
hailed as the liberator of the people of Italy. General Bonaparte had
rivalled Caesar, but unlike other victorious generals, he was a man of
peace: ‘at the first word of a proposal of peace, you halted your
triumphant progress, you laid down the sword with which the
fatherland had armed you, and preferred to take up the olive branch
of peace!’ Bonaparte was living proof ‘that one can give up the
pursuit of victory without relinquishing greatness’.12
The address meandered off into a diatribe against those ‘vile
Carthaginians’ (the British) who were the last obstacle standing in
the way of a general peace which the new Rome (France) was
striving to bestow on the Continent. Barras concluded by exhorting
the general, ‘the liberator to whom outraged humanity calls out with
plaintive appeals’, to lead an army across the Channel, whose waters
would be proud to carry him and his men: ‘As soon as the tricolour
standard is unfurled on its bloodied shores, a unanimous cry of
benediction will greet your presence; and, seeing the dawn of
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