YOUTH INVOLVEMENT IN POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND THUGGERY IN NIGERIA

(A CASE STUDY OF SOKOTO SOUTH)

BY

ABDULBASIT ALIYU YAKUB

(ADM. NO: 19118017)

A PROJECT REPORT SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL

SCIENCE, FACULTY OF SOCIAL AND MANAGEMENT SCIENCE, SOKOTO STATE
UNIVERSITY, SOKOTO IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR
THE AWARD OF DEGREE OF BACHELOR OF SCIENCE (HONS) IN POLITICAL
SCIENCE.

SEPTEMBER, 2024

i
 DECLARATION

I, Abdulbasit Aliyu Yakub here by declare that this project is an independent work carried out by

me and to the best of my knowledge has not been presented in any previous appreciation for an

award of degree in this University or any University. And the source of information are specially

acknowledged by means of reference.

ABDULBASIT ALIYU YAKUB DATE

19118017

ii
 CERTIFICATION

This Project report by ABDULBASIT ALIYU YAKUB (19118017) has met the partial

requirements governing the award of the Degree of Bachelor of Science in (Political science) of

the Sokoto State University and is approved for its contribution to knowledge.

---------------------------------- ----------------------

PROF.I.M ZAGA DATE

(PROJECT SUPERVISOR)

---------------------------------- -----------------------

DR.FATIMA ALI SUWAID DATE

(HOD POLITICAL SCIENCE)

--------------------------------- -----------------------

EXTERNAL EXAMINER DATE

iii
 DEDICATION

This research is dedicated to Almighty Allah, my beloved parent and the entire family.

iv
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

All praises and glory belongs to Allah (SWT), who out of his mercy and generosity has given me

the opportunity to carry out this work. My deepest appreciation goes to my supervisor, prof i.m

zaga, for his great supervision, patience, support and advice which has helped me a lot in

carrying out this research work, May Almighty Allah reward you abundantly. I would like to

acknowledge my late parent Alhaji Yakub Ali Mujahid, mother malama Rahama Muhammad,

Alhaji Aliyu Mujahid and Brother Abdulrahim who devoted their time, energy and resources to

make sure I am fully educated and instilled me on the value of education may Allah continue to

rest your soul father and also reward you with Jannah.

I will also use this medium opportunity to thank all those caring people that helped in one way or

the other including my siblings in person of Brother Mahiyadden, Uncle Bashir, brother

Abubakar, Mujaheed, Umar , imrana. I will also acknowledge my friend Ahmad yahaya dan

maliki, Abubakar nuhu, Abdulsamad umar honor, musa taya, m. Dahiru shugaba in making my

research work and my B.Sc come true, for this I am highly grateful and full of appreciation

towards you all. My appreciation also goes to all my lecturers in the department of Political

science for their utmost efforts in inserting us knowledge, good training and also for helping me

to come this far in my quest for higher education. Thank you all and i really appreciate.

v
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

TITLE PAGE....................................................................................................................................i

DECLARATION.............................................................................................................................ii

CERTIFICATION..........................................................................................................................iii

DEDICATION................................................................................................................................iv

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT...............................................................................................................v

TABLE OF CONTENTS...............................................................................................................vi

LIST OF TABLES.......................................................................................................................viii

ABSTRACT....................................................................................................................................x

CHAPTER ONE..............................................................................................................................1

1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY......................................................................................1

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM.....................................................................................3

1.3 AIMS AND OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY........................................................................4

1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS....................................................................................................4

1.5 RESEARCH ASSUMPTIONS..............................................................................................4

1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY.......................................................................................5

1.7 SCOPE OF THE STUDY......................................................................................................5

1.8 DEFINITION OF TERMS.....................................................................................................5

CHAPTER TWO.............................................................................................................................7

2.1 CONCEPTUAL ISSUES.......................................................................................................7

2.1.1 Political Thuggery and Violence.....................................................................................7

2.1.2 Concept of Youths...........................................................................................................8

2.2 THEORETICAL ISSUES....................................................................................................10

vi
 2.3 EMPIRICAL STUDIES.......................................................................................................11

2.4 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK.......................................................................................16

2.5 Conflict Theory....................................................................................................................17

CHAPTER THREE.......................................................................................................................21

3.1 RESEARCH METHOD.......................................................................................................21

3.2 POPULATION OF THE STUDY.......................................................................................21

3.3 SAMPLE SIZE AND SAMPLE TECHNIQUE..................................................................21

3.4 Sources and Types of Data...................................................................................................22

3.5 Method of Data Collection...................................................................................................22

3.6.1 Documentary.....................................................................................................................22

3.7 Validity of the Instrument....................................................................................................23

3.8 RELIABILITY OF THE INSTRUMENT...........................................................................23

3.9 METHOD OF DATA ANALYSIS......................................................................................23

CHAPTER FOUR.........................................................................................................................25

4.1 Demographic Attributes of Respondents.............................................................................25

4.2 Analysis of survey Question................................................................................................28

CHAPTER FIVE...........................................................................................................................41

5.1 Summary..............................................................................................................................41

5.2 Conclusion...........................................................................................................................42

5.3 Recommendations................................................................................................................43

REFERENCES...........................................................................................................................44

vii
 LIST OF TABLES

Table 4.1.1: Socio-demographic data of respondents………………………………………….31

Table 4.1.2: Response on selfishness of the politicians are the motive behind introduction of

political thugs in Sokoto South L.G.A………………………………………………………….34

Table 4.1.3 Responses on Ignorance is one of the causes of political thuggery in Sokoto South

L.G.A……………………………………………………………………………………………35

Table 4.1.4 Responses on Financial problem breeds political thugs in the society……………..36

Table 4.1.5Responses on Unemployment encourages political thuggery in Sokoto South L.G.A.

…………………………………………………………………………………………..37

Table 4.1.6 Responses on Political thuggery is usually carried out by youths in Sokoto South

L.G.A……………………………………………………………………………………………38

Table 4.1.7 Responses agreed that Education and schooling discourage youth from political

violent……………………………………………………………………………………………39

Table 4.1.8 Responses on this strongly suggest that Parental upbringing is a major determinant of

youths' involvement in political thuggery………………………………………………………..40

Table 4.1.9 Responses on Divorce has a major influence on youths’ involvement in political

thuggery………………………………………………………………………………………….41

Table 4.1.10 Responses on The academic attainment of the individual has a major impact on

youths' involvement in political thuggery………………………………………………………..42

viii
Table 4.1.11 Responses on The socio-economic status of the individual is a major determinant of

youths' involvement in political thuggery……………………………………………………….43

Table 4.1.12 Responses on Closeness of parents to youths prevents political thuggery to a high

extent……………………………………………………………………………………………..44

Table 4.1.13 Responses on Political thuggery rate has increased overtime in Sokoto South

L.G.A. …………………………………………………………………………………………...45

ix
 ABSTRACT

The study examined the political thuggery in Sokoto South, between 1999 and 2023. Four
research questions guided the study. The study adopted a descriptive survey research design,
with questionnaire as the major instrument for data collection. The population of the study
consists of parents and youths in Sokoto South L.G.A. The population consists of males and
females, singles and married, educated and illiterates etc. who are between 18 years and 45
years. Drawn from the (11) wards of Sokoto South Local Government Area of Sokoto State. 100
respondent (youths) were selected in Sokoto South Local Government Area of Sokoto State using
simple random sampling techniques. Data were collected using validated instrument with
reliability index of 0.78 at test retest interval of 2 weeks. Data were analyzed using percentages.
Findings showed that the causes of political thuggery in Sokoto South Local Government Area
are politician's selfish ambitions, unemployment, ignorance, parental background and status,
financial problems and poverty are the main causes of political thuggery in Sokoto South L.G.A.
Also lack of education, parental upbringing, home training, and academic attainment are major
influencers of the decision to either part take in political thuggery or not. Part of the
recommendations stated that, Government should increase the severity of the punishment on the
offender and put more security measures to detect the act in order to deter people from the act.
The creation of jobs and empowerment schemes by the Government and society can help to
reduce this social malaise. Sensitization, encouragement and promotion of free and fair
electioneering process in the society. Training and retraining of security agents and agencies to
manage and curb this menace. Increment and creation of security personnel’s and agencies to
watch or curtail this social problem. The enlightenment and discouragement of the dangers of
corruption to society.

x
 CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 BACKGFDROUND OF THE STUDY

In contemporary democracies, elections are acceptable means of electing leaders, an important

process that strengthens democratic institutions and facilitate peaceful transition of power

(Ugiagbe, 2010). However, in Nigeria all elections conducted since her independence in 1960

have been characterized by widespread violence, intimidation, bribery and corruption.

Muhammed (2010) reported that the prevalence of one political violence or the other has been

the mainstay of elections in Nigeria with youths as the major actors in the theatre of electoral

violence and that such violence has assumed a serious dimension.

Electoral violence according to the International Foundation for Electoral System (IFES) is any

act or threat of physical or psychological harm to a person or damage to property, directed at

anyone directly involved in an electoral process (voters, candidates, party officers, election

workers, election monitors, journalists, etc.) which may disrupt or attempt to disrupt any aspect

of the electoral process (Fischer, 2002). Electoral violence could therefore be described as a

premeditated act that intends to influence the electoral process using foul language, verbal

intimidation, blackmail, dangerous weapons, arson and assassination. (Bamfo 2008). At the

receiving end of political violence are human beings. Ugiagbe (2010) submits that acts

associated with electoral violence include physical harm, (homicide, torture, assault), threats

(physical, verbal, intimidation; destruction of property), arson, damage from dangerous objects,

forced displacement and ballot box snatching.

1
Usman (2009) identified five major common grounds of electoral violence; these are during

registration, during political campaigns on Election Day, when results are announced, winner

takes all syndrome. In their own study, On wudiwe and Bernard (2010) describe the pattern of

electoral violence in Nigeria as intra party crisis, inter-party crisis, electoral crisis, violence and

community unrest while Ugbaigbe (2010) opines that electoral violence do manifest in the three

electoral stages namely, pre-election, during election and postelection stages. The objective of

electoral violence is to influence the electoral process with the sole aim to win political

competition or power through violence or subverting the ends of the electoral and democratic

process through intimidation and disempowerment of political opponents.

The increased involvement of Nigerian youths in electoral violence should be of concern to all.

Defining youths has been a little bit controversial, different authors define it in the context in

which the word-youth is used. United Nations Children

Education Fund UNICEF (1972) sees youth as those within age bracket 15-25years Johnson

cited in Abhuere (2000) asserts that while leadership programmes have no upper age limit, their

membership covers people of over 35-45years old, and for the purpose of this study youth refers

to anyone between the ages of 18 and 45 years.

Most of the world’s development strategies largely depend on the youth. This societal segment is

believed to assist in producing sustained economy, social justice and stable democracy of a

nation. It is therefore very important if the society could produce a qualitative youth to make

these a reality.

2
The problem is made complex by a series of problem which is climaxed in the failure of the

Nigerian state to solve its internal differences. Youths are believed to be the most valuable asset

for engendering any societal development. They are the engines and pillars upon which every

human society depends. Human history indicated how the youth served to depend and develop

their various societies, which always promote and give to the society economic balance, political

stability and social justice. Gessel (1956) in Radda (2005) refers to youth as the young people

whose years fall between 10 and 16.

Based on the forgoing position, this study is set to espouse the implication of youth involvement

in political violence which not only undermines the personal fulfilment of the youth but also the

development of all phases of the Nigerian state,

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The development and progress of any human society is dependent on the availability of peace,

social and economic equilibrium which gives all the leverage to pursue their heart desires

without any form of fear or panic. Given the forgoing, it is important to assert the fact that all

sphere of human endeavor in the present Nigerian state has been transformed into an arena for

the manifestation of violence which is a product of government inability to deliver the greatest

good for the greatest number of people which has caused youth idleness and by implication their

resolve to violence and thuggery. This problem has therefore led to uncontrolled conflict

amongst all class in the country. Based on the forgoing position, this research is posed to espouse

the implication and effect of youth involvement in violent act as a negation of the country’s drive

for viable economic development which is only obtainable in an atmosphere of peace and

tranquility.

3
1.3 AIMS AND OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY
The major aim of the research is to examine the role of Political violence and Thuggery in

Sokoto South Local Government of Sokoto State, Nigeria

1. To investigate the level of political thuggery in Sokoto South, between 1999 and 2023.

2 To compare the social behavior of youths from stable homes and those from unstable homes in

Sokoto South Local Government.

3 To ascertain the cause of political thuggery in Sokoto South Local Government.

To examine some special factors, courses and effect of political violence in Sokoto South Local

Government.

1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

2. Did youths participate in political thuggery in Sokoto South between 1999 and 2023? We

3. What are the causes of political thuggery in Sokoto South Local Government.?

4. What is the influence of parental background on political thuggery among youths in Sokoto

South; between 1999 to 2023?

5. To what extent is the social behavior of youths in stable homes different from those in

unstable homes in Sokoto South?

1.5 RESEARCH ASSUMPTIONS

This research work is based on the following assumptions of thuggery in Nigeria.

4
1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The study: is hoped to be significance to parents, politicians, youth and the: government. The

result of the study will serve as a base for taking paper actions bs towards reducing violence and

thuggery in Nigeria. The study will also’serve as a stepping stone educational guideline on the

youth involvement in political violence and thuggery. It is important to argue that the enormity

of the problems of political violence in Nigeria is very great, since achievement and the failure is

significantly perceived by Nigerian society youth and government as a core determinant of

success in life, solution to this, problem should be found out.

1.7 SCOPE OF THE STUDY

This project is based on youth involvement in political violence and thuggery in Nigeria. The

study also examined some special factors, causes and effects re fon of political violence and

thuggery in Nigeria .It is limited to Sokoto South Local Government.

1.8 DEFINITION OF TERMS

1. Political violence: refers to all collective attacks with a political community against the

political regime.

2. Politics: The art of science of government or governing especially the governing of a political

entity such as a nation and the administration and control of its internal and external affairs.

3. Thuggery: The act of physical violence as could be performed by thugs. The oxford dictionary

of curt English (1998), defined thuggery as violence act or behavior by ruffians. It is observed

that thuggery has relationship with violence activities.

5
4. Youth: The condition of being young, the appearance, freshness, vigor puberty, spirit etc. the

early period of life from puberty to attainment of full growth ' adolescence

5. Hooliganism: is the disruptive or unlawful behavior such as rioting, bullying and vandalism.

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.1 CONCEPTUAL DEFINITIONS/CLARIFICATION

2.1.1 Political Thuggery and Violence

Like many other concepts in the social sciences, political violence has no universal definition

due its nature and vagueness (Mars, 1975:221; Bamikole, 2013:316). For instance, there is no

clear distinction between political violence and other concepts such as terrorism, insurgency,

force, crime, etc.

6
The two terms have been used interchangeably. For instance, there is no much difference

between Anifowose's description of political violence and Samuel's definition of political

thuggery. Anifowose (1984) described political violence as, the use of threat or physical act

carried out by an individual or individuals within a political system against another individual or

individuals and/or property with the intention to cause injury or death to the persons and/or

damage or destruction of property and whose objective, choice of target or victims, surrounding

circumstances, implementation and effects have political significance, that is tend to modify the

behavior of others in the existing arrangement of power structure that has some consequences for

the political system.

Whereas Samuel (2011:29) defined political thuggery as “any act of intimidation, violence,

hooliganism, brutality or gangsterism, whether leading to death or not, calculated to pose a threat

or scale political opponent or perceived political opponents before, during or after elections and

aimed at achieving an undue political result or advantage.

According to Bufacchi (2009:551), “an act of violence is political when it involves the actual or

potential violation of someone's basic rights.” In this regard therefore, if a citizen is actually or

potentially deprived of his/her franchise, he is a victim of political violence. According to Halliru

(2013:209), political violence “refers to all collective attacks within a political community

against the political regime, its actors including competing political groups as well as incumbents

or its policies.” The weakness of this definition is that, it considered criticizing government

policies as an act of political violence. Hoffman and Graham (2009:500) defined political

violence as “the use of violence sometimes in situations in which people have reasonable

avenues of peaceful protest”.

7
2.1.2 Concept of Youths.
The youths period is the transitional stage between childhood and adulthood that move forward

from a child to an adult Nauret, (2009). Hence, youths period is a transitional period, where an

individual reaches to the physical maturity.

According to National Middle School Association (NMSA) (2007), youths is a distinct period of

human growth and development situated between childhood and adulthoods. During this

remarkable stage of the life cycle, young youths (10 to l5years) experience rapid and significant

developmental change. Youths are characterized by their diversity as they move through the

puberty growth cycle at varying times and rates.

According to Hudson and Gray (1986), this period distinguished among males and females quite

evidently by developing sexual characteristics. However, the secondary sexual characteristics

become visible during prepubescent period. In the prepubescent period, a female may begin to

develop her breast buds around the age of 8 years, which take the mature shape with full breast

development during late youth phase. Apart from that, pubic hair growth - armpit and leg - has

been observed during 9 to 10 years, where the distribution pattern becomes prevalent at the age

of 13 to 14 years. Another significant physical change that occurs in youth females is the

menarche. In general, the menarche occurs after 2 years of prepubescent changes. A male penis

size reaches to its adult size around 15 -16 years of age.

They also stated that occurrence of nocturnal emissions is around every 2 weeks interval

consisting of seminal fluid which may define the onset of puberty among male youths. This

typically occurs during the age of 13 years to 17 years. A contemporaneous brisk of growth in

height is noticed between ages of around 10.5 to 11 years and 16 to 18 years, with a peak period

8
characterized around the age of 14 years. Another significant change according to Hudson and

Gray (1986), in males is the changes in voice which is usually parallel to penis development,

whereas the occurrence of nocturnal emissions corresponds with the peak period of height spurt.

In the area of intellectual development Fulmer (2007), stated that, young youths are in period of

transition from concrete thinking to abstract thinking and they prefer active over passive learning

experiences Youths are curious and have a wide range of intellectual pursuit but few are

sustained later in life. Youth especially during the early youth period are inquisitive about adults,

often challenging their authority and always observing them. In the area of moral development,

Fulmer (2007) stated that youths are generally idealistic, desiring to make the world a better

place and to become socially useful. Youths often show compassion for those who are

downtrodden or suffering they also have special concern for animals and the environmental

problems that our world faces. They are moving from acceptance of adult moral judgments to

development of their own personal values; nevertheless, they tend to embrace values consonant

with those of their parents, (Fulmer 2007). Steinerg (2005), noted that anecdotal evidence and

self-report data suggest children seem to become progressively self-conscious and concern about

people as they go through puberty and the period of youth and the emotional and social context

of youths is markedly different to that of childred and adult. Relationship with peers, family and

society goes through distinct changes during the time. The school context at this time has an

intensive socialization process on these youths, (Berzonsky and Adam 2003).

2.2 THEORETICAL ISSUES

This study anchors on some scientific proven theories that explain how behaviors in human are

influenced by people, situation or environment. Social Learning Theory posits that people learn

from one another, via observation, imitation, and modeling. Bandura (1964) noted that youth
9
learn through observing others’ behavior, attitudes, and outcomes of those behaviors. Most

human behavior is learned observationally through modeling: from observing others, one forms

an idea of how new behaviors are performed, and on later occasions this coded information

serves as a guide for action. Social learning theory explains human behavior in terms of

continuous reciprocal interaction between cognitive, behavioral, and environmental influences.

The necessary conditions for effective modeling of behaviors according to Bandura are:

1. Attention: various factors increase or decrease the amount of attention paid. Includes

distinctiveness, affective valence, prevalence, complexity, functional value. One’s characteristics

(e.g. sensory capacities, arousal level, and perceptual set, past reinforcement) affect attention.

2. Retention: remembering what you paid attention to. Includes symbolic coding, mental images,

cognitive organization, symbolic rehearsal, motor rehearsal

3. Reproduction: reproducing the image. Including physical capabilities, and self-observation of

reproduction.

4. Motivation: having a good reason to imitate. Includes motives such as a past (i.e. traditional

behaviorism), promised (imagined incentives) and vicarious (seeing and recalling the reinforced

model)

Bandura believed in “reciprocal determinism”, that is, the world and a person’s behavior cause

each other. He suggested that behavior causes environment, therefore the behaviors determine

the kind of environment or home where people live. Later, Bandura soon considered personality

as an interaction between three components: the environment, behavior, and one’s psychological

processes (one’s ability to entertain images in minds and language).

10
Social learning theory was used in this study to examine the relationship between parent’s

marital situation and their youths behavior. The relevant aspect of the social learning theory to

this study is , the behavior of the parents determines the type of parental background they create

for their children ,as youths learn more through observations’ and role modeling. Therefore the

necessary measures to make youths exhibit positive behaviors everywhere they go should be

introduced by the parents by them being to their children a good role model of emulation.

Theoretically, one can hypothesize that the type of family environment a youth comes from

influences the behavior exhibited.-The family has relationship with the youth behaviors;

therefore portraying right qualities help youths to lives well.

2.3 EMPIRICAL STUDIES

The researcher reviewed journals and theses reports from internet and came up with the

following related empirical studies on this topic. Ewumi, (2009) investigated the effect of family

background, size and structure of youths’ emphatic functioning in Wamakko Local Government

Area of Sokoto state, in Nigeria. The objectives of the research were to investigate if the

influence of some parental factors on youths emphatic functioning, and to determine the impact

of family background, structure and family type on youth emphatic functioning. The research

design used was ex-post factor.

The sample size comprised of hundred male and hundred female from four villages in the

community. The youths were randomly selected and the total sample size used was two hundred.

The research instrument used for the data collection was 28 item interpersonal questionnaires. A

5-point likert — type response scale was used.

11
The data was analyzed using the analysis of variance statistics. Frequency table was used to

identify the population perception of the respondents. The study found out that youth emphatic

functioning would not be influenced by the size of their family, It also stated that youths from

different parental background would differ in emphatic functioning.

The research study investigated that youths from intact families had a high mean score on

emphatic functioning compared to the youths from single families. The similarity of the previous

study with the current study is that both seems to discuss on how the parental background

influences the behaviors of youths, the former focused on the emphatic behaviors of youth, the

present study focused on the emotional and social behaviors of youths. Both research studies

employed the use of Analysis of variance to test the significant level at both 0.05. However the

difference between the two studies are, the previous study investigated both variables of family

size and parental background, while the present study concentrated on the parental background

The sample size of the previous research work was 200 youths both males and females —

university youths, however the present study sample size was 370 respondents from secondary

schools in Kaduna State.

Another study was carried out by Eweniyi (2008), on the impact of parental background on

youth’s academy performance in Sokoto State. The aim was to fine out the academic

performance of youths from single homes and those stable family background. The research was

also aimed at finding the academic performance of the both gender from the both type of homes.

The research design used was descriptive, the sample consisted of 240 youths drown from the

Faculty Science, Education , Art and Social science Faculties in Sokoto state University, Sokoto

state, 120 youths from single parent home and 120 from stable family background families were

12
the population size. The data was collected using counseling Achievement grade form. The

statistical tool used to analyze the data was to test, and the formulated Null hypothesis was tested

at .05 levels level of significant.

The result indicated that there was an enormous difference in the academic performance of

youths from single parent family than those from stable family background families, with a

calculated t-value of (4.63) greater than the critical tvalue of (1.96).The result also stated that

there was a great difference of the academic performance of the both sex from single and stable

family background home, However it was observed that the age limit of the youths used as

sample were not indicated. The finding covered tertiary institutions which the academic

performance of each youth varied, because of the difference course of choice.

The research study looked on the academic performance of university youths from single and

intact family in Sokoto state. The present study looked on the emotional and social of youth from

single and stable family background families. The studies both used descriptive design and

questionnaire.

The previous research used 240 subjects but the present study used 370 respondents sample size.

The previous study was conducted in Sokoto South in Sokoto state, but the present study was in

Kaduna state, although both are in Nigeria, The previous study used guidance and counseling

grade forms but the present study used both questionnaire and youths affective assessment

results. Gail (2003) reported a research conducted by Lot (2002) on the sexual behaviors of

youths of secondary school. The aim was to determine whether parental background either

polygamous or monogamous is associated with sexual activity among school youths in Nigeria.

A cross sectional survey design was employed for the study.

13
The population used for the sample was 4,218 youths from 39 school within Plateau state.

However, only 2,705 youths were used in the analysis of the study data. Youths between the ages

of 12-21 years were the age limit used. Multistep logistic regression was used in analyzing the

data. The result of the data showed that 34% of the respondents have ever had sexual intercourse,

41% of these youths reported to be from polygamous family, while 28% of these youths were

said to be from monogamous family. The result indicated that youths from polygamous parental

background were likely to engage in sexual activities than youths from monogamous parental

background.

Lot (2002) research showed that youth’s sense of connectedness to their parents and schools,

decrease the likelihood of sexual activity among Nigeria youth. The researcher observe that the

instrument used to collect the data was not mentioned and a stronger statistical tool could have

been used to ascertain the influence on parental background on youth behaviors, as other factors

could make an youth to be sexual exposed before becoming an adult. However, the research

study was clearly stated and straight forward.

The similarity of the previous study and the present research showed that both focused on

youths’ youths from secondary. They were also common, as both focused on the parental

background. The difference here is the previous research dealt with polygamous group, while the

present research studied single parent families and the intact parent families of both

monogamous and polygamous homes.

Another study was conducted by Alawode, (2000) on the influence of single parenting on the

academic achievement of youth in Sokoto state. The objectives were to investigate single

parenting effects on the academic achievement of the youth and also to find out the influence of
14
gender and religion on youths academic achievement in secondary school. It was also aimed at

determining the difference of the academic achievement of youth from single homes and those

from intact homes in Sokoto State.

The sample size comprised of 50 youths from intact homes and 50 youths from single homes of

both Muslim and Christian background. 5 schools were randomly selected from Wamakko Local

Government Area in Sokoto state. The total sample size was one hundred (100) with the youth

age range of 13 —19yrs with a mean of 15.3 standard deviation. The research instrument used

for the data collection was the academic records of the youths in Mathematics and English

examinations also with questionnaires. Descriptive statistic was employed; tallies and frequency

tables were also used to identify the respondent perceptions. Youths T-test statistics was used to

analyze the data collected. The findings of the study reviewed that there was a high scores on the

academic performance of youths from intact homes than those from single parenting homes.

The result of the research also stated that there was a significant difference between the academic

achievements of girls from single parenting homes than boys from single parenting homes. The

result obtained was there is no significant difference between the academic achievement of

Christians and Muslims youth from single parenting homes.

Alawode studied the influence of single parenting in the academic achievement of youth in

Sokoto South in Sokoto state. The current study found out the emotional and social behavior of

youths from single parenting homes and dual parenting homes in Kaduna state. The present

study shared similarity with Alawode’s studies as both study used youth from secondary schools

within the age range of 13 — 17years. Descriptive survey was employed in his research and

same was employed for this present research using youth T-test to test the difference between
15
variables. The major differences in the two studies are Alawode study used both academic

records of the youth and questionnaires as the research; the present study used both archival

records of the youths and questionnaires. The previous study used a hundred respondent as the

sample size, the present study used 370 respondents.

The previous study was carried out in one Local government area; the present study was carried

out within the three senatorial district of Kaduna state. The researcher observed that the data

collected percentages was not used in the process of analyzing the data. Furthermore the sample

size used was small compared to the populations.

2.4 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Conflict/Marxist theory shares the same assumptions concerning the nature and origin of

electoral violence in the society. Marxist situates every social action within the ambit of

economic base and lays much emphasis on historical and dialectical materialism as a

methodological device. Conflict theory emphasizes that electoral violence encourages conflict

which is the hallmark of the society (Yecho, J.I. 2005), The theory is based upon the view that

the fundamental causes and origin of electoral violence are the social and economic forces that

operates within society. The conflict theory, therefore stresses that the wealthy could acquire

arms and weapons to perpetuate electoral violence.

2.5 Conflict Theory

Karl Marx (1818-1883) is the exponent of conflict theory. Other proponents of conflict theory

include Ludwig (1838-1909), Pareto (1848-1923), George Simmel (1858-1918), Ralph

Dahrendorf, Gluckman, M. (1965), Lewis Coser (1956/1968), and Gurr, T. (1968). Conflict

theorists are of the view that there are groups in the society that have different interests. In this

16
regard they believe that social arrangement will tend to benefit some groups at the expense of

others. This is because of existence of the different interests, the potentials and the likelihood of

conflict is always present. According to this theory, some groups come to dominate others and to

win for themselves a disproportionate share of the society’s political power, which includes

wealth and privileges in the society at the expense of the less powerful ones.

They also incriminate the activities of the less powerful while they protect that of the powerful

persons. Such situations according to this theory creates violence which often lead to violence

especially political violence. The theory is of the view that, the masses are not bound to society

by their shared values, but by coercion at the hands of those in power. This theory emphasizes

social control, not consensus and conformity. Groups and individuals advance their own

interests, struggling over control of societal resources.

Those with the most resources exercise power over others with inequality and power struggles

resulting. There is great attention paid to class, race, and gender in this perspective because they

are seen as the grounds of the most pertinent and enduring struggles in society which often lead

to electoral violence in the society (Anderson, M.L. and Taylor, H.F. 2009).

Conceptually, conflict is an aspect of social interaction that usually arises from the pursuit of

divergent interests, goals and aspirations by individuals and groups in defined social and physical

environments. According to Otite, O. and Albert, I.O. (eds) (1999) conflicts have their objectives

bases in society; and it is daily validated by access to a variety of limited resources which are

created and distributed within defined establishment and locations: political positions (legislative

seats, gubernatorial positions, among others) power and status; grassland, market, water spots for

animals and pasture-routes, jurisdiction of chiefs and kings, leadership of political parties among
17
others. Thus, individuals and groups define a situation of conflict with reference to objective

considerations.

Coser, L.A. (1965) posits that, conflict is a struggle over values and claims to scarce status,

power and resources in which the aims of the opponents are to neutralize, injure or eliminate

their rivals. Where, as Donohue and Kolt (1992) hinted, differences are expressed in the process

of achieving the needs and goals, According to the ECOWAS Conflict Prevention Framework

(ECPF, 2008) conflict refers to the contradictions inherent in power relations and which manifest

themselves in individual and group interactions with one another and with nature in the pursuit

of limited resources or opportunities. Conflict is seen as the motor of transformation and is it

either positive or negative. In effect, it can be creatively transformed to ensure equity, progress

and harmony or destructively transformed to engender acute insecurity.

Akaakuma (2004) observes that, conflict is a social phenomenon but it is important to note that it

is not every conflict that is violent or destructive; some conflicts are mere disagreements or

disputations over issues or interests, which may pave ways for amicable solutions that may bring

the parties involved to closer relations. Dunmoye (2000) admonishes that we should not be

allergic to conflict that we become paranoid as conflict is an inevitable fact of social existence.

In any social formation, conflict is as inevitable as cooperation. Conflict may be functional to

social system by creating a form of social cohesion within a group, but it is the dysfunctional

aspects of it between groups that tend to be of interest to analysts. However, the concern here is

the violent conflicts.

The theory proposes that continual struggles exist among all different aspects of a particular

society. Though these struggles do not always involve physica] violence; there can be underlying
18
efforts by each group or individual within a society to maximize its benefits. The basic

assumptions of modern conflict theory as captured (Ragunathan, J. 2006). Competitions over

scarce resources (money, leisure, sexual partners, and so on) are at the heart of all social

relationships. Competitions rather than consensus are the characteristics of human relationships

in all societies to which this theory is applicable. Structural inequality (inequalities in power and

rewards are built into all social structures) and individuals and groups that benefit from any

particular structure strive to see it maintained. Change occurs as result of conflict between

competing social forces.

In modern society, a source of conflict is power: politicians are competing to enter into a system;

they act in their self -interest, not for the welfare of the people. It arises from the pursuit of

divergent interests, goals and aspirations by individuals or groups in defined social and physical

environment such as contestable access to political positions, or perceptions of new resources

occasioned by development in the physical environment are fertile grounds for conflicts

involving individuals and groups Who are interested in using these resources to achieve their

goals (Aliegba 2004; Otite, O. and Albert, 1.0. (eds) 1999),

Hence conflict like culture is a way of life. It is unavoidable because of difference in perceptions,

goals, orientations, attitudes and aspirations. Mahajan (2004) argues that conflict is the outcome

of exchanges between individuals or groups. In a political system characterized by scarcity of

values, conflict takes the form of a competition for the attainment of goods or values which are

allocated within the system. In a situation of scarcity, competition is intense and frequent. A

conflict process is an ongoing contest between two or more groups each seeking certain rewards

or values which are in short supply. Based on the foregoing assumptions of the theory, the theory

19
has been adopted as the theoretical framework on the study of political thuggery and the

increasing violent crime in sokoto south Local Government Area of sokoto State.

20
 CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY

3.1 RESEARCH METHOD

Descriptive research design was used for this study. Ekeh (2003), stated that descriptive research

design is used to describe an event, situation or phenomenon as it is at the time of study. Survey

method of research is concerned with generalized statistics resulting when data are obtained from

a large number of cases. Since the study is on descriptive survey method was therefore

considered appropriate for this study.

3.2 POPULATION OF THE STUDY

The study population consists of parents and youths in Sokoto South L.G.A. The population

consists of males and females, singles and married, educated and illiterates etc. who are between

18 and 45 years. Drawn from the (11) wards of Sokoto South Local Government Area of Sokoto

State.

3.3 SAMPLE SIZE AND SAMPLE TECHNIQUE

Using Taro Yamane (1967) formula 100 respondents were selected in the Sokoto South Local

Government Area of the study. The method of selection cut across five wards for the sake of

convenience.

The researcher produced and administered a total of one hundred (100) questionnaires out of

which all were adequately completed and returned.

The researcher produced and administered a total of one hundred (100) questionnaires out of

which all were adequately completed and returned.

21
The sample size of 100 was arrived at using this statistical formula to determine the sample size:

The sample size for the study is thus 400. The study used systematic random sampling system to

pick every "5" case in order to get its respondents within the selected areas. While a purposive

method was used to get respondents from Politicians and parents for in-depth interview in order

to cross validate their information with that of the public.

3.4 Sources and Types of Data

The types of data sourced for the study was derived from primary and secondary while the

sources of data are the channel from which information is obtained for the research. The primary

data was collected on the field by the researcher directly from respondents and key informants in

Sokoto South Local Government Area of Sokoto State, using questionnaire and in depth

interview guide design by the research. The sources of primary data are the individuals who

provided information to the researcher. The secondary data was collected from already compiled

documents or materials for other purposes but was useful to the study while the sources of the

secondary data obtained from materials such as census records, journals, official records,

textbooks among others.

3.5 Method of Data Collection

The study made used survey methods of data collection. The data was drawn from the selected

areas using documentary and questionnaires.

3.6.1 Documentary
The researcher made use of available data through the examination of relevant publications,

newspapers and magazines. On the whole, the researcher took advantage of the existing

knowledge on the subject matter available in libraries and other documents.

22
3.7 Validity of the Instrument.
The questionnaire drafted for this study was given to three experts in family and child

development of the rank of Senior Lecturers and Readers, also a Statistical Analyst to vet. The

corrected questionnaires was used for the pilot study to ascertain the validity and reliability of

the instrument for the study.

3.8 RELIABILITY OF THE INSTRUMENT

The data collected from the pilot study were statistically analyzed for the purpose of reliability

co-efficient by using Guttmann option of split-half and Spearman —Brown reliability co-

efficient method. The result of reliability coefficient of alpha level of .966 was obtained. These

reliability co-efficient were considered adequate for the internal consistencies of the instrument,

going by Spiegel and Steven (1990). According to them an instrument is considered reliable if

the reliability lies between 0 and | and the closer the calculated reliability coefficient is to zero,

the less reliable is the instrument and the closer the calculated reliability co-efficient is to 1,the

more reliable is the instrument. This therefore confirms the reliability of the instrument used in

this study as fit for the main work.

3.9 METHOD OF DATA ANALYSIS

Data collected were analyzed in tabular form using appropriate statistical analysis. Descriptive

statistics involving frequency, percentages, means and standard deviation were used for the

demographic variables. For Null Hypotheses 1 to Hypothesis 3, independent t-test was used

because of the independent variables involved (parental background) and (political thuggery) at

0.05 level of significance. Null hypothesis 5 and 6 were tested at 0.05 level of significance using

23
Pearson Product Moment correlation because it relates scores from two factors, (parents and

youths).

24
 CHAPTER FOUR

DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION

4.1 Demographic Attributes of Respondents

This section centered on discussing the demographic attributes of the respondents. These

attributes include: sex, marital status, age, educational attainment, religious, occupational status

of respondents.

Table 4.1.1: Socio-demographic data of respondents

Variable Youths Youths Frequency Parents

Ms x Frequency Percentage Percentage

(%) (%)

Males 39 78 23 46

Females 11 22 27 54

Marital status: 4.1.2

60 42 85

Married 34

90 - -

Single 45

10 8 15

Others 5

25
 50 100 -

Age 18-29

30-45 - - 28 55

46 and above - - 22 45

Educational: 4.1.3

Status Frequency Percentage

Primary/Secondary 18 36 25 52

Tertiary education 22 20 11 21

Others 10 20 14 27

Religious:4.1.4

Frequency percentage

Muslim 44 89 25 82

Christianity 5 10 10

Traditional 1 1 3 8

26
Occupation: 4.1.5

Frequency Percentage

Self -employed - - 17 34

Unemployed - - 7 13

Private organization - - 5 10

Public/civil servant House hold - 21 43

Size

Household Size:4.1.6

1-3 - - 18 35

4-6 - - 23 46

7-9 - - 6 11

Above 9 - - 4 8

Total 50 100 50 100

Source: Field survey, 2023

The table 4.1.1 above indicates that 78% of the youths were male, while 22% were female. This

by implication shows that the youths were mostly male. The table also shows that, 90% of the

youths were single, while 10% were others (engaged to be married or cohabiting). This by

27
implication shows that the majority of the youths were single. The table shows that all the youths

used for this study were aged 18-29 for purpose of the inclusion criteria. The result also indicates

that36%of youths had possessed primary/secondary education, 44% had tertiary education, while

20% were without formal education.

The table above indicates that 46% of the parents were male, while 54% were female. This by

implication shows that the parents involved in this study were mostly female. The table also

shows that, 60% of the parents were married, while 40% were others (widowed or separated).

This by implication shows that the majority of the parents were still married. The result above

shows that 55% of the parents were aged 30-45, while 45% were within the age bracket of 46

and above. This indicates that parents aged46 and above prominently participated in the study.

The table also indicates that 52% of parents had possessed primary/secondary education, 21%

had tertiary education, while 27% were without formal education. The table above shows that,

82% of the parents were Muslim, 10% were Christian while 8% were Traditional worshippers.

This by implication shows that the majority of the parents were Muslim. The table above

indicates that, 34% of the parents were self-employed, 13% were unemployed, 10% were

working in private organizations while 43% were public/civil servant. This implies that the study

area was dominated by public/civil servants. Finally, the result shows that 35% of the families

were 1-3 in size, 46% were 4-6 in size, and 11% were 7-9 in size while 8% were above 9 in

family size.

4.2 Analysis of survey Question

Table 4.1.2: Response on selfishness of the politicians are the motive behind introduction of

political thugs in Sokoto South L.G.A

28
Response Youth Parents

Frequency (F) percentage (%) Frequency (F) percentage (%)

Strongly Agreed 25 50 23 46

Agreed 15 30 17 34

Strongly disagree 2 3 7 14

Disagree 9 17 3 6

Total 50 100 50 100

Table 4.1.2, Above shows that 50% of the youths strongly agreed that selfishness of the

politicians are the motive behind introduction of political thugs in Sokoto South L.G.A ., 30%

agreed, 3% strongly disagreed while 17% disagreed. Among the parents, 46% strongly agreed

that selfishness of the politicians are the motive behind introduction of political thugs in Sokoto

South L.G.A ., 34% agreed, 14% strongly disagreed while 6% disagreed. This by implication

means that selfish motives of politicians cause political thuggery in Sokoto South L.G.A.

Table 4.1.3 Responses on Ignorance is one of the causes of political thuggery in Sokoto

South L.G.A.

Response Youths Parents

Frequency (F) Percentage (%) Frequency (F) Percentage (%)

Strongly Agreed 23 45 26 51
29
Agreed 18 35 15 30

Strongly 3 5 5 10

Disagreed

Disagreed 8 15 5 9

Total 50 100 50 100

Table 4.1.3 above shows that 45% of the youths strongly agreed that ignorance is one of the

causes of political thuggery in Sokoto South L.G.A ., 35% agreed, 5% strongly disagreed while

15% disagreed that lack of ignorance is one of the causes of political thuggery. Among the

parents, 51% strongly agreed that ignorance is one of the causes of political thuggery in Sokoto

South L.G.A ., 30% agreed, 10% strongly disagreed while 9% disagreed that lack of ignorance is

one of the causes of political thuggery. This by implication means that ignorance causes political

thuggery.

Table 4.1.4 Responses on Financial problem breeds political thugs in the society

Response Youth Parents

Frequency (F) Percentage (%) Frequency (F) Percentage (%)

Strongly Agreed 21 42 24 48

30
Agreed 19 38 16 32

Strongly 4 7 3 5

Disagreed

Disagreed 7 13 8 15

Total 50 100 50 100

Table 4.1.4 above shows that 42% of the youths strongly agreed that financial problem breeds

political thugs in the society, 38% agreed, 7% strongly disagreed while 13% disagreed that

financial problem breeds political thugs in the society. Among the parents,48% strongly agreed

that financial problem breeds political thugs in the society, 32% agreed,5% strongly disagreed

while 15% disagreed that financial problem breeds political thugs in the society. This by

implication means that financial problem and poverty is a factor that contributes to political

thuggery.

Table 4.1.5Responses on Unemployment encourages political thuggery in Sokoto South

L.G.A.

Response Youth Parents

Frequency (F) Percentage (%) Frequency (F) Percentage (%)

Strongly Agree 23 45 28 55

31
Agree 18 35 15 30

Strongly 3 5 3 5

Disagree

Disagree 8 15 5 10

Total 50 100 50 100

Table 4.1.5 above shows that 45% of the youths strongly agreed that unemployment encourages

political thuggery in Sokoto South L.G.A ., 35% agreed, 5% strongly disagreed while 15%

disagreed that unemployment encourages political thuggery in Sokoto South L.G.A. Among the

parents, 55% of the respondents strongly agreed that unemployment encourages political

thuggery in Sokoto South L.G.A ., 30% agreed, 5% strongly disagreed while 10% disagreed that

unemployment encourages political thuggery in Sokoto South L.G.A. This by implication means

that unemployment can cause violent crime and political thuggery.

Table 4.1.6 Responses on Political thuggery is usually carried out by youths in Sokoto

South L.G.A.

Response Youth Parents

Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage

Strongly Agreed 24 48 26 51

Agreed 16 32 18 35

32
Strongly 3 5 1 2

Disagree

Disagree 8 15 6 12

Total 50 100 50 100

Table 4.1.6 above shows that 48% of the respondents strongly agreed that political thuggery is

usually carried out by youths in Sokoto South L.G.A ., 32% agreed, 5% strongly disagreed while

15% disagreed that political thuggery is usually carried out by youths in Sokoto South L.G.A.

Among the parents, 51% of the respondents strongly agreed that political thuggery is usually

carried out by youths in Sokoto South L.G.A ., 35% agreed, 2% strongly disagreed while 12%

disagreed that political thuggery is usually carried out by youths in Sokoto South L.G.A. This by

implication means that youths are most involved in any political thuggery and civil unrest in

Sokoto South L.G.A.

Table 4.1.7 Responses agreed that Education and schooling discourage youth from political

violent.

Response Youth Parents

Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage

Strongly Agree 25 50 29 57

Agree 15 30 11 22

33
Strongly 2 3 4 8

Disagree

Disagree 9 17 7 13

Total 50 100 50 100

Field Survey, 2023

Table 4.1.7 above shows that 50% of the youths strongly agreed that education and schooling

takes youths off political thuggery, 30% agreed, 3% strongly disagreed while17% disagreed that

education and schooling takes youths off political thuggery. Among parents, 57% strongly

agreed that education and schooling takes youths off political thuggery, 22% agreed, 8% strongly

disagreed while 13% disagreed that education and schooling takes youths off political thuggery.

This by implication means that education and schooling takes youths off political thuggery.

Table 4.1.8 Responses on this strongly suggest that Parental upbringing is a major

determinant of youths' involvement in political thuggery

Response Youths Parents

Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage

Strongly Agree 21 42 25 49

Agree 19 38 16 31

Strongly 3 5 4 8

Disagree

34
Disagree 8 15 6 12

Total 50 100 50 100

Field survey 2023

Table 4.1.8 above shows that 42% of the respondents strongly agreed that Parental upbringing is

a major determinant of youths’ involvement in political thuggery, 38% agreed, 5% strongly

disagreed while 15% disagreed that Parental upbringing is a major determinant of youths’

involvement in political thuggery. Among the parents, 49% of the respondents strongly agreed

that Parental upbringing is a major determinant of youths’ involvement in political thuggery,

31% agreed, 8% strongly disagreed while 12% disagreed that Parental upbringing is a major

determinant of youths’ involvement in political thuggery. This by implication means that

Parental upbringing is a major determinant of youths’ involvement in political thuggery.

Table 4.1.9 Responses on Divorce has a major influence on youths’ involvement in political

thuggery.

Response Youth Parents

Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage

Strongly Agree 23 45 20 40

Agree 18 35 24 47

Strongly 4 7 4 8

Disagree

35
Disagree 7 13 3 5

Total 50 100 50 100

Field survey 2023

Table 4.1.9 above shows that 45% of the youths strongly agreed that divorce has a major

influence on youths' involvement in political thuggery in Sokoto South L.G.A ., 35% agreed, 7%

strongly disagreed while 13% disagreed that divorce has a major influence on youths'

involvement in political thuggery in Sokoto South L.G.A. Among the parents, 40% strongly

agreed that divorce has a major influence on youths' involvement in political thuggery in Sokoto

South L.G.A ., 47% agreed, 8% strongly disagreed while 5% disagreed that divorce has a major

influence on youths' involvement in political thuggery in Sokoto South L.G.A. This by

implication means that divorce has a major influence on youths' involvement in political

thuggery in Sokoto South L.G.A.

Table 4.1.10 Responses on The academic attainment of the individual has a major impact

on youths' involvement in political thuggery

Response Youth Parents

Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage

Strongly Agree 25 50 32 63

Agree 15 30 15 29

36
Strongly 2 3 2 3

Disagree

Disagree 9 17 3 5

Total 50 100 50 100

Field survey 2023

Table 4.1.10 above shows that 50% of the youths strongly agreed that academic attainment of the

individual has a major impact on youths' involvement in political thuggery, 30% agreed, 3%

strongly disagreed while 17% disagreed that academic attainment of the individual has a major

impact on youths' involvement in political thuggery. Among the parents, 63% of the respondents

strongly agreed that academic attainment of the individual has a major impact on youths'

involvement in political thuggery, 29% agreed, 3% strongly disagreed while 5% disagreed that

academic attainment of the individual has a major impact on youths' involvement in political

thuggery. This by implication means that academic attainment of the individual has a major

impact on youths' involvement in political thuggery.

Table 4.1.11 Responses on The socio-economic status of the individual is a major

determinant of youths' involvement in political thuggery

Response Youth Parents

Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage

Strongly Agree 21 24 25 50

Agree 19 38 15 30
37
Strongly 3 5 5 10

Disagree

Disagree 8 15 5 10

Total 50 100 50 100

Table 4.1.11 above shows that 42% of the youths strongly agreed that the socio-economic status

of the individual is a major determinant of youths' involvement in political thuggery, 38%

agreed, 5% strongly disagreed while 15% disagreed that socioeconomic status of the individual

is a major determinant of youths' involvement in political thuggery. Among the parents, 50%

strongly agreed that the socio-economic status of the individual is a major determinant of youths'

involvement in political thuggery, 30% agreed, 10% strongly disagreed while 10% disagreed that

socioeconomic status of the individual is a major determinant of youths' involvement in political

thuggery. This by implication means that the socio-economic status of the individual is a major

determinant of youths' involvement in political thuggery.

Table 4.1.12 Responses on Closeness of parents to youths prevents political thuggery to a

high extent

Response Youths Parents

Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage

Strongly Agree 24 48 20 40

Agree 17 34 21 42
38
Strongly 3 5 4 8

Disagree

Disagree 7 13 5 10

Total 50 100 50 100

Field survey 2023

Table 4.1.12 above shows that 48% of the youths strongly agreed that closeness of parents to

youths prevents political thuggery to a high extent, 32% agreed, 7% strongly disagreed while

15% disagreed that closeness of parents to youths prevents political thuggery to a high extent.

Responses from the parents show that 40% strongly agreed that closeness of parents to youths

prevents political thuggery to a high extent, 42% agreed, 8% strongly disagreed while 10%

disagreed that closeness of parents to youths prevents political thuggery to a high extent. This by

implication means that closeness of parents to youths prevents political thuggery to a high extent.

Table 4.1.13 Responses on Political thuggery rate has increased overtime in Sokoto South

L.G.A.

Response Youth Parents

Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage

Strongly Agree 23 45 27 53

Agree 19 38 16 32

39
Strongly 3 5 4 7

Disagree

Disagree 6 12 4 8

Total 50 100 50 100

Field survey 2023

Table 4.1.13 above shows that 45% of the youths strongly agreed that Political thuggery rate has

increased overtime in Sokoto South L.G.A ., 38% agreed, 8% strongly disagreed while 12%

disagreed that Political thuggery rate has increased overtime in Sokoto South L.G.A. Responses

from the parents show that 53% strongly agreed that Political thuggery rate has increased

overtime in Sokoto South L.G.A ., 32% agreed, 7% strongly disagreed while 8% disagreed that

Political thuggery rate has increased overtime in Sokoto South L .. G.A. This by implication

means that Political thuggery rate has increased overtime in Sokoto South I .. G.A.

4.4 Discussion of Findings

To find out the causes of political thuggery in Wukari, 80% of the respondents agreed that

politician's selfish ambitions, unemployment, ignorance, parental background and status,

financial problems and poverty are the main causes of political thuggery in Sokoto South L.G.A.

The respondents further asserted that education, parental upbringing, home training, and

academic attainment are major influencers of the decision to either oar take in political thuggery

or not. The main participants were identified as the youths. From the study findings, the

respondents (youths and parents), responded in the same direction that there is a strong

40
association and link between parental background and political thuggery in Sokoto South L.G.A.

of Sokoto state.

CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 Summary
It was discovered from the findings of the research that parental background was a major factor

influencing political thuggery among youths in Sokoto South L.G.A. of Sokoto State. Other

influences were unemployment, poverty, political agenda, political thuggery serving as a

lucrative job, weak governance and institutions, poor living standard and low educational

attainment. Regarding the effects of political thuggery in Sokoto South L.G.A. of Sokoto State.

The data gathered revealed that political thuggery ensures in hate speech, disinformation,

physical assault, forced protection, blackmail, destruction of property and destruction, political

instability, cycle of violence and insecurity among others in Sokoto South L.G.A. of Sokoto

State. The findings showed that the phenomenon of political thuggery in Sokoto South L.G.A.

has taken an alarming proportion, thud requiring a serious interests from government and all

stake holders.

It was also discovered from the findings that, the link between parental background and political

thuggery in Sokoto South L.G.A, of Sokoto State, was evident through the socio-economic

status, quality of relationships unemployment among other activities. The findings also shows

41
that the youths are very highly vulnerable in political thuggery as such it has been increasing the

rate of violent crimes in the society.

Regarding the factors militating against the eradication of political thuggery in Sokoto South

L.G.A. of Sokoto State, the findings revealed that selfish political ambitions, weak governance,

lack of basic amenities, low living standard and ineffectiveness of security have been the major

variables aiding & reputedly of electoral violence. The findings also imples that the

ineffectiveness of law enforcement agencies in exorting punitive measures to punish perpetrators

of political thuggery in Sokoto South L.G.A. of Sokoto State limits the eradication of the

menace. Also, the findings provides implications that the inability of society to provide a legal

framework to prosecute electoral offenders has increases the chances of political thuggery

thriving among youths in Sokoto South L.G.A. of Sokoto State.

5.2 Conclusion
From the findings of the study, it is revealed that the problem of political thuggery increasing

violence in Sokoto South L.G.A. is of great concern to government and individuals since several

years ago and stems from the parental background, This problem seems to be increasing at a high

rate because of unemployment, money politics, phenomenon of Godfatherism, unpopular

candidates, role of security agents, and lack of internal party democracy. The family and parents

have a role to play in grooming and maintaining moral and ethical youths who can engage in

positive means of earning a living and desist from social vices and criminal activities such as

political thuggery.

Basically, the problems of political thuggery have also led to the following effects;

It affect the governance of the state.

42
 Thus It affect the general welfare. Thus, this study on parental background and political

thuggery among youths in Sokoto South L.G.A. has shown that political thuggery is the problem

and has adverse effects on the administration of government and the society at large.

5.3 Recommendations
Based on the findings of the study, the following recommendations were made:

1. Government should increase the severity of the punishment on the offender and put more

security measures to detect the act in order to deter people from the act.

2. The creation of jobs and empowerment schemes by the Government and society can help

to reduce this social malaise.

3. Sensitization, encouragement and promotion of free and fair electioneering process in

the society.

4. Training and retraining of security agents and agencies to manage and curb this menace.

5. Increment and creation of security personnel’s and agencies to watch or curtail this

social problem.

6. The enlightenment and discouragement of the dangers of corruption to society,

7. The Government and society should increase the level of education among citizens.

REFERENCES
Abekhale, S.0, and Tor-Anyin (2013). Political Thuggery and Security m Benue State:

Counselling Intervention. Farind, 11(1): 90-95.

43
Adeniyi, E. (2011). “Unemployment: Nigeria is sitting on a keg of gun-powder, Chief Michael

Obasahon’ Sunday Tribune, December 11, p.17.

Anderson, M.L. and Taylor, H.F. (2009) Sociology: The Essentials. Belmont, C A: Thomson

Wadsworth, CliffsNotes.com. Three Major Perspectives in Sociology, 22 Jun 2011.

http://www.cliffsnotes.com/study_guide/topicArticleld-26957,articleld-26837. html,

Retrieved: February, 25/2017,

Anifowose, R. (1982), Violence and Politics in Nigeria: The Ti and Yoruba Experience. Enugu:

Nok Publishers. [Second Edition 2005}.

Asaju, K. (2015). Democratic Governance, Federal Character Principles and National

Development in Nigeria. Review of Public Administration & Management Vol., No, 8,

December 2015.

Asaju, K. (2015). Sustaining Democratic Role in Nigeria: The Corruption Tide. Advances n

Social Sciences Research Joumal, 3(1), 1-12 URL: http: //dx.doi.org/10.14738/assr}.

12.512.

Coser, L.A. (1956). The Function of Social Conflict. Glencoe III: The Free Press.

Diamond, L, Kirk-Greene, A. & Oyediran, O. (1997). Transition without End: Nigerian Politics

and Civil Society under Babangida. Ibadan: Vantage Publishers Ltd.

Ezen, S.C.0.A. (2004). Basic Principles of Research in Education. Enugu: Cheston Agency

Limited. Falana, F. (2009). "The limits of electoral reforms” Nigerian Compass,

Thursday, June 11, p3i,

44
Falade, D. (2010). “Jonathan, Jega and the quest for credible elections” Nigerian Tribune,

Monday, June 21, p39.

Fabowale, Y. (2011). “Oyo’s political killing field: Who will bail the pacesetter state from

Adedibu's legacy?” Daily Sun, Friday, March 11, p22.

Fischer, J. (2002). Electoral Conflict and Violence: A strategy for study and prevention. IFES

White Papers. Washington, D.C.

IFEShttp://unpani.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/untc/unpan019255.p df

(Retrieved 2017/06/18).

Galtung, 3. (2000), “Violence and Peace”, in Smoker, P.R. and Munske, B, [eds.] A Reader in

Peace Studies. Oxford: Pergamum Press. p.1-4.

Gluckman, M. (1965). Customs and Conflict in Africa. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.

Gurr, T. (1968). Why Men Rebel. Princeton, New Jersey:Princeton University Press. p.210222.

Ibrahim, J. & Garuba, D. (2008). Modeling Success: Governance & Institution Building in West

Africa and the Nigerian Dilemma of Systemic & Institutional Constraint (A study of the

Independent National Electoral Commission — INEC). Abuja: Centre for Democracy

and Development.

Jegede, S. (2003), “Inter and Intra-Party conflicts and the Future of Democracy in Nigeria” in

Olosupo, B.A. (ed.) Electoral Violence in Nigeria: Issues and Perspectives. Lagos:

Frederick Ebert Stifung (FES, Publications).

45
Kurfi, A. (2005). Nigerian General Elections, 1951-2003: My Roles and Reminiscences. Ibadan:

Spectrum Books Limited. p.22.

Ladan, M.T. (2007), “Enforcement of Electoral Law and Electoral Violence in Nigeria”, in

Malu, N. Ogbu, O.N. (eds.) Enforcement of Electoral Law and Reduction of Electoral

Violence in Nigeria. Abeokuta: Pan-African Strategic & Policy Research Group

(PANAFSTRAG-NIG) and IDASA Publications.

Mbaya, P.Y. (2013). The Implication of Political Thuggery on Social —Economic and Political

Development in Maiduguri, Borno State Nigeria, International Journal of Asian Science,

3(10): 2010-2013.

Odiuwri, E. (2003), “The Governors, Their Godfathers” Thisday, Saturday, July 19,pp.4748.

Ogundiya, I. S. and Baba, T.K. (2007), “Electoral Violence and Prospects of Democratic

Consolidation in Nigeria”, in Jega, A and Ibeanu (eds.) Elections and the Future of

Democracy in Nigeria. Abuja: NPSA.

Okohue, P. (2001), “End of the Road for Godfathers” Nigerian Compass. Friday, April 29, p.i.

Olagunju, T. (1993). Transition to Democracy in Nigeria (1985-1993). Ibadan: Safari Boos Ltd.

Omeje, K. (2010). “Internal Party Democracy and the comeback of Atiku Abubakar”. Daily

Independent, Friday, November 26, p33.

Oni, S, (2011). “Transformation to revolution: GE} in 18 months” The Nation, Tuesday,

December 6, p21.

Osehobo, V. (2011). “10 die in Edo ACN Primaries”, Nigeria Pilot, Friday, January 14, p17.
46
Ottie, O. and Albert, 1.0. (eds.) (1999). Community Conflicts in Nigeria: Management,

Resolution and Transformation. Ibadan: Spectrum Books Ltd.

Ragunathan, V. (2006). “War is a Complex, Multi-Symptom Disease”. Tlankai Tamil Sangam.

(Available Online at http://sangam.org/taraki/articles/2006/0407_War_is_the_Disease.

php?uid= 163).

Thorpe, C.A.M (2009), “Impact of the Political Environment of a Country and its Electoral

Process — A case of Sierra Leone's Electoral Reform Programme 2005-2008” in Equal

Justice. Vol. 8 (34); June 2009, pp. 26 - 31. Kaduna: Human Rights Monitor (HRM).

Yecho, 1.1. (2005) Policing Crime or Status? A Review of Police Law Enforcement; In”

Economic and Research: Makurdi, Department of Economic, Benue State University,

47