Browne Darwin Caricature

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Darwin in Caricature: A Study in the Popularisation

and Dissemination of Evolution


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Browne, Janet. 2001. Darwin in caricature: A study in the popularisation and dissemination of
evolution. Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 145(4): 496-509.

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Darwin in Caricature:
A Study in the Popularisation
and Dissemination of Evolution1
JANET BROWNE
Reader, Wellcome Trust Centre for the History of Medicine
University College of London

N THE YEARS that followed the publication of the Origin of


Species Darwin became one of the most famous naturalists in the
world, "first among the scientific men of England," as Edward
Aveling put it, his name inextricably linked with the idea of evolution
and with the larger shifts in public opinion gathering pace as the cen-
tury drew toward a close.2
Few other scientific theories have spread as far as Darwin's theory
of evolution by natural selection. Within ten years of publication in
London of On the Origin of Species (1859) there were sixteen different
editions in England and America, and translations into German,
French, Dutch, Italian, Russian, and Swedish, accompanied by impor-
tant commentaries, criticisms, and supporting texts. There would be
many more to come. Through these means people all over the developed
world were able to read Darwin's work in their own languages and, if
they wished, participate in what was one of the first truly international
scientific debates.
This extraordinary phenomenon has, of course, attracted much
scholarly attention. Much of Darwin's prominence was expressed in
characteristically nineteenth-century form. Well-established analyses
by Thomas Glick, whose admirable volume first opened up the field
of comparative reception studies, by Alvar Ellegard on the reception of
Darwin's theories in the British periodical press, and Ron Numbers's
recent book Disseminating Darwin, have long been regarded as stan-
dard works. The collected Correspondence of Charles Darwin, edited

1Read 27
April 2001.
2 Edward
Aveling,Students'Magazineof Scienceand Art, 2 September1878, and Thomas
Henry Huxley, CharlesDarwin, Obituary,Nature, 27 April 1882.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICALSOCIETY VOL. 145, NO. 4, DECEMBER 2001

[496]
DARWIN IN CARICATURE 497

by FrederickBurkhardtand Duncan Porter,is furthermorebeginning


to revealin marvellousdetail the full impact of Darwin'sbook on the
intellectualworld.3 "It is curioushow nationalityinfluencesopinion,"
said Darwin, noting the differingresponsesto his work in Franceand
Germany.
Yet few of these studiesdelve into non-scientificrealmsor ask how
Darwin'swork becamepart of the richly varied world of nineteenth-
centurypopularculture,flourishingbeyond the boundariesof learned
journals and professional societies. Studying the popular reception
of Darwin's theories has a great deal to tell us about the way science
and culturemeet at varioustimes in history.4Most ordinarypeople in
nineteenth-centuryEuropeand America,after all, usuallyencountered
sciencethroughpopularculture-through newspapersand magazines,
sometimesa museumor art gallery,or throughbiographiesand mem-
oirs. Therewere plenty of sites of productionand consumptionin Vic-
torian Britainin which scientificideas could be found. These included
exhibitions, menageries,freak shows, agriculturalcontests, horticul-
tural displays,music halls, and consumergoods, as well as fashionable
crazesthat caughtthe imagination,such as mesmeristdisplays.5
Darwin's theory was no exception. Individuals could, if they
wished, acquire a pottery statuette of a monkey contemplating a
human skull. The Soviet leaderVladimirLenindisplayedone of these
on his Kremlindesk in the 1920s.6 Or they might pay to gape at Julia
Pastrana,the "MissingLink,"whose mummifiedbody toured eastern

3Thomas F. Glick, ed., The ComparativeReception of Darwinism, reprintedwith a new


preface (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988); Alvar Ellegard, Darwin and the
General Reader: The Reception of Darwin's Theory of Evolution in the British Periodical
Press, 1859-1872, with a new forewordby D. L. Hull (Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress,
1990); Ronald L. Numbers and John Stenhouse,eds., DisseminatingDarwinism: The Role
of Place, Race, Religion, and Gender (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1999); and
FrederickH. Burkhardt,SydneySmith, et al., eds., The Correspondenceof CharlesDarwin,
vols. 1-11 (1821-63) (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1983-99). Darwin'sletters
are summarisedin FrederickH. Burkhardt,Sydney Smith, et al., eds., Calendarof the Cor-
respondenceof CharlesDarwin, rev. ed. (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1994).
4 The most authoritative
essays summarisingmodernhistoricalthought about Darwin are
still to be found in David Kohn, ed., The Darwinian Heritage (Princeton,N.J.: Princeton
UniversityPressin association with Nova Pacifica, 1985).
5From the wide range of literature, see Richard D. Altick, The Shows of London
(Cambridge,Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1978), and the essays in N. Jardine, J. A.
Secord, and E. Spary,eds., Culturesof Natural History (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity
Press, 1996).
6 Illustratedin Robert Service, Lenin: A Biography (London: Macmillan, 2000). There
were probablyseveralsuch statuetttes.A "monkeywith Darwin'shead" was exhibitedin the
Darwin CentenaryExhibition,Cambridge1909. See also RichardFreeman,CharlesDarwin:
A Companion (Folkestone:Dawson, 1978), 98.
498 JANET BROWNE

Europe in 1862.7 British connoisseurs were able to commission an ele-


gant piece of Wedgwood ware decorated by Emile Lessore with cherubs
clustering around the tree of life.8 They could sing a duet at the piano
on the "Darwinian Theory," read edifying popular romances such as
Survival of the Fittest, or give their children nursery primers called
Daddy Darwin's Dovecot. Spanish gourmets might drink a glass of
Anis from a bottle depicting a Darwinian imp: "science says it is the
best-and that's the truth," declared the label. And farmers in upstate
New York could medicate their livestock with Darwin's unknowing
blessing. The agricultural firm of G. W. Merchant, of Lockport, near
Rochester, New York, advertised its Gargling Oil with an ape that
sang:
If I am Darwin'sGrandpa,
It follows, don't you see,
That what is good for man & beast
Is doublygood for me.9

All these commercial products made Darwin and his intellectual


achievement fully tangible to his own generation and the one that fol-
lowed him.
Darwin was also one of the few scientists to have been portrayed in
an extraordinary variety of printed cartoons, caricatures, humorous
songs, and written satire. Indeed it is a little surprising that apart from
a number of studies of medical lampoons,10 Martin Rudwick's account
of geological caricature, Jim Paradis's study of Victorian scientific sat-
ire, and Patricia Fara's work on the iconography of Isaac Newton and
Joseph Banks, caricatures have not featured very much in the history

7Jan Bondeson, A Cabinetof Medical Curiosities(New York:Tauris, 1997), and Martin


Howard, VictorianGrotesque.An IllustratedExcursioninto Medical Curiosities,Freaksand
AbnormalitiesPrincipallyof the VictorianAge (London:JupiterBooks, 1977).
8Illustratedin Robin Reilly, Wedgwood, 2 vols. (London: Macmillan, Stockton Press,
1989), 2:130, underthe title, "The DarwinianTheory."It was producedby Emile Lessorein
1862. I doubt whether it was ever available in mass-producedform.
91 am extremelygratefulto A. WalkerBinghamfor providingme with informationabout
this firm and its advertisements.See also Henry W. Holcombe, Patent MedicineTax Stamps.
A History of the Firms Using United States Private Die ProprietaryMedicine Tax Stamps
(Lawrence,Mass.: QuartermanPublicationsInc., 1979), 367-77.
10 Standard sources are Mortimer
Frank, "Caricature in Medicine," Bulletin of the
Society of Medical History of Chicago (1911-16), 1: 47-57; ChaunceyD. Leake, "Medical
Caricaturein the United States," ibid. (1928-35), 4: 1-29, and A. Weber,Tableau de la
caricature medicale (Paris: Hippocrate, 1936). More recently, see Fiona Haslam, From
Hogarth to Richardson:Medicinein Art in Eighteenth-CenturyBritain (Liverpool:Liverpool
UniversityPress, 1996), and Roy Porter,Bodies Politic: Disease, Death and the Doctors in
Britain, 1650-1914 (London:Reaktion Books, 2001).
DARWIN IN CARICATURE 499

of science.11 In fact the visual side of science is often underestimated.


Caricatures, for example, vividly present the voice of the people. A
humorous cartoon is a unique form of communication between
human beings that makes new ideas, or the difficulties inherent in new
ideas, obvious. We have only to think of modern cartoons, with their
complex juxtaposition of ideas, and the way the humour does not
travel very well from country to country, to understand how they are
very specific to their own cultural context, each with its predominant
concerns. With their free use of stereotypes and topical comments,
they provide insights into the way at least some of the nation regards
science.
It is not possible to dwell on the rich and well-documented history
of satirical tradition except for a word or two of definition.12 Carica-
tures, as the term's origin indicates, tended to emphasise prominent
features of a person's character, often with cruel intent. Cartoons
became popular as a specially English device in 1843 with John Leech's
drawings in Punch-although this form of line drawing was evidently
known much earlier. These were altogether milder, a more gently
humourous form of topical comment than the biting political satire
of Rowlandson or Gillray at the end of the eighteenth century. Dra-
matic changes in printing technologies in Europe and America, and
the diversification of audiences for all forms of periodical literature in
the first half of the nineteenth century, created a real expansion in the
numbers of people ready to engage with the new wave of illustrated

11M.J.S. Rudwick, "Caricatureas a Sourcefor the History of Science:De la Beche'sAnti-


Lyellian Sketches of 1831," Isis 66 (1975): 534-60; idem, "The Emergenceof a Visual
Language for Geological Science, 1760-1840," History of Science 14 (1976): 149-95;
James G. Paradis, "Science and Satire in Victorian Culture," in Bernard Lightman, ed.,
VictorianSciencein Context (Chicago:Universityof Chicago Press, 1997), 143-75; Patricia
Fara, "Faces of Genius: Images of Newton in Eighteenth-CenturyEngland," in Geoffrey
Cubitt and Allen Warren, eds., Heroic Reputations and Exemplary Lives (Manchester:
Manchester University Press, 2000), 57-81, and idem, "The Royal Society's Portrait of
Joseph Banks," Notes and Records of the Royal Society 51 (1997):199-210. See also Janet
Browne, "Squibsand Snobs:Sciencein Humorous BritishUndergraduateMagazinesaround
1830," History of Science 30 (1992): 165-97.
12Mark Hallett, The Spectacleof Difference:GraphicSatirein the Age of Hogarth (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1999); M. L. Townsend, Forbidden Laughter: Popular
Humour and the Limits of Repression in Nineteeenth Century Prussia (Ann Arbor:
Universityof Michigan Press, 1992); and J. Weschler,A Human Comedy:Physiognomyand
Caricaturein Nineteenth Century Paris (London: Thames and Hudson, 1982). See also
M. D. George, English Political Caricature:A Study of Opinion and Propaganda (Oxford:
ClarendonPress, 1959). An interestingsidelightis cast on Goethe in David Kunzle, "Goethe
and Caricature:from Hogarth to Topffer,"Journal of the Warburgand CourtauldInstitute
48 (1985): 164-88. The roots of celebrity caricatureare explored in Wendy Wick Reeves,
Celebrity Caricaturein America (New Haven: SmithsonianInstitution in association with
Yale UniversityPress, 1998).
500 JANET BROWNE

material.13Harper'sWeekly,Punch, Fun, and illustratedjournalslike


HouseholdWordswerewidelydistributedfrom 1850 onwards.At W.H.
Smith's,a newsagentin the Strand,in London,in the 1860s, therewere
150 differentperiodicalsfor sale.Similarly,
at Mudie'sCirculatingLibrary,
a readercould have found mass-circulation editionsof Dickens'snovels
illustratedby Hablot Brown (Phiz).Thesewere domesticatedline draw-
ings,relyingon familiarstereotypesand middle-classvalues.In the hands
of John Doyle ("HB")and his son RichardDoyle, then SirJohnTenniel,
EdwardLinleySamborne,ErnestGriset,andCharlesKeene,cartoons,espe-
ciallyin England,cameto expressbroadlymiddle-of-the-road opinion.14
Victorianhumoristsgrabbedtheir chancewhen the Origin of Spe-
cies was published."AmI a Man and a Brother?"askeda gorillain the
May 1860 numberof Punch, echoing the popular perceptionof Dar-
win's work. AlthoughDarwindid not mentionhumanevolutionor the
possibleancestryof mankindin the Originof Speciesthis was the con-
troversialsubjectthat dominateddebateafterpublication.The notorious
confrontationbetweenBishop SamuelWilberforceand Thomas Henry
Huxley at the British Association for the Advancementof Science
meeting in Oxford, in July 1860, made the point obvious. Apes and
angelsquicklybecamethe issue on which Darwin'sand Wallace'stheo-
ries were hotly debated, a good example of the public wishing to dis-
cuss themesthat were not presentin the scientificwork presentedto it.
The cartoonplaysspecificallyon the Britishanti-slaverycampaignof the
1830s, taking up the well-known motto of the crusade,and Paul Du
Chaillu's accounts of ferocious gorillas in west Africa.15
Am I satyror man?
Praytell me who can,
And settlemy place in the scale.
A man in ape'sshape,
An anthropoidape,
Or monkeydeprivedof his tail?

13RichardD. Altick, The English Common Reader:A Social History of the Mass Reading
Public, 1800-1900 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957), and John Feather, A
History of BritishPublishing(London:Croom Helm, 1988). For readerresponsetheory, see
U. Eco, The Role of the Reader: Explorations in the Semiotics of Texts (Bloomington:
Indiana UniversityPress, 1979). A useful account of the rise of illustratedtexts is by J. R.
Harvey, VictorianNovelists and TheirIllustrators(London:Sidgwickand Jackson, 1970).
14 Richard
Price, A History of Punch (London:Collins, 1957). The magazine Punch was
particularly noted for its exhaustive chronicling of Benjamin Disraeli's ascendency.
Representationsof Darwin, and of science in general, form only a very small proportion of
the visual imageryin the magazine.
15Punch 40 (18 May 1861): 206. For Du Chaillu,see StuartMcCook, "'ItMay Be Truth,
But It Is Not Evidence': Paul Du Chaillu and the Legitimation of Evidence in the Field
Sciences,"Osiris 11 (1996): 177-97.
DARWIN IN CARICATURE 501

Irresistibly,the Punch cartoonists indicated that apes were more


intelligentthan humansbecausethey at least knew when to keep silent.
A Mr. G-G-G-O-O-O-rilla,beautifullydressedin eveningclothes, was
picturedarrivingas a guest at a high-societyparty.Typologicalsatire
flooded its pages, linking the Irish political question against appear-
ances from Mr. O'Rilla, contributingto Punch'slong-runningattack
on the Irish nation, which even before Darwin'swritingsoccasionally
includedthe simianisationof Irish facial features.Appreciativeof the
public taste for apes, Punch dedicatedits 1861 ChristmasAnnual to
the gorilla, and showed Mr. Punchplaying leapfrogwith his alter-ego
for the year.16
Another set of cartoons by Charles Bennett, published in 1863,
showed transformationsfrom inert objects like a leg of mutton into
humans. Circularityas a motif also came over very stronglyin Henry
Woolf's full-pagecartoon in Harper'sWeeklyof "The DarwinianStu-
dent's After-DinnerDream," in which knives and forks metamor-
phosed into the girl the student wishes to marry.17The shift towards
these circularimages of evolutionaryprogressionis interestingwhen
compared with Darwin's more linear branchingtree. In the Origin
Darwintook pains to emphasisethat evolutionwas neitherprogressive
nor circular.
The BritishmagazineFun also ran cartoonsof Darwin.When Prin-
cess Louise, the oldest daughterof Queen Victoria,marriedthe Mar-
quis of Lorne in 1874, Fun parodied the wedding procession by
includingthe figuresof "Dr.Darwin and our distinquishedancestor"
among the trumpetersand royal guests-a drawingof Darwin escort-
ing an ape down the aisle. A representationof Darwin similarly
appearedin the pages of the Londonedition of Figaropolitely inviting
an ape to contemplateits futurein a hand-mirror,supportedby appro-
priatequotationsfrom Shakespeare.Thesecartoonsparodiedthe point
whetherhumanswere descendedfrom apes. While drawingon age-old
themesof metamorphosisand the beast that invariablyresidesin man-
kind, they created a genuinelyalternativeway of commentingon the
implicationsof Darwin'stheory.18
Such visual commentarieswere not confined to Britain.Talented
caricaturistslike "AndreGill" in La Charivari(1832), WilhelmBusch

16 Discussed in Paradis
(note 11), 158.
7Republishedin album form in Charles H. Bennett, CharacterSketches, Development
Drawings and Original Pictures of Wit and Humour (London, 1872). The evolutionary
cartoons run under the subtitle "The Origin of Species Dedicated by Natural Selection to
CharlesDarwin." For Woolf, see Harper'sWeekly,23 December 1871, 1209.
18Fun, "The Wedding Procession," 25 March 1871; Figaro (Figaro's London Sketch
Book of Celebrities),"Prof.Darwin. This is the ape of form," 18 February1874.
502 JANET BROWNE

MONKEYANA.

FIGURE1. The first and most famous of Punch's images


to display the implications of evolutionary theory. The
cartoon also plays on contemporaryanti-slaverymovements
in Britain.From Punch, 18 May 1861. Courtesy Wellcome
LibraryLondon.

I. C I; ";-IV
C. b .
I..:
-, .
'^^^^te^~~i.:l:.
..~U~F? ^r^.i~t?
??. g

MR BERGH TO TEE RESCUE.

FIGURE2. Thomas Nast, the crusading American cartoonist, con-


tributed several politicised gorilla sketches to Harper's Weekly during
the 1870s. The caption: "THE DEFRAUDEDGORILLA.'That Man
wants to claim my Pedigree. He says he is one of my Descendants.'
MR. BERGH. 'Now, Mr. DARWIN, how could you insult him so?"'
From Harper's Weekly,19 August 1871. Courtesy British Library.
DARWIN IN CARICATURE 503

...,

'0o. C.-WBAT MARK TOUR ARS 0 LO


U ?r-(DAulXrrT.) ur CMAtm. iL.

FIGURE 3. The evolution of a barrel and goose into a man wearing


tails. By CharlesH. Bennett, from a series called The Origin of Species,
Dedicated by Natural Selection to Dr. Charles Darwin. No. 6, 1863.
Courtesy Wellcome LibraryLondon.
504 JANET BROWNE

.
I

A LOGICAL REFUTATION OF MR. DARWIN'S THEORY.

FIGURE 4. In Britain comfortable middle-class values were simulta-


neously exposed and confirmed by evolutionary caricatures.The cap-
tion: "Jack(who has been reading passages from the 'Descent of Man'
to the Wife whom he adores, but loves to tease). 'So you see, Mary,
Baby is Descended from a Hairy Quadruped,with Pointed Ears and a
Tail. We all are!' Mary. 'Speak for yourself, Jack! I'm not Descended
from Anything of the Kind, I beg to say; and Baby takes after me. So,
there!'"FromPunch, 1 April 1871. CourtesyWellcomeLibraryLondon.

FIGURE 5. After the Descent ofMan


was published in 1871 Darwin was
frequently caricatured as an ape.
From Figaro'sLondon Sketch Book of
Celebrities,18 February1874. Courtesy
Wellcome LibraryLondon.

PROF.DARWIN.
Thi, is the apec of firm.
Lor'. LabforLost, act 5, -cene 2
Some f6uT or ive descents silce.
Atl' II'l ph, tt in,S l'l/, ;.cot 3, so. 7.
DARWIN IN CARICATURE 505

PIETY AND PARALLEL.


ni_ celebrated N en-
ctnformist Divir e
Iil~),,"D 't 'the Commonwealth
<-Xt@vf:2
K fl R . -* alld lRedoratiuon,
atld FIGURE 6. During the
=write the Sma;its1
rati- qrl lestq the 1870s caricaturists
vetted, and another
lawkening appeal
increasingly included the
addressed to bhrist.
ian backslidera, is
motif of a tree, making
i Pl
said to have been ac- allusion to the apish
_nXW~-~BYt, ___- whenever
rosCn8tomned,
hLesaw a criminal on
his way to the gal- origins of human beings
loea, to exclaim, as well as the evolutionary
. "There, hut fIe di-
'* tX l _ _|=
vine grae',
iXtITAllD
taoe
s
BAXTER.
" tree itself. This ape is
5,,
g_____11~~~~
FA
< di Ctiriguish ed Na-
turalist, author of the reading a copy of the
__
recerntly
work
puiblished
en the rpxres- Origin of Species. From
K ti=t~~
~sionN<z I~ me
of the Einttions
Punch, 30 November
i,,. J,fi,~.,atnd.A ..ilais,
ii tX y y a tsaH
seqanel to his famous 1872. Courtesy Wellcome
@, oif'jY
_
,&
2 1 = - - treatise oa the Des-
,tt' (f).-tin , may be
41/A\f~ :ti
- J u.;
ij.m
agine
12f-
d o e nasinn- ~~~~~ r.}
Library London.
ally giving utterancue
vt, a corresponding
though different rec
fleotion. At the sight of aimukey scratching himself tn the
Gardns, that philosopher mlight with mech proprietyZoologieal
observe,
" There, but for Natral Selection and the Struggle for oExisteneot
sits CaaIos Damwei'."..

C,-

L
w,:r ' ??
t%
2 z%
~ '. ; -?

I ~A ~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~:

FIGURE 7. Andr6 Gill, the Parisian caricaturist, used Darwinism to


make trenchant political and philosophical points. The figure of Emile
Littr6, the arch-materialist, encourages Darwin to crash through circus
hoops labelled "Credulit6" and "Superstitions." From La Lune,
"L'homme descend du singe,"18 August 1878. Author's collection.
506 JANET BROWNE

in Fliegende Bldtter (1844), and Thomas Nast in Harper's Weekly


(1851), who memorably documented the Civil War and etched the ele-
phant and donkey symbols into the American political mind, purveyed
Darwinism along with the ironies of their own culture. In 1871, when
Darwin's Descent of man was widely reviewed in American journals,
Nast produced a cartoon for Harper's Weekly in which a gorilla
accuses Darwin of wanting to claim his pedigree.19Nast linked this to
a vendetta against Mr. Bergh, of a rival journal. Such idiomatic trans-
formations of high science are ripe for a great deal more study by his-
torians of popular scientific culture.
With publication of the Descent of Man in 1871, followed by
Expression of the Emotions in 1872, Darwin himself entered the car-
toons, usually as the ape itself. His personal facial attributes, such as
his beard, the great dome of his skull, and the beetling eyebrows, were
already relatively familiar to the public from the Vanity Fair chro-
molithograph and photographic images reproduced in the Illustrated
London News and elsewhere.20Such recognition was unusual at a time
when mass publicity was only in its infancy, even more so for a scien-
tist. Nevertheless, Darwin's facial features were heavily emphasised
in every caricature around the time of the Descent of Man and the
Expression of the Emotions. At one level, the cartoonists were proba-
bly playing on the acknowledged iconography of intellectuality. Any
caricaturist of the day would have emphasised the typical attributes of
knowledge, such as spectacles, an absent-minded air, a blackboard,
and so on.
One picture in Fun (27 July 1871), titled "A little lecture by Profes-
sor D n on the development of the Horse," showed Darwin as an
absent-minded professor in front of a blackboard, with a handkerchief
tumbling out of his trouser pocket to mimic a monkey's tail. The joke
lay in his explanation of the transmutation of a horseradish plant into
a racehorse through ten nonsensical horsey stages, including a clothes-
horse, Louis Quart-horse, and a Hors-de-combat.21
But there was also an element of creative stereotyping going on.
Darwin's general hairiness could easily be turned into the animal fur of
anthropoid apes. Add a tail, and there was an image immediately con-

19Harper'sWeekly,"Mr.Berghto the Rescue," 19


August 1871.
20 Steel
engravedportraitsof Darwin are in IllustratedLondon News 58 (1871): 244, and
Harper'sWeekly 1871, 308. See also "Men of the Day, No. 33. Natural Selection," Vanity
Fair,September1871, by Carlo Pellegriniunderhis customarybyline of "Ape" (althoughthe
Darwin print was in fact unsigned).
21Fun, "A little lecture by ProfessorD n on the development of the horse," 22 July
1871.
DARWIN IN CARICATURE 507

veyingthe idea of humanevolution. The Hornet displayedDarwinas a


"VenerableOrang-Outang:A contributionto UnnaturalHistory" in
March 1871. The Dalziel brothers,the most eminent team of British
wood-engraversof the period, produced the same set of symbolic
devicesin "ThatTroublesour Monkey again" for Fun in 1872.22The
Dalzeils add a well-bred young woman to accentuatewhat was to
them the shocking idea of apish relatives in the family tree. These
picturesof Darwin-as-apeor Darwin-as-monkeyreadilyidentifiedhim
as the authorof the theory,in much the sameway as a tricornehat sig-
nalledNapoleon. "Ah,has Punchtakenme up?"Darwinaskeda friend
in 1872. "I keep all those things.Have you seen me in the Hornet?"23
It is significantthat hardlyany of the other Victorianevolutionists
appearin cartoons, and of those who do appearHuxley is by far the
most regular.24None appear as an ape. This simplificationof com-
plex scientificmoments of discoveryand exposition is perhapsto be
expected.Yet it goes to show how quickly-and how easily-evolution
by natural selection became almost exclusively associated with Dar-
win's name, reducing the important roles of Huxley, Charles Lyell,
HerbertSpencer,Asa Gray,and especiallyAlfredRusselWallace.
At the same time, the evolutionarytree made a literal appearance.
Darwinwas often depictedas a monkey sittingin, or swingingfrom, a
tree, that was in turn sometimeslabelledthe "treeof life." Punch cari-
caturistsput an ape in a tree diligentlyreadinga copy of the Origin of
Species.Figaroshowed a hairyDarwinamongthe branchesof "A Dar-
winian hypothesis." The Parisian satirical journal, La Petite Lune,
dangledhim from the "arbrede la science"with an eleganttail draped
over his arm.25
The twin imagesof an ape and a tree establishedthat the theoryof
human descent was the message. Few other scientifictheories would
have been so quicklyidentifiedin the public printsof the day. A hairy,
apish Darwin and a tree became easily recognisableimages of evolu-
tionaryideas-as recognisablean image as the double helix of DNA is
today.
As an antidoteto this rathergenteel,friendlyportrayalin the Brit-
ish press,at least one Frenchcaricaturecarriedmore of a menacingair.
A printmade by AndreGill broughtthe radicalnatureof naturalselec-

22Hornet, "A venerable Orang-Outang. A contribution to unnatural history," 22 March


1871, and Fun, "That troubles our monkey again," 16 November 1872.
23James
Hague, "A Reminiscence of Mr. Darwin," Harper's New Monthly Magazine 69
(1884): 759-63, p. 760.
24 Dawson
Turner, Catalogue of the Huxley Papers at Imperial College London.
25Punch,
"Piety and Parallel," Figaro, 28 October 1871, and La Petite Lune.
508 JANET BROWNE

tion to the fore. It was published in the Parisian magazine La Lune in


August 1878.26 Under the caption "L'homme descend du singe," Dar-
win appeared as a monkey at the circus, bursting through a paper hoop
labelled "Credulite" and aiming for another marked "Ignorance" and
"Superstition." The hoops are held by Emile Littre, the medical writer
and populariser of Comte, who was repeatedly denounced in France as
an arch-fiend of scientific positivism. The message was that rational
thought would smash through Catholic ignorance, a powerful force for
change.
In Britain there was a vast satirical attack on the Anglican religion,
labelled "Our National Church," known in two versions, one pub-
lished in 1873, the other in 1883.27 The central feature is the dome of
St. Paul's Cathedral serving as an umbrella in a storm, indicating the
key role of the Church of England in the state. But the umbrella cannot
shelter all the dissenting groups, shown here as Broad Church, Low
Church, High Church, No Church, Catholicism, and Science. Darwin
is included as a dissident voice, indicating the way to rational thought,
which he calls sunshine and light. Huxley and Tyndall, two prominent
critics of establishment religion, carry flags behind him.
These two theological caricatures-the French and the English-
bring a vivid sense of immediacy to the debate surrounding Darwin's
work. In both of them, the idea of evolution is seen as a liberating force
that reaches beyond the boundaries of professional science.
In conclusion, it seems very probable that these visual statements
propelled the idea of evolution out of the arcane realms of learned soci-
eties into the ordinary world of humour, newspapers, and demotic lit-
erature. Without Mr. Punch's gorillas, or Figaro's monkeys, the full
implications of Darwin's densely-packed theory would have taken
much longer to sink in.
Furthermore, the cartoons fused the notion of evolution with the
personal identity of Darwin, a matching of theory with author that
surely contributed to the highly personalised response to the Origin of
Species and perhaps also to the increasing use of the term Darwinism
rather than (say) Spencerism, or Wallaceism. Generally speaking it is
not easy for an artist to draw a picture of scientist that also conveys his

26La Lune, "L'hommedescend du


singe," 18 August 1878.
27Discussed in Warren Sylvester Smith, The London Heretics, 1870-1914 (London:
Constable, 1967). Smith attributesthe text of the print to George Holyoake, pp. xiii-xvi.
This complex picture primarilyplayed on James Martineau'sattempts during the 1870s to
unite all clergymenunderthe single umbrellaof a "national"church,and the looming menace
of evolutionary theory was merely one of several perceived threats to the establishment.
Darwin had both. His copies are in DAR 141:10 and 11. I am gratefulto Jim Moore for his
help on this issue.
DARWIN IN CARICATURE 509

or her theory-Newton has his mythicalapple of course, Einsteinhis


formulae.28But these are accoutrementsspecificto the kind of knowl-
edge produced,merelypictorialconventionsfor representingabstract
achievements,in the sameway as a scientistis often depictedin a labo-
ratory or book-lined study.29The caricaturesof Darwin, by contrast,
actuallyshow him as his theoryor as a consequenceof his theory.
Withoutwanting to claim too much for caricatureand cartoonsas
a means of understandingthe Darwinianrevolution,it does seem pos-
sible to view mass-producedcaricaturesin socially positive terms, as
contributingto a greatergroupidentity,perpetuatinga sharedideology,
and raisingcommon anxietiesabout the implicationsand consequences
of evolutionary ideas. These caricaturesare not just a transparent
mediumof communication,not justillustrations,but could be the actual
shapers-maybe even realisers-of nineteenth-century popularthought.

28The creation of such legends is touched on in Richard Yeo, "Genius, Method and
Morality:Imagesof Newton in Britain,1760-1860," Sciencein Context 2 (1988): 257-84,
and Alan J. Friedman and Carol C. Donley, Einstein as Myth and Muse (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1985). See also Pnina Abir Am and Clark A. Elliott, eds.,
"CommemorativePracticesin Science. Historical Perspectiveson the Politics of Collective
Memory," Osiris 14 (1999).
29There is a large body of relevant literature on the history of portraiture. Scientific
portraitureis authoritativelyexplored by LudmillaJordanova, Defining Features,Scientific
and Medical Portraits 1660-2000 (London:Reaktion Books, 2000).

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