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Abstract
As the expiration date of the Japan-Korea joint development of the continental shelf in
the East China Sea comes closer, the joint development agreement is becoming a hot
issue between Korea and Japan. The Joint Development Zone (jdz), established under
the joint development agreement, is set to expire in 2028 unless the two countries
agree otherwise. Despite not having any commercially significant discovery of oil and
gas in the jdz, it has served as a provisional arrangement to manage peacefully the
disputed continental shelf in the tri-junction where China also claims jurisdiction.
Given its significant role in the peaceful management of overlapping marine resources
and jurisdiction claims over decades, the two countries need to engage in negotiations
to come up with a solution to the pending issues concerning the development of the
jdz. The jdz area has the potential to become a flashpoint of conflicts in the strained
relations between the two countries, if the agreement expires without any provisional
or permanent arrangements.
Keywords
1 Introduction
A report of geophysical survey in the Yellow Sea and the East China Sea, con-
ducted by the UN Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East (ECAFE),
presently known as the UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the
Pacific (escap) – a parent body of the Coordinating Committee for Geoscience
Programmes in East and Southeast Asia (ccop) – made a tremendous impact
on international relations in East Asia. The undertaking of the survey was
actually led by the U.S. government with participation from Japan, Korea, and
Taiwan.
The report made public in early 1969 revealed that “a probability exists that
the continental shelf between Taiwan and Japan may be one of the most pro-
lific oil reservoirs in the world, to the extent of being close to the one existing
in the Persian Gulf” and that “a second most favorable area for oil and gas is
beneath the Yellow Sea.”1 The scientists added that “further detailed seismic
studies were required in the general sedimentary basins in order to obtain
more definitive data on the shapes and extents of these small structures.”2 The
1969 report was reconfirmed later by independent Japanese as well as Chinese
researches.3
These survey results prompted the coastal States of East Asia, including
China, Japan, Korea and Taiwan, to hastily claim their own sovereign rights
over the supposedly oil-rich continental shelf, ushering them into a so-called
“sea-bed oil war.” Their first and foremost attempt to this end was to establish
sea-bed zones on the high seas. By late September 1970, the three coastal States
– Japan, Korea and Taiwan – unilaterally declared their own sea-bed mining
zones in the East China Sea and the Yellow Sea, which are 17 zones in total.
The problem is that most of their claims overlapped, with only four of the 17
zones uncontested. As part of bolstering their claims, they rushed to sign oil
concession contracts with Western oil companies. They hoped that their uni-
lateral claims prior to maritime boundary delimitation between the coastal
States would entitle the claimant with vested rights to the shelf in question
and, consequently strengthen its bargaining position.4
1 Choon-ho Park, East Asia and the Law of the Sea (Seoul National University Press, Seoul,
1983), p. 127.
2 Ibid.
3 Zhiguo Gao and Wu Jilu, ‘Key Issues in the East China Sea: A Status Report and
Recommended Approaches’, in Selig Harrison, (Ed.), Seabed Petroleum in Northeast Asia:
Conflict or Cooperation? (Washington D.C., Woodrow Wilson International Center for
Scholars, 2005), cited by Monika Chansoria, 1969 Report by UN Economic Commission for
Asia and the Far East: A Turning Point in the Historical Debate over Senkaku Islands, 2(3)
Japan Review (2018).
4 Park, supra note 1 at 129.
China abruptly lodged strong protests in December 1970 over the three coastal
States’ scheme for joint development, claiming its own sovereignty over the
continental shelf where the joint development was to take place. China’s pro-
tests were believed to come out in consideration of the circumstances: (i) the
1969 survey result was reconfirmed by independent Japanese and Chinese
researches; and (ii) its claim to the ownership of the Senkaku (Diaoyu) islands
would be prejudiced by the Japanese claim of the continental shelf.
In the aftermath of Chinese protests, exploration activities grinded to a halt
mainly because American concessionaires had withdrawn out of fear that they
would be entangled in maritime disputes. Furthermore, Taiwan dropped out
of the joint development scheme due to its particular political relationships
with China. As a result, the three coastal States’ scheme for a trilateral joint
development of oil was not made possible. Japan and Korea, which were hun-
gry for oil, however, were determined to push forward a bilateral joint develop-
ment scheme. While in negotiations late in 1972, the first global oil crisis served
as a decisive stimulus in concluding a joint development agreement between
the two countries, which were in bitter relations out of the Japanese 36 years’
rule over Korea (1910–1945).
The 1969 International Court of Justice’s (icj) ruling based on the natural
prolongation of land territory principle in the 1969 North Sea Continental Self
cases also served as a contributing factor to making the joint development
scheme. Prior to the ruling, the 1958 Geneva Convention on the Continental
Shelf5 providing for the median line principle “in the absence of agreement”
or “special circumstances” was a commonly recognized principle. The icj
came up with the principle of the natural prolongation of the land territory or
domain or land sovereignty of the coastal State into and under the high seas.
According to the icj’s ruling, the rights of the coastal State to its continental
shelf are derived from its sovereignty over the land domain, and the delimita-
tion of the continental shelf is carried out on the basis of geology or geography
of the seabed which is a continuation of the land territory, rather than the
notion of proximity.6
5 1958 Geneva Convention on the Continental Shelf, Art. 6(1): Where the same continental
shelf is adjacent to the territories of two or more States whose coasts are opposite each
other, the boundary of the continental shelf appertaining to such States shall be determined
by agreement between them. In the absence of agreement, and unless another boundary line
is justified by special circumstances, the boundary is the median line, every point of which
is equidistant from the nearest points of the baselines from which the breadth of the
territorial sea of each State is measured.” [emphasis supplied].
6 North Sea Continental Shelf, Judgement, I.C.J. Reports, 1969, p. 31, paras. 43–44.
The Korean government granted concessions for the exploration of the con-
tinental shelf in the Yellow Sea and East China Sea to several major foreign oil
companies in accordance with the Submarine Resources Development Law
enacted in 1969. Japan also granted concessions to Japanese oil companies in
the southernmost part of those concession areas extended beyond a hypothet-
ical median line with Korea.7 Korea applied the natural prolongation of land
territory principle in the overlapping continental shelf, as opposed to Japan
which relied on the median line principle.
With dispute over the overlapping continental shelf arising, the two coun-
tries held three consultations between 1970 and 1972 for the delimitation of the
continental shelf. Japan proposed two solutions to the dispute, for which one
is through conciliation and the other is to refer the matter to the icj.8 Finally,
they agreed on a joint development scheme at the ministerial level meeting.
After nine expert meetings, they adopted a draft agreement to jointly develop
the overlapping continental shelf. Japan and Korea signed a historical agree-
ment in 1974, titled ‘The Agreement between the Republic of Korea and Japan
Concerning the Joint Development of the Southern Part of the Continental
Shelf Adjacent to the two Countries.’9
Korea, which was eager to become an oil-producing country, promptly
ratified the agreement in December 1974. However, its entry into force was
not until June 1978 when the Japanese government finally ratified it. Japan’s
delayed ratification was due to political and procedural reasons. Allegedly
there were objections to the agreement, claiming that Japan made greater con-
cessions to Korea for the joint development scheme. For legislative matters, it
was required to legislate a new sea-bed mining law since the land-based min-
ing law could not afford to apply mutatis mutandis to sea-bed mining due to its
unsuitability to the marine circumstances.
In order to address such a legal problem, the Japanese government pro-
posed a bill for ad hoc sea-bed mining to the parliament for its enactment,
along with the joint development agreement for its approval. Recognizing the
objections to the joint development agreement, the Japanese parliament was
slow in deliberating the bill. The agreement was approved in June 1977, but
7 Masahiro Miyoshi, The Joint Development of Offshore Oil and Gas in Relation to Maritime
Boundary Delimitation, 2(5) Maritime Briefing (1999), p.11.
8 Korea Maritime Institute (kmi), “Analysis on Countermeasures to Resuming the Korea-
Japan Joint Continental Shelf Development,” p. 18.
9 “Japan and Republic of Korea Agreement Concerning Joint Development of the Southern
Part of the Continental Shelf Adjacent to the Two Countries,” unts, No. 19778, available at
https://treaties.un.org/doc/Publication/unts/Volume%201225/volume-1225-I-19778-English.
pdf.
the ad hoc bill for the sea-bed mining finally legislated into law in June 1978.
Subsequently the agreement was ratified in the same year. It took four years
until the agreement became effective in 1978.
4.7 Unitization
What if oil or gas deposits straddling the sub-zones of a jdz or the bounda-
ries of the jdz are discovered after a joint development zone is agreed? Unless
there is agreement on the straddling resources, it is highly likely that this new
Subdivision Subdivision
Korea Japan Korea Japan
zone zone
33 Ibid.
34 Jee-hyun Choi, Korea-Japan JDZ to End in Deadlock?: The Potential for Unilateral Korean
Exploration and Exploitation, 51(2) Ocean Development and International Law 165–174
(2020).
35 Ibid.
36 Ibid.
37 Ibid.
38 National Archive, CA001240, cited in Choi, supra note 34.
39 knoc, “25 Years of knoc History,” cited in kmi, supra note 8.
40 Ibid.
41 Ibid.
In August 2002, the two public entities from both countries signed a Joint
Seismic Survey Operating Arrangement (jsoa) and agreed to conduct a
three-dimensional (3D) seismic survey in an identified promising area.42 In
accordance with the jsoa, the two sides conducted a joint survey in subdivi-
sion zone 2, obtained 3D survey data, did computer processing, and analyzed
the results.43 In March 2004, the knoc and the Japan National Oil Corporation
(jnoc) held an expert meeting at which they concluded that there are five
prospects and several leads and furthermore 36 million tons of oil deposits are
likely to exist.44 However, in terms of profitability, Japan and Korea have differ-
ent views. Japan unilaterally declared the suspension of exploration activities
on account of low economic prospects.45
Between 2004 and 2010, Japan and Korea engaged in a joint research, based
on the results of the previous surveys. For Korea, the knoc was a participating
party, but private companies were for Japan. The conclusions of the two coun-
tries after joint researches were quite disparate. In March 2010, Japan declared
its withdrawal from joint researches on account of low probability of oil depos-
its, as opposed to Korea which concluded positive prospects for them.46
6 Issues at Stake
As examined above, there exist a number of issues with respect to the imple-
mentation of the jdz agreement. This section examines the issues arising from
its implementation and prospects for the joint development of the jdz from a
legal, political and practical perspective as well as the positions of Japan and
Korea thereof.
exploitation in subdivision zones 2 and 4. Korea claims that there have been
only 7 exploratory drillings in the 1980s and that the 3D survey in 2004 was
undertaken in parts which covered only 503 square kilometers, and thus there
are still many areas that need to be explored.53
The rationale for Korea’s position are outlined: (i) there is a higher possi-
bility of oil reserves in subdivision zones 2 and 4 on the grounds that they are
within the same geological structure with Longjin and Pinghu deposits in the
immediate vicinity, where China has been producing gas and oil; (ii) low eco-
nomic feasibility is no longer problem because oil prices at present are higher
than in the 1990s; and (iii) there have been substantial technological advances
in oil exploration and exploitation over the decades.
53 Ibid.
54 The Japan-Korea Joint Development Agreement, Preamble.
55 kbs News, supra note 48.
56 kmi, supra note 8.
57 Ibid.
58 The Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties provides the terms for supervening
impossibility of performance (Art. 61) as “the permanent disappearance or destruction of
an object indispensable for the execution of the treaty” as well as fundamental change of
circumstances as “fundamental change of circumstances which has occurred with regard
to those existing at the time of the conclusion of a treaty” (Art. 62).
7.1 Assessments
As noted above, the joint development of the jdz has been in deadlock for
years. In the wake of China’s gas and oil developments in the East China Sea in
recent years, Korea has endeavored to reengage in the development of the jdz
with Japan. However, as discussed earlier, Japan has maintained its negative
position toward the resumption of exploration and exploitation, invoking low
economic feasibility of oil deposits in the jdz, and accordingly not shown any
sign that it will follow Korea’s lead.
Despite no discovery of commercially exploitable oil and gas yet, the jdz
agreement has played a vital role in addressing dispute arising from the absence
of a maritime boundary delimitation between Japan and Korea for decades. Its
role in and contribution to the peaceful management of the disputed conti-
nental shelf between the two countries, which have been in strained political
relationships, should be highly regarded.
The agreement represents a venture model for jointly developing oil and
gas in overlapping claim areas. Under the model, each State party is entitled
to nominate its own concessionaries to undertake development activities.
Having each nominated one or more concessionaries to develop a specific part
of the zone, the State parties are required to ensure that their concessionar-
ies enter into a joint operating agreement with each other. This form of joint
development structure allows each State party to grant development contracts
under its own legislative framework and development regime. The recipients
(contractors) thereof from each state party must enter into joint operating
agreements between/among them to proceed with development operations in
the designated zone.59 The concessionaires will have to divide the petroleum
recovered by the joint venture in the shares that have been agreed upon by the
states. The arrangement sounds quite simple. However, the question arises as
to which laws and regulations – both in relation to petroleum activities and
otherwise – will apply to the zone.
7.2 Prospects
As of this writing (2022), the agreement’s expiration date is six years away.
At that point, termination without first creating further arrangements to
peacefully manage the disputed shelf will likely give rise to new conflicts
between the two countries. However, the two sides are not expected to reach
an agreement to the boundary delimitation of the exclusive economic zone
and the continental shelf, as they invoke disparate principles. Their submis-
sions to the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf regarding
their claims may well demonstrate the differences of their positions. Some
Korean experts doubt that Japan won’t explore and exploit potential reserves
the jdz in response to Korea’s move before the agreement expires,60 and that
Japan instead intends to unilaterally develop the jdz after its expiration. Their
suspicion may stem from the rulings of the International Court of Justice in
maritime boundary delimitation cases, invoking the principle of equidistance
from the coasts of States in dispute where the coasts of the States are less
than 400 miles. With the adoption of unclos, which emphasizes an “equi-
table solution” of boundary delimitation, the principle of the natural pro-
longation of land territory has receded, although unclos incorporated the
land based entitlement of continental shelf into the definition of the con-
tinental shelf.61 If the equidistance criterion is applied after the agreement
expires, large portions of the present jdz would fall within the jurisdiction of
Japan.
59 Hazel Fox, ‘Joint Development and the Institute’s Model Agreement: Summary of
Conference Discussion and the Research Team’s Response’, in Hazel Fox (Ed.), Joint
Development of Offshore Oil and Gas (British Institute of International and Comparative
Law, London, 1990).
60 ‘The 7th Mining Block, The Last Game between Korea and Japan’, 21 March 2020, Korean
Broadcasting System (kbs); Some Korean experts on the program interviewed that
“Japan is not likely to respond to Korea’s calling for the resumption of exploitation and
exploration in the jdz.”
61 unclos, Art. 76.
8 Conclusion
While Korea has been eager to reengage in exploration activities, calling for
Japan’s participation, Japan has not shown its willingness. As the expiration
of the agreement comes closer, at this point, it is not easy to figure out Japan’s
intent in relation to the delimitation of continental shelf. Their disparate posi-
tions are inherently linked to the boundary delimitation in the jdz area. The
jdz is claimed by China, Japan and Korea. In case the joint development agree-
ment is terminated without an arrangement to manage the disputed area, the
jdz area is likely to become a source of intense maritime dispute.
In conclusion, I put forward some suggestions for provisional arrangements
to prevent or mitigate negative impacts that could be incurred by the termina-
tion of the joint development agreement without any follow-up measures to
address disputes in the tri-junctional claim area.
First, Japan and Korea need to agree to extend the duration of the joint
development agreement, regardless of oil and gas reserves in the jdz. The
extension of the joint development agreement, varying with the agreed period
and depending on the delimitation of the continental shelf, will be a way to
peacefully manage the disputed area within the framework of the existing
agreement. The primary objective of this option is to maintain the status quo
in the disputed area, given that the joint development agreement has effec-
tively worked as a mechanism that has mitigated and moderately managed the
disputed continental shelf claims.
Second, the two countries need to decide to reengage in the exploration
and exploitation activity, being mindful of the extension of the agreement
unless they are able to complete before it expires. As discussed above, the
Korean government requests Japan to resume the exploration activity with
advanced seismic technology in the areas of higher probability of oil and gas
reserves.
Third, Korea, Japan and China agree to conduct a trilateral joint develop-
ment in the jdz area, given that China is another claimant to the jdz area
and is expected to claim more strongly its right over the continental shelf in
the jdz after the expiration of the Japan-Korea joint development agreement.
In the overlapping claimed continental shelf by the three countries, in which
its boundary delimitation is not expected to be negotiated in the near future,
this option is likely to be a way to use sea-bed resources in the disputed area
in a collaborative way among the disputants as well as peacefully manage the
dispute.
Under the circumstances, the two countries need to engage in negotiations
to come up with a solution to the pending issues concerning the development
of the jdz and the delimitation of the continental shelf. What is apparent is
that the jdz area has the potential to become another source of conflicts in the
strained relations between the two countries, if the agreement expires without
any provisional or permanent arrangements.