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BEETHOVEN 1806
 AMS Studies in Music

W. Anthony Sheppard, General Editor

Editorial Board

Celia Applegate Kevin E. Korsyn

Anna Maria Busse Berger Roberta Montemorra Marvin
Scott K. DeVeaux Nicholas Mathew
Claire Fontijn Inna Naroditskaya
Charles H. Garrett Nancy Yunhwa Rao
Christine Getz Susan R. Thomas
Wendy Heller
Conceptualizing Music:
Cognitive Structure, Theory, and Analysis
Lawrence Zbikowski
Inventing the Business of Opera:
The Impresario and His World in Seventeenth-​Century Venice
Beth L. Glixon and Jonathan Glixon
Lateness and Brahms:
Music and Culture in the Twilight of Viennese Liberalism
Margaret Notley
The Critical Nexus:
Tone-​System, Mode, and Notation in Early Medieval Music
Charles M. Atkinson
Music, Criticism, and the Challenge of History:
Shaping Modern Musical Thought in Late Nineteenth-​Century Vienna
Kevin C. Karnes
Jewish Music and Modernity
Philip V. Bohlman
Changing the Score:
Arias, Prima Donnas, and the Authority of Performance
Hilary Poriss
Rasa:
Affect and Intuition in Javanese Musical Aesthetics
Marc Benamou
Josquin’s Rome:
Hearing and Composing in the Sistine Chapel
Jesse Rodin
Details of Consequence:
Ornament, Music, and Art in Paris
Gurminder Kaur Bhogal
Sounding Authentic:
The Rural Miniature and Musical Modernism
Joshua S.Walden
Brahms Among Friends:
Listening, Performance, and the Rhetoric of Allusion
Paul Berry
Opera for the People:
English-​Language Opera and Women Managers in Late 19th-​Century America
Katherine K. Preston
Beethoven 1806
Mark Ferraguto
BEETHOVEN 1806

Mark Ferraguto

1
 1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.

Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press

198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.

© Oxford University Press 2019

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in

a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
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above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
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You must not circulate this work in any other form

and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.

Library of Congress Cataloging-​in-​Publication Data

Names: Ferraguto, Mark, author.
Title: Beethoven 1806 /​Mark Ferraguto.
Description: New York, NY : Oxford University Press, [2019] |
Series: AMS studies in music | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2019002769 | ISBN 9780190947187 (hardcover : alk. paper) |
ISBN 9780190947200 (epub)
Subjects: LCSH: Beethoven, Ludwig van, 1770-​1827—​Criticism and
interpretation. | Music—​19th century—​History and criticism.
Classification: LCC ML410. B42 F4 2019 | DDC 780.92 [B]‌—​dc23
LC record available at https://​lccn.loc.gov/​2019002769

1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
Printed by Integrated Books International, United States of America
For Lisa
 Contents

List of Figures ix
List of Tables xv
List of Music Examples xi
List of Appendices xvii
Acknowledgments xix
List of Abbreviations xxi

Introduction 1
1 After Leonore 17
2 Music for a Virtuoso: Opuses 58 and 61 47
3 Music for a Diplomat: Opus 59 70
4 Music for a Culture Hero: Opus 60 113
5 Music for a French Piano: WoO 80 148
6 Music for a Playwright: Opus 62 177
Conclusion: “Everyday” Beethoven 207

Works Cited 211

Index 233

vii
 Figures

I.1 Ludwig van Beethoven (1804). Portrait by Joseph Willibrord Mähler

(1778–​1860). Photo: Rudolf Stepanek. Beethoven-​Haus Bonn. 5
1.1 Faniska, from Wiener Hof-​Theater Taschenbuch auf das Jahr 1807,Vierter
Jahrgang (Vienna: Joh. Bapt. Wallishausser, 1808). Division of Rare and
Manuscript Collections, Cornell University Library. 24
1.2 Fidelio, from Wiener Hof-​Theater Taschenbuch auf das Jahr 1815, Zwölfter
Jahrgang (Vienna: J. B. Wallishausser, 1815). Division of Rare and
Manuscript Collections, Cornell University Library. 25
1.3 Harmonic rhythm in Beethoven, Symphony No. 4, i, mm. 187–​334. 39
1.4 Prolonged harmonies in Beethoven, Symphony No. 4, i, development,
showing functional reinterpretations. 40
3.1 Le Russe prenant une Leçon de Grace à Paris. Paris: Paul André Basset,
1815. Anne S. K. Brown Military Collection, Brown University Library. 98
3.2 Count Andrey Kyrillovich Razumovsky (1776). Portrait by Alexander
Roslin. National Gallery of Victoria, Melbourne. Everard Studley
Miller Bequest, 1962. 101
3.3 Palais du Prince Rasoumovsky. [Vienna]: Maria Geissler, [1812?]. Ira
F. Brilliant Center for Beethoven Studies, San José State University. 101
4.1 “Sun of German Composers.” Engraving by A. F. C. Kollmann.
Reprinted in “Anekdote,” Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung 2, no. 5
(October 30, 1799), cols. 102–​4, 104. 118
4.2 Cover pages with title vignettes showing Haydn and Mozart,
Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung 7 (1804–​5) and 8 (1805–​6). 120
4.3 Joseph Haydn (1806). Portrait by Isidor Neugass. Photo: Gerhard
Wasserbauer,Vienna. Esterhazy Privatstiftung, Eisenstadt Palace. 122
4.4 Ludwig van Beethoven (1806). Portrait by Isidor Neugass. Fassung
Lichnowsky. Beethoven-​Haus Bonn. 122
6.1 Design for Heinrich von Collin’s funeral monument by Heinrich
Friedrich Füger. Frontispiece to Moritz von Dietrichstein, Ueber das
Denkmahl des k. k. Hofrathes und Ritters des Leopold-​Ordens, Heinrich
Joseph Edlen von Collin (Vienna: Anton Strauß, 1813). Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek München. 179

ix
x List of Figures
6.2 “Veturia,” from Heroines of History (1530–​62). Engraving by Virgil Solis.
The British Museum. 194
6.3 Coriolan et Véturie, ou le respect filial (1790). Engraving by Jean-​Jacques
Avril after a painting by Jean-​Jacques François Le Barbier. The British
Museum. 196
6.4 Veturia fordert Coriolan auf, die Stadt zu verschonen (1809). Engraving by
Vincenz Georg Kininger after a painting by Heinrich Friedrich Füger.
Österreichische Nationalbibliothek. 197
 Music Examples

I.1 Beethoven, Piano Concerto No. 4 in G Major, Op. 58, i, m. 1, first

edition (Vienna: Bureau des Arts et d’Industrie, 1808). 4
I.2 Beethoven, Piano Concerto No. 4 in G Major, Op. 58, i, m. 1,
according to Czerny. 6
2.1 Parallel Appearances of the “Expressive” Topic. 64
a. Beethoven,Violin Concerto in D Major, Op. 61, i, mm. 297–​304
b. Beethoven, Piano Concerto No. 4 in G Major, Op. 58, i, mm. 228–​34
2.2 Beethoven, Piano Concerto No. 4 in G Major, Op. 58, i, mm. 226–​31,
published solo part versus sketched variant. 68
3.1 “Ah, Whether It’s My Luck, Such Luck” (Akh! talan li moi, talan
takoi), in Lvov-​Pratsch Collection (LPC), 1806. 72
3.2 Beethoven, String Quartet No. 7 in F Major,
Op. 59, no. 1, iv, mm. 1–​19. 78
3.3 Derivation of fugato theme from Thème russe (mm. 267–​84). 80
a. Thème russe (mm. 1–​8)
b. Fugato theme (mm. 267–​70, transposed for ease of comparison)
c. Fugato (mm. 266–​84), showing contrapuntal combinations
of x and y
3.4 Derivation of secondary theme from Thème russe countermelody
(mm. 45–​61). 82
a. Thème russe countermelody, mm. 1–​8
b. New four-​bar antecedent phrase
c. Secondary theme (mm. 45–​61), in both major-​and minor-​mode
versions; Beethoven places the latter in free canon
3.5 Reharmonizations of Thème russe in Recapitulation and Coda. 84
a. Recapitulation, showing newly harmonized Thème russe,
beginning and ending on subdominant, with E-​flat (modal?)
melodic alteration
b. Coda, showing final iteration of Thème russe, now in the tonic key
and fading to ppp
3.6 Mozart, Symphony No. 41 in C Major (“Jupiter”), K. 551, iv, mm.
233–​55. 90

xi
xii List of Music Examples
3.7 Beethoven’s Quotation of “Singe, sing’ein Lied” in Op. 59,
no. 3, ii. 107
a. “Singe, sing’ein Lied” (Ty wospoi, wospoi, mlad Shaworontschek),
as it appears in the Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung (July 25, 1804).
b. “Singe, sing’ein Lied,” mm. 1–​2, displaced by one beat.
c. Beethoven, String Quartet No. 9 in C Major, Op. 59, no. 3, ii,
mm. 1–​5.
4.1 Comparison of first-​movement retransition sections. 125
a. Haydn, Symphony No. 102 in B-​flat Major, Hob. I:102
(Paris: Ignaz Pleyel, 1803)
b. Beethoven, Symphony No. 4 in B-​flat Major, Op. 60
(Bonn: N. Simrock, 1823)
4.2 Comparison of opening themes. 130
a. Haydn, Symphony No. 102 in B-​flat Major, Hob. I:102
(Paris: Ignaz Pleyel, 1803)
b. Beethoven, Symphony No. 4 in B-​flat Major, Op. 60
(Bonn: N. Simrock, 1823)
4.3 Onset of transition. 136
a. Haydn, Symphony No. 102, iv, mm. 37–​45
b. Beethoven, Symphony No. 4, iv, mm. 24–​32 (cf. 192–​210)
4.4 Auxiliary idea in S-​Space. 137
a. Haydn, Symphony No. 102, iv, mm. 78–​85 (cf. 234–​41)
b. Beethoven, Symphony No. 4, iv, mm. 42–​9 (cf. 230–​9)
4.5 Closing (postcadential) idea. 138
a. Haydn, Symphony No. 102, iv, mm. 110–​17 (cf. 298–​305)
b. Beethoven, Symphony No. 4, iv, mm. 88–​95 (cf. 266–​73) 138
4.6 “Crisis” in developmental space. 139
a. Haydn, Symphony No. 102, iv, mm. 165–​74
(cf. 86–​9, 242–​5, 286–​9)
b. Beethoven, Symphony No. 4, iv, mm. 169–​76
(cf. 64–​77, 242–​8, 290–​4)
4.7 Retransition. 140
a. Haydn, Symphony No. 102, iv, mm. 208–​17 (cf. 181–​8)
b. Beethoven, Symphony No. 4, iv, mm. 181–​9 (cf. 290–​9)
4.8 “Joke” in coda space. 141
a. Haydn, Symphony No. 102, iv, mm. 272–​85
b. Beethoven, Symphony No. 4, iv, mm. 345–​55
5.1a Johann Baptist Cramer, Étude pour le piano forte en quarante deux
exercises dans les differents tons (Paris: Erard, 1804), No. 18. 158
5.1b Beethoven, Thirty-​Two Variations on an Original Theme, WoO 80
(Vienna: Bureau des Arts et d’Industrie, 1807), No. 8. 159
 List of Music Examples xiii
5.2a Johann Baptist Cramer, Étude pour le piano forte en quarante deux
exercises dans les differents tons (Paris: Erard, 1804), No. 19. 159
5.2b Beethoven, Thirty-​Two Variations on an Original Theme, WoO 80
(Vienna: Bureau des Arts et d’Industrie, 1807), No. 20. 160
5.3a Daniel Steibelt, Étude pour le pianoforte contenant 50 exercices de différents
genres (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel, 1805), No. 22. 160
5.3b Beethoven, Thirty-​Two Variations on an Original Theme, WoO 80
(Vienna: Bureau des Arts et d’Industrie, 1807), No. 22. 161
5.4 Beethoven, Thirty-​Two Variations on an Original Theme, WoO 80
(Vienna: Bureau des Arts et d’Industrie, 1807), Coda (mm. 275–​80). 162
5.5 Beethoven, Sonata No. 23 in F Minor, Op. 57 (“Appassionata”)
(Vienna: Bureau des Arts et d’Industrie, 1807), iii, Coda (mm. 325–​61). 166
5.6a Beethoven, Piano Concerto No. 4 in G Major, Op. 58
(Vienna: Bureau des Arts et d’Industrie, 1808), i, mm. 104–​7. 169
5.6b Beethoven, Piano Concerto No. 4 in G Major, Op. 58
(Vienna: Bureau des Arts et d’Industrie, 1808), i, mm. 275–​9. 169
5.7 Beethoven, Thirty-​Two Variations on an Original Theme, WoO 80
(Vienna: Bureau des Arts et d’Industrie, 1807), Theme. 170
5.8 Beethoven, Thirty-​Two Variations on an Original Theme, WoO 80
(Vienna: Bureau des Arts et d’Industrie, 1807), No. 3. 171
5.9 Beethoven, Thirty-​Two Variations on an Original Theme, WoO 80
(Vienna: Bureau des Arts et d’Industrie, 1807), End of No. 31 through
Start of Coda (mm. 256–​67). 173
 Tables

1.1 Arrangements, editions, and original works based on Cherubini’s

Faniska, as advertised in the Wiener Zeitung in 1806. 26
1.2 Beethoven’s compositions of 1806 and 1807. 30
1.3 Beethoven’s use of the mediant in three opening themes. 36
1.4 Adorno’s Hegelian interpretation of the development section of
Beethoven, Symphony No. 4, i. 42
2.1 Espressivo, dolce, and cantabile markings in the Fourth Piano Concerto. 62
3.1 Diagram of Beethoven, Op. 59, no. 2, iii, trio. 88
4.1 Haydn’s use of trumpets and timpani in B-​flat, 1792–​1802. 123
4.2a Comparison of themes in Haydn’s Symphony No. 102 and
Beethoven’s Symphony No. 4. Karl Nef, “Haydn-​Reminiszenzen bei
Beethoven” (1912; N.B. includes errors). 135
4.2b Comparison of themes in Haydn’s Symphony No. 9 (i) and
Beethoven’s Symphony No. 4 (iv). Nef, “Haydn-​Reminiszenzen.” 135
4.3 Shared signposts in the Adagio introductions of Haydn, Symphony
No. 99 and Beethoven, Symphony No. 4. 142
4.4 Selected passages from the slow introductions of Haydn, Symphony
No. 99 (Paris: Ignaz Pleyel, 1803) and Beethoven, Symphony No. 4
(Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2001). 143
5.1 Diagram of Beethoven, Thirty-​Two Variations on an Original Theme,
WoO 80 (Vienna: Bureau des Arts et d’Industrie, 1807). 155
5.2 Beethoven’s piano works, c. 1803–​10. 163
6.1 Collin and Beethoven, 1801–​13. 180

xv
 Appendices

3.1 Russian folksongs from the Lvov-​Pratsch Collection (LPC) in works

by Beethoven. 111
3.2 Excerpt on Russian folksong from “Etwas über Volkslieder,” Allgemeine
musikalische Zeitung 6, no. 43 (July 25, 1804), col. 714. 111

xvii
 Acknowledgments

Beethoven 1806 is a book about Beethoven’s relationships, and it’s gratifying

to begin it by acknowledging some of the relationships in my life that have
helped it come into being. I first thank James Webster, Annette Richards, and
Neal Zaslaw, the members of my dissertation committee at Cornell University
(where many of the ideas for this book germinated). They, along with the rest
of the music faculty, have been inspiring mentors and supportive colleagues.
Many other generous colleagues have provided feedback on this manuscript
in its various forms, including Stuart Paul Duncan, Emily H. Green, David
Hyun-​ su Kim, Martin Küster, Ellen Lockhart, Lewis Lockwood, Damien
Mahiet, Nicholas Mathew, Eric McKee, Sezi Seskir, and Jessica Waldoff. I am
especially thankful to Damien Mahiet, who has read and critiqued a decade’s
worth of drafts with wisdom and wit. I also owe a special word of thanks to
Jessica Waldoff, both for encouraging me to begin this journey in the first
place and for reading and commenting on the entire manuscript, to its great
benefit. My gratitude also goes to Shanti Nachtergaele, who kindly and expertly
assisted with proofreading, formatting, and tracking down materials.
I could not imagine a more supportive group of scholars than my music
history and theory colleagues at the Pennsylvania State University: Marica
Tacconi, Charles Youmans, Vincent Benitez, Maureen Carr, Thomas Cody,
Taylor Greer, Stephen Hopkins, and Eric McKee. For their support during my
time as a junior faculty member, I also want to thank Barbara Korner, Dean of
the College of Arts and Architecture; Sue Haug, former Director of the School
of Music; and David Frego, Director of the School of Music. Amanda Maple,
Music Librarian at Penn State, offered advice and assistance on numerous occa-
sions, for which I am most grateful.
Several institutions provided invaluable support for this project. The Institute
for the Arts and Humanities at Penn State bestowed the gift of time at a
pivotal moment with a Fall 2015 Resident Scholars and Artists Grant; my thanks
go to former director Michael Bérubé for this opportunity. The American
Musicological Society supported this project through both a subvention from
the AMS 75 PAYS Endowment (funded in part by the National Endowment
for the Humanities and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation) and a Virginia and
George Bozarth Travel Fund Grant, which facilitated a research trip to Austria

xix
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
my own part, my lords, I do freely and from my heart forgive you
who are judges, and the men who are appointed to go about this
horrid work, and those who are satiating their eyes in beholding. I
do entreat that God may never lay it to the charge of any of you, as
I beg that God, for his Son Christ’s sake, may be pleased to blot out
my sin and mine iniquity.” At the ninth, the sufferer fainted through
the extremity of pain. “Alas! my lords,” said the executioner, “he is
gone!” The unfeeling wretches told him “he might stop,” and coolly
walked off. When Mitchell recovered, he was carried in the same
chair back to his prison. Here he continued till January 1677, when
he was sent to the Bass.
 BOOK X.

A.D. 1676-1677.

Remarkable sacramental solemnities occasion harsher measures—Council new

modelled—Committee for public affairs—Kerr of Kersland—Kirkton—The
expatriated pursued to Holland—Colonel Wallace.

Political power, combined with ecclesiastical, essentially forms a

broad basis for the most excruciating tyranny, especially in spiritual
matters, which admits of no medium between implicit obedience or
cruel constraint. Accordingly, we always find, after some of those
hallowed seasons in which the persecuted had been able to elude
the vigilance of their oppressors, and had experienced them to be
indeed times of refreshing from on high, that immediately some new
and more violent proclamation followed, attempting, had it been
possible, to have interdicted their sacred intercourse with heaven.
Thus, the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper having been longed for by
many of those in the west who could not receive it at the hands of
the incumbents of their parishes, several ministers resolved to
celebrate it at different places, which was accordingly done with
peculiar solemnity, under the covert of night, to numerous
assemblages in the parish of Kippen, Stirlingshire; at the House of
Haggs, near Glasgow; and in a barn at Kennyshead, parish of
Eastwood; and it was remarked that the Lord very much owned
these communions as sweet sealing ordinances; but no sooner were
these doings whispered abroad, than a former proclamation against
conventicles was repeated, of more extensive comprehension, and
imposing a heavier penalty on every heritor in the land on whose
estate they should be held. Several council-committees were
appointed to perambulate the country, in order to enforce a vigorous
execution of the extra-legal mandates. This they did by requiring a
number of respectable gentlemen and ministers, whom they called
before them, to declare upon oath what conventicles they had
attended since the year 1674, what number of children they had
seen baptized, and whether they had reset or harboured any
intercommuned persons. Those who appeared were fined in various
sums, according to their circumstances, from fifty merks to a
thousand pounds Scots. In this iniquitous inquisition, silence was
construed into contempt; and to refuse, what no human law has a
right to require, becoming one’s own accuser, was punished even
more severely than an acknowledgment of default.
At the same time, the council was new modelled. The primate was
appointed president in absence of the Chancellor, and the two
archbishops with any third creature of their own, formed a quorum
of “the committee for public affairs,” who assumed the entire
management of ecclesiastical matters, then the chief if not the
whole of public business. Perhaps the most detestable feature in the
proceedings of this execrable committee was the system of
espionage they carried into private life. An example will best
illustrate the remark. Robert Kerr of Kersland having been forced to
go abroad with his family, his lady returned to Scotland to arrange
some little private business. He followed secretly, and to his great
grief found her sick of a fever when he arrived, yet durst not lodge
in the same house, but was wont to visit her stealthily in the
evenings. Robert Cannon of Mardrogat, a base spy, who
hypocritically attended the secret meetings of the persecuted, at a
time when he knew Kersland would be waiting on his sick lady, made
application to Lauderdale for a warrant to apprehend Mr John Welsh,
represented as then keeping a conventicle in her chamber. A friend
of her’s who was with the Commissioner when he received the
information, assured him that it was false, as she knew that Lady
Kersland was very unwell. The warrant, however, was granted, but
with express instructions from Lauderdale that the sick lady should
not be disturbed if no conventicle appeared in the house.
A party came—there was no conventicle—and they were
departing; but the reptile informer had told one of them that when
any strangers came into the room, Kersland was wont to secrete
himself behind the bed. He, accordingly, stepped direct to the place,
and drawing the gentleman from his concealment, ordered him to
surrender his arms. Kersland told him he had no arms but the Bible
—the sword of the Spirit—which he presented to him. He was
immediately made prisoner. When led away, his wife displayed great
composure, and besought him to do nothing that might wound his
conscience out of regard for her or her children, repeating earnestly
as he left her—“No man having put his hand to the plough, and
looking back, is fit for the kingdom of God.”
Before the council, he undauntedly defended the patriotic “rising”
at Pentland, as a lawful effort in defence of their liberties; on which
he was immediately ordered to prison. When being carried off, the
Chancellor sneeringly asked him what it was his lady said to him at
parting? He replied “he did not exactly remember.” “Then I will
refresh your memory—she exhorted you to cleave to the good old
cause;—ye are a sweet pack!” He was after this imprisoned in
different jails for several years, till at last, being ordered into close
confinement in Glasgow tolbooth, to be kept there during the
archbishop’s pleasure, who had a personal dislike at him, a dreadful
fire most opportunely broke out in the town, which threatening the
prison, the populace with instinctive humanity released all the
inmates; and Kersland among the rest regained his liberty.[85] He
then went to Holland, the common asylum for Protestant sufferers,
and died at Utrecht, in November 1680.
85. “Nov. 3, 1677. The fire brake up in Glasgow in the heid of the Salt-mercat,
on the right, near the cross, which was kyndled by a malicious boy, a smith’s
apprentice, who being threatened, or beatt and smittin by his master, in
revenge whereof setts his work-house on fyre in the night-tyme, being in the
backsides of that forestreet, and flyes for it. It was kyndled about one in the
 morning; and having brunt many in the backsyde, it breaks forth in the fore
streets about three of the morning; and then it fyres the street over against
it, and in a very short tyme burned down to more than the mids of the Salt-
mercat; on both sydes fore and back houses were all consumed. It did burn
also on that syd to the Tron Church, and two or three tenaments down on
the heid of the Gallowgate. The heat was so great, that it fyred the horologe
of the tolbooth (there being some prisoners it at that tyme, amongst whom
the Laird of Carsland was one, the people brake open the tolbooth-doors and
sett them free); the people made it all their work to gett out their goods out
of the houses; and there was little done to save houses till ten of the cloke,
for it burnt till two hours afternoon. It was a great conflagration and nothing
inferior to that which was in the yeir 1652. The wind changed several tymes.
Great was the cry of the poor people, and lamentable to see their confusion.
It was remarkable that a little before that tyme, there was seen a great fyre
pass through these streets in the night-tyme, and strange voices heard in
some parts of the city.” Law’s Memorials, p. 135.

Perhaps a more flagrant and vexatious example of the harassment

to which honest individuals were then exposed can scarcely be
given, than that of the venerable Kirkton the historian. He was
walking along the High Street of Edinburgh at mid-day, in the month
of June, when—but we shall let him tell his own tale—“he was very
civilly accosted by a young gentleman, Captain Carstairs, attended
by another gentleman and a lackey. Carstairs desyred to speak a
word with him, to which he answered he would wait upon him; but
because he knew not to whom he spake, he quietly asked the other
gentleman (James Scott of Tushiclaw) who this young gentleman
might be; but Scott answered with silence and staring. Then Mr
Kirkton perceived he was prisoner among his enemies, but was very
glade they carried him to a private house, and not to the prison,
which they were very near; but they carried him to Carstairs’
chamber, ane ugly dark hole, in Robert Alexander, messenger, his
house. As soon as ever he was brought into the house, Carstairs
abused him with his tongue, and pusht him till he got him into his
own chamber, which made the people of the house weep. After he
hade got him into his ugly chamber, he sent away Scott and
Douglass, his lackey, (as Mr Kirkton supposed) to fetch his
companions; but as soon as they were alone, Mr Kirkton askt him
what he meant? what he would doe with him? Carstairs answered,
sir, you owe me money. Mr Kirkton askt him whom he took him to
be, denying he owed him any thing. Carstaires answered, are not
you John Wardlaw? Mr Kirkton denied, telling him who he was
indeed. Then Carstaires answered, if he were Mr Kirkton he hade
nothing to say to him. Mr Kirkton askt him who he was. He
answered he was Scott of Erkletone, whom indeed he did much
resemble, but spoke things so inconsistent, Mr Kirkton knew not
what to think; for if Carstaires had designed to make him prisoner,
he might easily have done it before. But after they hade stayed
together about half an hour, Mr Kirkton begane to think Carstaires
desired money, and was just beginning to make his offer of money
to Carstaires, when Jerviswood, Andrew Stevenson, and Patrick
Johnston came to the chamber-door, and called in to Carstaires,
asking what he did with a man in a dark dungeon, and all alone? Mr
Kirkton finding his friends come, tooke heart. ‘Now,’ sayes Mr Kirkton
to Carstaires, ‘there be some honest gentlemen at your door, who
will testifie what I am, and that I am not John Wardlaw; open the
door to them.’ ‘That will I not,’ sayes Carstaires, and with that layes
his hand on his pocket-pistoll; which Mr Kirkton perceiving, thought
it high time to appear for himself, and so clapt Carstaires closs in his
armes; so mastering both his hands and his pistoll, they struggled a
while in the floor; but Carstaires being a feeble body, was borne
back into a corner. The gentlemen without hearing the noise, and
one crying out of murther, burst quickly the door open (for it hade
neither key nor bolt,) and so entered, and quietly severed the
stragglers, tho’ without any violence or hurt done to Carstaires.
“As soon as Mr Kirkton and the gentlemen had left Carstaires
alone, Scott, his companion, came to him, and they resolved not to
let it goe so, but to turn their private violence into state service; and
so to Hatton they goe with their complaint; and he upon the story
calls all the lords of the councill together, (tho’ they were all at
dinner,) as if all Edinburgh hade been in armes to resist lawfull
authority, for so they represented it to the councill: and he told the
councill when they were conveened that their publick officers hade
catcht a fanatick minister, and that he was rescued by a numerous
tumult of the people of Edinburgh. The councill tryed what they
could, and examined all they could find, and after all could discover
nothing upon which they could fasten. Mr Kirkton hade informed his
friends that it was only a reall robbery designed, and that indeed
money would have freed him, if Carstaires and he hade finished
what he begune to offer; and the councill could find no more in it,
and so some councillors were of opinion. But Bishop Sharpe told
them that except Carstaires were encouraged, and Jerviswood made
ane example, they needed never think a man would follow the office
of hunting fanaticks; and upon this all those who resolved to follow
the time and please bishops, resolved to give Sharpe his will. So the
next councill-day, after much high and hot debate in the councill,
Jerviswood was fyned 9000 merks—[£562. 10s. sterling, a grievous
sum in those days]—(3000 [£187. 10s.] of it to be given to
Carstaires for a present reward;) Andrew Stevenson was fyned 1500
merks [£92. 15s.]; and Patrick Johnston in 1000 [£62. 10s.]; and all
three condemned to ly in prison till Mr Kirkton was brought to relieve
them.”
It would be difficult to find language to designate this transaction.
Kirkton further informs us that it occasioned “great complaining,”
and “all the reason the councill gave of their severe sentence was,
that they found Jerviswood guilty of resisting authority by Captain
Carstaires’ production of his warrand before the councill. But this did
not satisfie men of reason; for, first, it was thought unaccountable
that a lybell should be proven by the single testimony of ane
infamous accuser against the declaration of three unquestionable
men, and all the witnesses examined. Next, Carstaires’ producing a
warrand at the councill table, did not prove that he produced any
warrand to Jerviswood, and, indeed, he produced none to him,
because he had no warrand himself at that time; as for the warrand
he produced, it was writ and subscribed by Bishop Sharpe after the
deed was done, tho’ the bishop gave it a false date long before the
true day.” What infuriated the council, was the deep interest the
inhabitants of Edinburgh took in this foul business; when it came
before them, the passages to the Council-chamber were crowded
with anxious inquirers; and it was debated at the council-board,
whether all who were in the lobby should be imprisoned or not?—it
was decided not, only by one voice.
[1677.] Prelatic inveteracy was not, however, bounded by
Scotland, it pursued into other countries those who found among
foreign Protestants that freedom of conscience denied them at
home. Messrs Robert Macwaird and Mr John Brown, two eminent
ministers, who had sought refuge in Holland, having been requested
by the other Scottish refugees to exercise their sacred function
among them at Rotterdam, the states-general were instantly
required by Charles to dismiss them from their territories; and, in
order to escape a war with England, were forced to comply with the
tyrant’s demand, yet not till they had afforded their respected guests
an opportunity of disposing of their effects to the best advantage
and looking out for another asylum.
The persevering rancour of Charles, and the reluctance of the
states, occasioned a protracted discussion of two days in their
senate; and Sir William Temple declared that it had been the hardest
piece of negotiation he had ever entered upon. Its issue was
productive of a nobler and more durable testimony to the worth of
the persecuted exiles, than could otherwise have been procured, and
will hand down to posterity the everlasting remembrance of these
righteous men, while the memory of the worthless monarch shall
rot. The states entered on their record a resolution, importing that
“the foresaid three Scotsmen have not only behaved and comported
themselves otherwise than as became good and faithful citizens of
these states, but have also given many indubitable proofs of their
zeal and affection for the advancement of the truth, which their High
Mightinesses have seen with pleasure, and could have wished that
they could have continued to live here in peace and security.”
Besides which, each received a separate testimonial on their
departure. The following is a copy of the one put into the hands of
Colonel Wallace:—“The States-General of the United Netherlands, to
all and every one who shall see or read these presents, health: Be it
known and certified that James Wallace, gentleman, our subject,
and for many years inhabitant of this state, lived among us highly
esteemed for his probity, submission to the laws, and integrity of
manners. And therefore we have resolved affectionately to request,
and hereby do most earnestly request, the Emperor of the Romans,
and all Kings, Republics, Princes, Dukes, States, Magistrates, or
whomsoever else our friends, and all that shall see these presents,
that they receive the said James Wallace in a friendly manner
whenever he may come to them, or resolve to remain with them,
and assist him with their council, help, and aid; testifying, that for
any obliging, humane, or kindly offices done to him, we shall be
ready and forward to return the favour to them and their subjects
whensoever an opportunity offers. For the greater confirmation
whereof, we have caused these presents to be sealed with our seal
of office, and signed by the President of our Assembly, the sixth day
of the month of February, in the year one thousand six hundred and
seventy-seven.”
Colonel Wallace was afterwards forced to lurk about the borders of
France or the Netherlands, whence he addressed to “the Lady
Caldwell, widow of William Mure of Caldwell,” the following letter,
which I give as a specimen of the seditious correspondence he was
accused of holding with the fanatics:—
“Elect Lady and my worthie and dear Sister,—Your’s is come to my hand
in most acceptable tyme. It seems that all that devils or men these many
years have done (and that has not been lytle) against yow, to dant your
courage, or to make yow, in the avoweing of your master and his
persecuted interests, to loore your sailes hes prevailed so lytle, that your
fayth and courage is upon the groweing hand, ane evidence indeed to
your persecuters of perdition, bot to yow of salvation, and that of God. It
seems when yow at first by choyce tooke Christ by the hand to be your
Lord and portion, that yow wist what yow did; and that notwithstandeing
all the hardnesses yow have met with in bydeing by him, your heart
seems to cleave the faster to him. This sayes yow have been admitted
into much of his company and fellowship. My sowle blesses God on your
behalf who hath so caryed to yow, that I think yow may take those
words, amongst others, spoken to you—‘Yow have continued with me in
my aflictions; I appoint unto yow a kingdom.’ It seems suffering for
Christ, loseing any thing for him, is to yow your glory—is to yow your
gayn. More and more of this spirit maye yow enjoye, that yow may be
among the few (as it was said of Caleb and Joshua) that followed him
fullie—among the overcomers, those noble overcomers, mentioned Revel.
ii. and iii.—among those to whom only (as pickt out and chosen for that
end) he is sayeing, ‘Yow are my witnesses.’ Lady and my dear sister, I am
of your judgement; and I blesse his name that ever he counted me
worthie to appear in that roll. It is now a good many years since the
master was pleased to even me to this, and to call me forth to appear for
him; and it is trew these fortie years bygone (as to what I have mett with
from the world) I have been as the people in the wilderness; yet I maye
saye it to this howre, I never repented my ingadgements to him, or any
of my owneings of him; yea, these rebutes to say so I gott from men,
wer to me my joye and crowne, because I know it was for his sake I was
so dealt with; and this, it being for his sake, I was ready in that case (as
Christ sayes) when men had taken me upon the one cheek for his sake,
to turn to them the other also. Never was I admitted to more neerness,
never was my table better covered, then since I left Rotterdam. Let us
take courage and goe on as good soldiers of Jesus Christ, endureing
hardnes. O for more fayth! O for more fayth among his people! As to this
people, there is nothing to be seen in their waye that is promiseing of
any good; bot on the contrar. O! I feare the Lord hes given them up unto
their owne heart’s lusts. They doe indeed walke in their owne counsels.
That same spirit of persecution, and these same principles, that are
among you, are heir; bot as God is faythfull, they shall be all brocken to
pieces and turned backe with shame that hate Zion. Wayt but a lytle;
they are diggeing the pit for themselves. The Lord hath founded Zion,
and the poore of the people shall trust in it. Let us mynd one another. My
love to all friends whom yow know I love in the Lord. God’s grace be with
yow, and his blessing upon your lytle ones whom he hath been a father
to. In him I rest. Your’s as formerly.
“Ja. Wallace.”
 BOOK XI.

A.D. 1677.

Meeting of the ministers in Edinburgh—Prosecutions for not attending the kirk—

Lord Cardross—Conventicle at Culross—Bond—Lauderdale comes to Scotland—
Pretended moderation—Alarm of the bishops—Carstairs attacks John Balfour’s
house—Council’s design of raising a standing force—Resolutions of the West
country gentlemen—Conventicles increase—Communion at East Nisbet—
Common field-meeting—King authorizes calling in the Highland clans.

Early in the year, a pretty large meeting, both of the indulged and
unindulged ministers, had been held in Edinburgh, for the purpose of
considering the religious state of the country, and for endeavouring
to heal the differences which still subsisted among themselves
respecting what should have been long before dismissed as
vexatious—the conduct of those who had declared against the
resolutions, and who still lay under the sentence of some of the
church courts. It commenced inauspiciously, Mr Blackadder having
proposed that before they proceeded to business, some time should
be set apart for fasting and humiliation on account of their
defections, especially the tokens of disunion which began to appear
respecting the indulgence. This gave rise to some unpleasant
altercation. Mr Richard Cameron, then a probationer, with two
others, being called to account for their preaching separation from
the indulged, declined the right of the meeting to interfere with their
conduct, it not being a lawfully constituted judicatory, and continued
to express their disapprobation of the indulgence and of such as
accepted it.
Eighteen years’ persecution had now thinned the ranks of the
earliest and most experienced of the “outted” ministers, who,
although they never approved of the conduct of the indulged, yet
had striven by all means to live in brotherly fellowship with them.
But as age and infirmity, or death, removed them from the field,
their places were supplied by young zealous preachers, who being
educated among the sufferers, and associating only with them, were
not fully aware of the evils of division, nor did they sufficiently guard
against the causes of it. In their sermons, the older ministers
proclaimed the glad tidings of salvation through a crucified Saviour,
and the necessity of fleeing for refuge to the hope set before them
in the gospel; and dwelt not so much upon the immediate causes of
their persecution, although they did not shun in declaring the whole
truth, to vindicate their allegiance to Christ as sole Head and King of
the church, bearing ample testimony against the usurped supremacy
of their temporal monarch and the tyranny of his ecclesiastical
creatures, the bishops. On the other hand, as was remarked by one
of themselves, the younger and more inexperienced ministers
insisted more strenuously in their sermons upon the controverted
points; and in their private intercourse spoke too sharply of the
conduct of such as did not go their lengths, by putting harsh
constructions upon their actions, and perhaps flattered too much
some “frothy professors,” not properly considering the difference
between a proselyte to a party and a true Christian. Upon these
topics they delighted to expatiate, till their minds became highly
excited; and, unhappily, instead of moderating, encouraged a similar
humour among their hearers, in the hope of managing them, though
sometimes they themselves were forced by the people to go farther
than they intended or inclined.
The fervour of numbers of young converts newly brought in by the
gospel run high. The zeal and success of the first reformers, and of
those more lately in 1638, were with them animating and frequent
subjects of conversation; their conduct was much extolled, while
that of the ministers’ in leaving their charges in 1662, and the
people’s in suffering the curates to be thrust in and hearing them,
was as greatly condemned. The king’s perjury, too, was often held
up to execration, and his assumed supremacy represented as an
object of equal abhorrence with that of the man of sin.
The meeting, however, after these disagreeables were discussed,
decided that the sentences should be removed, and that both parties
should hold ministerial communion. They also advised that the
indulged should invite those who were not, to preach in their pulpits;
and likewise that they should themselves preach “wherever” a
proper opportunity offered, and the necessities of the people
required. With this last recommendation many of the ministers
readily complied; and the people evincing a great desire for hearing,
conventicles continued to multiply, and so numerous was the
attendance, that it was found unadvisable to execute the severe
laws against them to their full extent, only a few conspicuous
individuals of the richer or more active, were singled out for
persecution, to satisfy the vengeance of the prelates and the avarice
of the needy gentry or soldiers. Robert Blae, late bailie in Culross,
was fined four thousand merks for one conventicle—Adam Stobbie of
Luscar, three thousand, for withdrawing from public ordinances,
aggravated by converse with intercommuned persons; and, after
payment of the fine, was ordered to be transported furth of the
kingdom—John Anderson, younger of Dowhill, accused of a tract of
non-conformity, which the prosecutor being unable to prove, the
whole was referred to his oath, when he refusing to swear, was held
as confessed. But he voluntarily acknowledged that he had for
several years deserted his own church at Glasgow, and heard the
indulged, by one of whom he had had a child baptized, and that he
had been at five conventicles; for which grievous offences, and
because he would not promise to hear his parish minister, he was
amerced in four hundred pounds sterling, and ordered to lie in
Edinburgh tolbooth till it was paid. After remaining about four
months in prison, he compounded for nearly the half and got out.
Nor were ladies treated with more tenderness, Lady Kinkel being
fined five thousand merks, and Lady Pitlochie one thousand,
because they dared to hear the gospel preached by men who
understood it, and declined countenancing the ministrations of state-
puppets.
One of the most popular of the persecuted preachers, and
peculiarly obnoxious to the primate, was Mr James Fraser of Brea, a
gentleman by birth, and possessed of considerable property. He
happened about this time to be in Edinburgh, and the town-major
being solicited by Sharpe, was induced by great promises of reward,
meanly to entice a servant-maid of one of his relations with whom
he lodged, to betray him. When engaged in family worship upon
Sabbath evening, January 28, about ten o’clock the major burst in,
caught the culprit in the very act, seized him, and haled him off to
prison; then went rejoicing to the archbishop, who, delighted with
the intelligence, rewarded the exploit by a piece of money and a
promise of more; and, next morning at day-dawn, sent strict orders
to the jailer to keep Mr Fraser close, nor permit any person to have
access to him, till he was examined by a committee of the council.
When he appeared before them, he was questioned as to his being a
preacher at field-conventicles, which, as it was a capital offence by
law, he declined answering. He acknowledged that he was, although
most unworthy, a minister of the gospel, independently of the
bishops, but denied that the subject of his discourses was either
disloyal or traitorous as the archbishop asserted—what he preached
was repentance towards God, and faith towards our Lord Jesus
Christ, and no other thing than what was contained in the prophets
and the New Testament. That, as for rising up in arms against the
king, upon the pretext of religion, which the archbishop alleged, he
maintained he had expressly told him, that he never knew any of the
most zealous asserters of the liberties of the people who maintained
the propriety of rising in arms upon pretence of religion—pretences
affording no ground or warrant for any man’s conduct. Respecting
matters of prerogative and privilege, these were things of a ticklish
and thorny nature, not within his sphere, nor did he think himself
called to meddle with them. As to preaching the gospel either in
houses or fields, when opportunity offered, so far from thinking it
unlawful, he believed it to be duty; and meetings for this purpose, to
be ordinances of Christ, instead of “rendezvouses of rebellion,” as
the archbishop termed them. Being insidiously asked, seeing these
were his opinions, whether he had ever preached in the fields? he
refused to acknowledge that he had, adding, that if they thirsted
after his blood, and wished to take his life on that account, they
could not expect he should himself reach them the weapon. Let
them bring proof; for he was resolved no man living should find him
guilty of such a weakness as turning evidence against himself.
After his examination, he was sent back to prison, to be kept in
solitary confinement; but that night, he remarks in his Memoirs, was
the sweetest he had enjoyed for many years—“The Lord was a light
round about me, and HIM they could not shut out; I was lifted up
above death, sin, hell, and wrath, and the fears of prelates and
papists, by a full sense of the divine favour!” Next morning he was
awoke about six o’clock, and ordered to make ready to march for the
Bass, where he was carried accordingly, and remained there till July
1679.
Subjected to the caprice of their jailer, the situation of the
prisoners here was extremely uncomfortable, especially such of them
as had moved in the middle and higher ranks of life. Their female
servants were frequently changed; whenever any appeared to be
attentive or sympathizing, they were turned away and new ones
sent, or, what was worse, they were attempted by the ruffian
soldiers, who, if they succeeded, would shamelessly charge the
ministers with the crime. Sometimes they were shut up in holes in
the rock, and deprived even of the society of their fellow-sufferers—
their letters were intercepted, opened, and read—their provisions,
which they were obliged to purchase from the governor, were
extravagantly dear, and consisted chiefly of hard fish and oatmeal—
melted snow was their common drink in winter, or, at other times, a
little brackish water, unless they paid well for the spring—they were
harassed by the soldiers obtruding rudely among them and vexing
them by their obscenities and blasphemies, or endeavouring to
ensnare them upon political topics, especially upon the Lord’s day, or
when they observed others in serious conversation with them about
their souls; for their confinement there was blessed to the
conversion of several of their keepers, who would never otherwise
have come under the sound of the gospel.
But perhaps the most outrageous act of pillage which occurred
this year, was perpetrated upon Lord Cardross. On the 7th of August,
he was served with an indictment for having had two children
baptized by persons who were not his own parish ministers, nor
authorized by the established government of the church, nor
licensed by the privy council. His lordship’s defence was cogent and
irrefragable. He had one child born to him in the town of Edinburgh,
while he was confined prisoner in the Castle; and not being
permitted to attend his wife in her confinement, nor perform any
duty relating to the infant, he did not conceive himself concerned in
the act of parliament respecting baptisms, being in no liberty or
capacity to satisfy its appointment; nor did he inquire further than to
learn that the child was truly and Christianly baptized, without once
asking by what minister the same was done;—seeing, therefore, that
the foresaid act was made expressly against wilful withdrawers, and
such as presumed to offer their children to be baptized otherwise
than is therein ordained, these things were nowise chargeable upon
him a prisoner, having neither ordinary parish, or settled family, nor
so much as access to have presented his child for baptism. In
conclusion, he appealed to the moderation of the council, reminding
them of his protracted sufferings; and informing them that the child
was since deceased, besought them not to add affliction to the
afflicted; but he appealed in vain. These men had no feeling. He was
robbed of half a year’s valued rent of his estate, because his lady in
his absence had performed an act of maternal piety towards her
child.
While the council were thus urging the pecuniary processes, in
order more vigorously to incite their already too willing agents, they
warranted the sheriffs, bailies of regalities, and other inferior
officers, to appropriate to themselves the fines levied from all
persons below the degree of an heritor; and, for those of heritors,
they were to reckon with them. Of the extent of these exactions, no
proper account remains; but as several of the soldiers received large
donations, the sums must have been considerable; and the
persecutions were chiefly carried on against those who could pay. In
cases where the under-officials were remiss, “the committee for
public affairs,” who were always upon the alert, took the matter
under their own cognizance. A conventicle having been kept at
Culross, on a Sabbath about this time, was dispersed by the military,
and eighteen persons sent to jail. The committee finding that some
of them had been set at liberty without their permission, ordered the
magistrates to call them all back to prison, and “condescended”
upon the most substantial of them, whom they appointed the said
magistrates to produce before the council within eight days, to be
dealt with as they should deserve, i. e. fined according to their
circumstances.
Besides its all-pervading inquisition abroad and at home, the
prelatic despotism of Charles had a malignity peculiarly its own, that
delighted to destroy the very profession of Presbyterianism. The
wretched, or, as he has been designated, “the merry monarch,” used
to say, Presbyterianism was not the religion of a gentleman. I cannot
pretend to define the religion of a gentleman; but if his majesty’s
were a specimen, the more dissimilar Presbyterianism was to it the
better.[86]
86. Evelyn, certainly no Whig, gives the following description of a Sunday at
court:—“I can never forget the inexpressible luxury and profaneness,
gaming, and all dissoluteness, and as it were total forgetfulness of God, it
being Sunday, which this day se’enight I was witness of. The king sitting and
toying with his concubines, Portsmouth, Cleveland, and Mazarine. A French
boy singing love songs in that glorious gallery, while about seventy of the
great courtiers, and other dissolute persons, were at basset round a large
table; a bank of at least £2000 in gold before them, upon which the
gentlemen who were with me made reflections with astonishment.” Mem.
vol. i. p. 585.
 To be grave and decorous in conduct, devout and consistent in
religious observances, were considered as unequivocal marks of
Whiggery and disloyalty. At this period a majority of the inhabitants
of the Scottish Lowlands were so distinguished, particularly in the
west and south-west; and these quarters coming more immediately
in contact with the prelatists were more severely visited, as they
were stanch to their principles, and zealous for their creed. There,
therefore, the bitterest efforts of the government were directed.
Upon the 2d of August, a proclamation was issued for enforcing a
bond, obliging the subscribers, with their wives, children, cottars,
and servants, regularly to attend public worship in their parish
churches, and not to be present at any conventicles, neither at any
marriage or baptism, except such as were duly celebrated or
administered by a regular incumbent, under the statutory penalties.
A few days after, a commission was appointed to carry this act into
execution. Immediately a very full meeting of the noblemen,
gentlemen, and heritors of Ayrshire assembled, at which a
representation was drawn up, refusing the bond, as requiring
impossibilities; for they asserted the councillors themselves were
unable to enforce compliances in their own families, and how did
they expect plain country gentlemen to become bound for numbers
over whom they could, in these matters, have no control? but they
proposed an easier and surer expedient for preserving the peace of
the country, and that was by extending and protecting the liberty of
the Presbyterians. The council was highly displeased at this address;
and the Earl of Loudon, by whom it was signed, was in consequence
exposed to so many unpleasant attacks, that he went into voluntary
exile, and died at Leyden. Clydesdale followed Ayrshire. The Duke of
Hamilton opposed it; and the heritors of Lanarkshire, at a full
meeting, unanimously agreed to decline the bond; even those who
were not partial to Presbyterianism reprobated it, as fraught with
ruin to their estates, seeing they could not promise for all their own
families and servants at all times, much less for those of their
tenants.
 The vexations occasioned by the bond, added to the other
severities, had spread so widely, that it was computed, before the
end of this year (1677), about seventeen thousand persons, of every
rank, sex, and age—from the noble to the cottar-servant, man,
woman, and child—from the grey-headed veteran to the infant at
the breast, who was forced to lodge with its intercommuned mother
on the heath—had suffered, or were suffering every extremity for no
crime but hearing the gospel, and worshipping their Maker according
to their conscience.
Lauderdale having come down to Scotland with his Duchess, to
get one of her daughters by her former husband married to Lord
Lorn, afterwards first Duke of Argyle, the Presbyterian ministers in
Glasgow, Paisley, Hamilton, and the neighbouring districts, thinking
that when he came upon so joyous an occasion, he would be more
susceptible of kindlier feelings, deputed Mr Matthew Crawford to
proceed to Edinburgh and consult with their brethren there, to try if
possible to get the sentence of intercommuning pronounced against
so many of their faithful fellow-labourers annulled, and the prisoners
on the Bass released. Mr Anthony Murray, a relation of the Duchess,
who was employed to intercede with the Duke, obtained an
interview, and urged his Grace to grant this their humble request;
but all the answer he obtained was, “as for himself, he (Lauderdale)
was ready to do him any kindness in his power, but he would grant
no favour to that party, because they were unworthy of any.” Next
council day, however, when several of the lords represented that
pressing the bond would ruin their tenants and lay their lands waste,
he seemed inclined to relax, and not only spoke about a third
indulgence, but even intimated his desire for it to some of the
ministers by Lord Melville; and commissioners were in consequence
sent from several parts of the country to consult about a supplication
to the king. No sooner did the two archbishops learn what was in
agitation, than they vehemently assailed the Duke, complaining
heavily of his concessions to their enemies; in reply, he assured
them he had no intention of granting any liberty to non-conformists,
only it was necessary to amuse them till he got a force raised
sufficient to suppress them, as they were then too numerous to be
rashly meddled with. The representations, however, which he had
received, subscribed by so many respectable heritors, who could not
be considered fanatics, were not to be altogether despised; and, in
the month of October, the council enacted (Sir George Mackenzie,
who had lately been admitted to be his majesty’s advocate, says
upon his suggestion)[87]—that if any person who is cited be ready to
depone or pay his fine, he be not troubled with taking of bonds or
other engagements, the law itself being the strongest bond that can
be exacted of any man; and all the expenses of process were to be
remitted.
87. Mackenzie’s Hist. p. 322. Sir John Nisbet was turned off because he would
not give the rapacious Duchess of Lauderdale a sum of money; and Sir
George Mackenzie, whose memory was long execrated in Scotland as “the
bloody Mackenzie,” was made king’s advocate, Sept. 7, this year. Primrose
had been removed from the lucrative place of clerk-register by the same
influence, and Sir Thomas Murray, a friend of her own, was nominally
appointed; “but her Grace hade from him the profits of the place. To stop Sir
Archibald’s mouth, they bestowed upon him the office of justice-general, and
sore against his heart.” Kirkton’s Hist. p. 383.

Knowing well the unstable nature of their eminence, the prelates

were tremblingly alive to whatever they imagined might shake it;
and they instantly took the alarm at these equivocal symptoms of
moderation, which they supposed had that tendency. Like others in
later times, they commenced their attacks upon the liberty of the
people, by endeavouring to work upon their fears. Rumours were
spread of extensive conspiracies which had no existence, and terrible
plots which no one had ever heard of but themselves. On the
present occasion, an incidental scuffle gave some grounds for raising
the cry of insurrection, and bringing in a host of barbarians to live at
free quarters upon a peaceable population. Carstairs, elated by the
nefarious premium which he had obtained for his infamous conduct
towards Kirkton, and desirous of showing his gratitude to Sharpe,
from whom he had his commission, redoubled his activity against
the Presbyterians, and was guilty of numerous revolting atrocities in
the eastern quarters of Fife. The heartless wretch had turned Lady
Colville out of doors in the month of October, and forced her to
wander houseless on the mountains and in the fields, at the risk of
her life and to the great detriment of her health. He had imprisoned
not a few respectable inhabitants; and, patrolling the district
attended by some dozen vagabond concurrences,[88] without any
other authority than the archbishop’s commission, under pretext of
searching for the intercommuned persons, he broke into gentlemen’s
houses, seized their horses, and was guilty of various plunderings,
as also divers wanton outrages.
88. A concurrence—the lowest attendant upon messenger or sheriff-officers.
A few gentlemen, six or seven, some of whom were obnoxious to
government, having casually met in the house of John Balfour of
Kinloch, or Burleigh, the same miscreant who had scented them out,
suddenly advanced on the house, with twelve of the “bishop’s
evangelists” on horseback. The gentlemen were altogether taken by
surprise, and one of them happened to be standing outside when
they came up. Philip Garret, an Irish tinker—one of the said worthies
—the first in advance, seeing a person at the door, without asking
any questions, fired but missed; and the gentleman immediately
went into the house. Garret dismounted and was following; but the
gentlemen within being by this time alarmed, one of them fired, and
Garret fell wounded in the shoulder. Carstairs’ party returned the
salute in at the windows of the chamber where the gentlemen were,
and wounded one of them. The others then sallied forth and briskly
attacked their assailants, who instantly fled. They pursued for a
while, but no more blood was shed. Garret afterwards recovered.
This act of justifiable self-defence against an illegal attack of
unauthorized ruffians was eagerly seized upon by the prelatists, who
were watching for some occurrence which might justify them in
using “a vigour beyond law” which they meditated against the
Presbyterians. At their instigation, the council declared it an high act
of rebellion and resisting of lawful authority; summoned the actors
before them; and, upon their non-appearance, denounced them as
rebels, and delated the whole body as accomplices or abettors of the
deed.
Charles, whose designs upon the constitution of England and
freedom of the people—now beginning to be discovered—had
involved him with his English parliament, exceedingly anxious to get
a pretext for keeping up a standing army, communicated his wishes
to Lauderdale, who, readily entering into them, proposed first to try
some such measure in Scotland, where he knew he would be backed
by the whole prelatic interest, and gratify at once the bishops and
the king. Instructions were accordingly transmitted to the council,
who, in “a frequent meeting,” held on the 17th of October, sent
particular expresses by sure bearers to the Earls of Glencairn and
Dundonald and Lord Ross, to call together the commissioners of the
excise, and militia, and justices of the peace, at Irvine, on the 2d of
November, and to represent to them how highly his majesty was
displeased at the extraordinary insolences committed in these shires,
by abusing the orthodox clergy, invading their pulpits, setting up
conventicle-houses, and keeping scandalous and seditious
conventicles in the fields—these great seminaries of rebellion—and
requiring them to take such effectual course for reducing these
shires to a quiet obedience of his majesty’s laws—the true and only
rule of loyalty and faithfulness—as might prevent severer measures
from being taken for securing the peace; and informing them, in
case of their failure, that the council was fully resolved to repress by
force all rebellious and factious proceedings, without respect to the
disadvantages of the heritors, whom his majesty would then look
upon as involved in such a degree of guilt as would allow of the
greatest severity being used against that country.
The shires now denounced were the wealthiest and most civilized,
as well as the most religious districts in the ancient kingdom; they
therefore presented the additional lure of a rich harvest of plunder,
especially as they abounded in that class, the strength and sinews of
a nation, the small landed proprietors-yeomen—or, as they were
styled, heritors, who were generally well educated and particularly
versed in the polemics of the day. A meeting of these, therefore, was
called, when the following resolutions were adopted, after two days’
serious deliberation:—1st, They found it not within the compass of
their power to suppress conventicles. 2d, A toleration of
Presbyterians is the only proper expedient for preserving the peace;
and, 3d, It should be granted to an extent equal to what his majesty
had graciously vouchsafed to his kingdoms of England and Ireland.
These resolutions were communicated to the three noblemen, who
immediately wrote to the council, and told them that the meeting
had taken place and reported—“That, after the consideration of the
whole affair, it was not in their power to quiet the disorder,” but took
no notice of the reasonable and effectual remedy they had
recommended. Before their letter arrived, the council had decided. A
minute, dated the day before the heritors met, was drawn up by
them, stating, “That, upon information of the growing disorders and
insolences in the western shires, it was thought fit a proclamation be
drawn, in case of an insurrection, and the nearest Highlanders
ordered to meet at Stirling, and letters writ to noblemen and
gentlemen, to have their vassals and tenants ready at a call.” A
magazine of arms and ammunition was formed at Stirling, all the
regular forces were ordered to Falkirk to have their full complement
made up by new levies, and all the straggling parties were called in.
Besides these warlike preparations, his majesty, in consequence of
the alarming reports sent him, offered the co-operation of the
English army, several troops of whom were marched to the borders;
and Viscount Granard, commander of the forces in Ireland, received
instructions to hold himself in readiness to pass over to Scotland
upon a moment’s notice.
Such were the mighty preparations during a period of the most
profound repose, interrupted only by the footsteps of those upon the
mountains who published salvation. Of these, the indefatigable and
successful John Welsh and John Blackadder were among the most
prominent. The former, descended from a race of confessors, whose
memory was deservedly dear to the persecuted, had a reward
offered for his head by the council; and he rode usually
accompanied by ten or twelve faithful adherents, termed his body
guard. The following is an account by the latter, of a remarkable
communion held at East Nisbet,[89] where both were present, which
seems to have created a great sensation:—
89. Dr M‘Crie has the following note in the Memoirs of George Brysson, p. 281:
—“The following extract,” from Memoirs of a Mrs Goodal, the wife of a
mechanic, MS. in the Advocates’ Library, “supplies the date of the
communion at East Nisbet—‘I must make mention of three communion-
dayes the Lord trysted me with in Scotland. The first was at East Nisbet in
the year 1678, in the spring of the year,’ &c., at the very time when the
Highlanders were ravaging the west.”
“At the desire of several people in the Merse, Mr Blackadder, and
some other ministers, had resolved on a meeting in Tiviotdale, and
day and place were fixed for keeping a communion; but from
apprehensions of danger, this resolution was changed, as it was
feared they might come to imminent hazard. It was agreed to delay
it a fortnight; and advertisement was sent to the people not to
assemble. The report of the first appointment had spread
throughout the country, and many were prepared to resort thither
from distant and divers quarters. This change had occasioned great
uncertainty: some had taken their journey to the Merse, willing to
venture on a disappointment, rather than miss so good an occasion
by sitting still. Mr Blackadder was determined to go, seeing his stay
would discourage others; and if kept back, they would blame him.
He told them it was not likely the meeting would hold; yet, lest any
should take offence, he was content to take his venture with them.
On Friday night he took horse, accompanied with a small body of
attendants, and was joined by Mr John Dickson at the port, who
rode with him eleven miles that night. Many people were on the
road, setting forward to be in time for sermon on Saturday morning.
Not a few be-west of Edinburgh, hearing the report of the delay,
remained at home, and others returned on the way. Nobody was
certain, either from far or near, till they reached the place; where
they would all have been disappointed, if providence had not
ordered it better than human arrangement; for the earnest
entreaties of the people had prevailed with Mr Welsh, in the same
way as Mr Blackadder, to venture at a hazard. And had it been
delayed a day or two longer, it would have been utterly prevented,
as the noise was spread, and the troops would have been dispersed
to stop them.
“Meantime the communion elements had been prepared, and the
people in Tiviotdale advertised. Mr Welsh and Mr Riddel had reached
the place on Saturday. When Mr Blackadder arrived, he found a
great assembly, and still gathering from all airts, which was a
comfortable surprisal in this uncertainty; whereat they all marvelled,
as a new proof of the divine wisdom wherewith the true Head of the
church did order and arrange his solemn occasions. The people from
the east brought reports that caused great alarm. It was rumoured
that the Earl of Hume, as ramp a youth as any in the country,
intended to assault the meeting with his men and militia, and that
parties of the regulars were coming to assist him. He had profanely
threatened to make their horses drink the communion wine, and
trample the sacred elements under foot. Most of the gentry there,
and even the commonality, were ill set.
“Upon this we drew hastily together about seven or eight score of
horse on the Saturday, and equipped with such furniture as they
had. Picquets of twelve or sixteen men were appointed to
reconnoitre and ride towards the suspected parts. Single horsemen
were dispatched to greater distances, to view the country, and give
warning in case of attack. The remainder of the horse were drawn
round to be a defence at such distance as they might hear sermon,
and be ready to act if need be. Every means was taken to compose
the multitude from needless alarm, and prevent, in a harmless
defensive way, any affront that might be offered to so solemn and
sacred a work. Though many, of their own accord, had provided for
their safety; and this was more necessary, when they had to stay
three days together, sojourning by the lions’ dens and the mountains
of leopards; yet none had come armed with hostile intentions.
“We entered on the administration of the holy ordinance,
committing it and ourselves to the invisible protection of the Lord of
hosts, in whose name we were met together. Our trust was in the
arm of Jehovah, which was better than weapons of war, or the
strength of hills. If the God of Jacob was our refuge, we knew that
our cause would prosper;—that in his favour there was more
security than in all the defences of art or of nature. The place where
we convened was every way commodious, and seemed to have been
formed on purpose. It was a green and pleasant haugh, fast by the
water side, (the Whitadder.) On either hand there was a spacious
brae, in form of a half round, covered with delightful pasture, and
rising with a gentle slope to a goodly height. Above us was the clear
blue sky, for it was a sweet and calm Sabbath morning, promising to
be indeed one of the days of the Son of Man. There was a solemnity
in the place befitting the occasion, and elevating the whole soul to a
pure and holy frame. The communion tables were spread on the
green by the water, and around them the people had arranged
themselves in decent order. But the far greater multitude sat on the
brae-face, which was crowded from top to bottom, full as pleasant a
sight as was ever seen of that sort. Each day, at the congregation’s
dismissing, the ministers, with their guards, and as many of the
people as could, retired to their quarters in three several country
towns, where they might be provided with necessaries for man and
horse for payment.
“Several of the yeomen refused to take money for their provisions,
but cheerfully and abundantly invited both ministers and gentlemen
each day at dismissing. The horsemen drew up in a body till the
people left the place, and then marched in goodly array at a little
distance, until all were safely lodged in their quarters; dividing
themselves into three squadrons, one for each town where were
their respective lodgments. Each party had its own commander.
Watches were regularly set in empty barns and other out-houses,
where guards were placed during the night. Scouts were sent to look
about, and get intelligence. In the morning, when the people
returned to the meeting, the horsemen accompanied them: all the
three parties met a mile from the spot, and marched in a full body to
the consecrated ground. The congregation being all fairly settled in
their places, the guardsmen took their several stations as formerly.
“These accidental volunteers seemed to have been the gift of
providence, and they secured the peace and quiet of the audience;
for from Saturday morning, when the work began, until Monday
afternoon, we suffered not the least affront or molestation from
enemies, which appeared wonderful. At first there was some
apprehension, but the people sat undisturbed; and the whole was
closed in as orderly a way as it had been in the time of Scotland’s
brightest noon. And, truly, the spectacle of so many grave,
composed, and devout faces, must have struck the adversaries with
awe, and been more formidable than any outward ability of fierce
looks and warlike array. We desired not the countenance of earthly
kings; there was a spiritual and divine Majesty shining on the work,
and sensible evidence that the Great Master of assemblies was
present in the midst. It was, indeed, the doing of the Lord, who
covered us a table in the wilderness, in presence of our foes, and
reared a pillar of glory between us and the enemy, like the fiery
cloud of old, that separated between the camp of Israel and the
Egyptians, encouraging to the one, but dark and terrible to the
other. Though our vows were not offered within the courts of God’s
house, they wanted not sincerity of heart, which is better than the
reverence of sanctuaries. Amidst the lonely mountains, we
remembered the words of our Lord, that true worship was not
peculiar to Jerusalem or Samaria; that the beauty of holiness
consisted not in consecrated buildings, or material temples. We
remembered the ark of the Israelites, which had sojourned for years
in the desert, with no dwelling-place but the tabernacles of the plain.
We thought of Abraham, and the ancient patriarchs, who laid their
victims on the rocks for an altar, and burnt sweet incense under the
shade of the green tree.
“The ordinance of the last supper, that memorial of his dying love
till his second coming, was signally countenanced and backed with
power and refreshing influence from above. Blessed be God, for he
hath visited and confirmed his heritage when it was weary. In that
day, Zion put on the beauty of Sharon and Carmel; the mountains
broke forth into singing, and the desert place was made to bud and
blossom as the rose. Few such days were seen in the desolate
Church of Scotland, and few will ever witness the like. There was a
rich and plentiful effusion of the spirit shed abroad on many hearts.
Their souls, filled with heavenly transports, seemed to breathe in a
diviner element, and to burn upwards, as with the fire of a pure and
holy devotion. The ministers were visibly assisted to speak home to
the conscience of the hearers. It seemed as if God had touched their
lips with a live coal from his altar; for they who witnessed, declared
they carried more like ambassadors from the court of heaven, than
men cast in earthly mould.
“The tables were served by some gentlemen and persons of the
gravest deportment. None were admitted without tokens, as usual,
which were distributed on the Saturday, but only to such as were
known to some of the ministers, or persons of trust, to be free of
public scandals. All the regular forms were gone through: the
communicants entered at one end, and retired at the other,—a way
being kept clear to take their seats again on the hill-side. Mr Welsh
preached the action sermon, and served the first two tables, as he
was ordinarily put to do on such occasions: the other four ministers,
Mr Blackadder, Mr Dickson, Mr Riddel, and Mr Rae, exhorted the rest
in their turn: the table service was closed by Mr Welsh with solemn
thanksgiving, and solemn it was, and sweet and edifying, to see the
gravity and composure of all present, as well as all parts of the
service. The communion was peaceably concluded; all the people
heartily offering up their gratitude, and singing with a joyful noise to
the Rock of their salvation. It was pleasant, as the night fell, to hear
their melody swelling in full unison along the hill, the whole
congregation joining with one accord, and praising God with the
voice of psalms.
“There were two long tables, and one short, across the head, with
seats on each side. About a hundred sat at every table: there were
sixteen tables in all, so that about three thousand two hundred
communicated that day.