Safety 09 00056
Safety 09 00056
Safety 09 00056
Article
Psychosocial Safety and Health Hazards and Their Impacts on
Offshore Oil and Gas Workers
Emma D’Antoine 1, * , Janis Jansz 1,2,3 , Ahmed Barifcani 1 , Sherrilyn Shaw-Mills 1,2 , Mark Harris 4 and
Christopher Lagat 1
1 Department of Petroleum Engineering, WA School of Mines: Minerals, Energy and Chemical Engineering,
Curtin University, Bentley, WA 6102, Australia; [email protected] (J.J.); [email protected] (A.B.);
[email protected] (S.S.-M.); [email protected] (C.L.)
2 HSE Global, P.O. Box 2061, High Wycombe, WA 6067, Australia
3 College of Safety Science and Engineering, Xi’an University of Science & Technology, 58 Yanta Road,
Xi’an 710054, China
4 Faculty of Business and Law, School of Economics, Finance and Property, Curtin University,
Bentley, WA 6102, Australia; [email protected]
* Correspondence: [email protected]; Tel.: +61-405056624
Abstract: The offshore oil and gas working environment is an inherently dangerous one, with risks
posed to physical safety on a daily basis. One neglected field of research is the added psychosocial
stressors present in this environment. This research examined the experiences of offshore oil and gas
workers through one-on-one online interviews which were recorded and transcribed. Transcripts
were analyzed through the qualitative software NVivo, which generated themes and patterns for
the responses given to questions that were developed through a focus group. The results of the
analysis showed that multiple psychosocial stressors are present in this population, such as fear
of speaking up, unsatisfactory company-provided facilities, work–life interference, work status,
micromanaging, gender harassment and bullying. In addition, interviews identified that production
and time pressures, along with fatigue, can influence accidents and mistakes. Climate factors also
cause discomfort. However, these are managed according to best practices by organizations. Due
to the timing of the study, COVID-19 was a significant stressor for some, but not all, employees. In
conclusion, offshore oil and gas workers face multiple stressors in a dangerous environment that may
Citation: D’Antoine, E.; Jansz, J.;
lead to devastating consequences.
Barifcani, A.; Shaw-Mills, S.; Harris,
M.; Lagat, C. Psychosocial Safety and Keywords: psychosocial stressors; offshore oil and gas; workplace health and safety; COVID-19
Health Hazards and Their Impacts on
Offshore Oil and Gas Workers. Safety
2023, 9, 56. https://doi.org/10.3390/
safety9030056 1. Introduction
Academic Editor: Raphael Grzebieta Australia’s Fly-in, Fly-out (FIFO) workforce has been the subject of increasing interest
in terms of psychosocial research [1,2], yet workers in the resource sector who are based
Received: 30 June 2023 offshore remain somewhat overlooked in comparison to onshore workers. There has been
Revised: 8 August 2023
an increased risk of suicide among onshore FIFO workers over the last ten years [2]; how-
Accepted: 11 August 2023
ever, the mental health statistics around the offshore oil and gas workforce are less clear.
Published: 15 August 2023
Added stressors for offshore employees include extreme geographical isolation, longer
rosters, extreme weather events such as tropical cyclones, changeable ocean conditions,
and helicopter travel. COVID-19 also affected travel, roster arrangements and work safety
Copyright: © 2023 by the authors.
for this population. The change in rosters during the pandemic resulted in the National
Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. Offshore Petroleum Safety and Environmental Management Authority [3] issuing an alert
This article is an open access article concerning the psychosocial risks of compacted rosters on the mental wellbeing of offshore
distributed under the terms and workers. Rosters had been amended in an attempt to reduce the risk of transmission. How-
conditions of the Creative Commons ever, this meant that workers were spending extended periods of time offshore. Moreover,
Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// these changes were made without adequately consulting with offshore employees.
creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ Making psychological health and wellbeing a priority can help contribute to a healthier
4.0/). economy because of mental health’s impact on performance and productivity [4,5]. In
2.1. Participants
The sample consisted of two groups: 8 members of a focus group and 29 interviewees,
5 of whom were part of a pilot study, providing a total of 37 participants, 33 of whom were
male and 4 who were female. The age of participants in the pilot and main studies ranged
from 25 years to 60+ years. A total of 17 employees described themselves as permanent, 4 as
casual workers, 7 as contractors and one as a casual contractor. All respondents in the study
worked 12 h days, with no days off, while offshore. Roles were varied and included, but
were not limited to, Integrated Rater, Engineer, Cook, Health and Safety Advisor, General
Service Operator and Electrician.
2.2. Procedure
All interviews were video recorded and transcribed. The questions were formed
from a focus group session held prior to the interviews and from a review of published
literature related to offshore oil and gas work. This review of published literature identified
several main mental health hazards. Anxiety and depression were found among workers
who endured long, uneven or revolving shift patterns [11–13]. Workplace bullying and
interpersonal conflict had caused anxiety and negative safety outcomes [14], as well as
depression and elevated suicide risk [15]. Poor sleep quality for offshore workers was
linked to anxiety [16] as well as depression and mood disorders [11]. The isolation of
FIFO work has been associated with higher levels of anxiety [2,17] and stress [18]. Low job
latitude or control was shown in some studies [11,19] to be linked to anxiety and stress.
The published literature was related to offshore oil and gas workers internationally and
was not specific to Western Australia. The questions were of an open-ended design, which,
according to Creswell [20], enabled respondents to answer as accurately and genuinely as
possible. Appendix A contains the questions asked in the focus group, and Appendix B
details the main study interview questions with changes made after the pilot study.
Safety 2023, 9, 56 3 of 17
2.3. Analysis
From the transcribed documents, notes were made in a researcher’s diary. From the
transcripts of the video recordings, sections of answers were entered into NVivo. All
interviewees were anonymous and given numbers 1–37. Once the data had been imported
into NVivo, the software sorted similar items and applied codes and sub-codes, which
combined the items under predominant themes. The process of classifying and arranging
data assisted in identifying the themes that emerged from the interviews and focus group
participants’ responses. The coding gathered central responses to the research goals in col-
lective nodes and provided results that are reliable, as when repeated searching for similar
connections is performed, the same results produce the same computer-generated results,
pointing to the strong validity and reliability of the findings. NVivo uses several tools to
ascertain these links, ensuring methodical and valid results are generated. Furthermore,
the software minimizes the occurrence of automatic and human errors [21]. The analysis of
qualitative data through NVivo software strengthened the validity and reliability of the
analytical process [22]. The findings were compared to the results of the literature review.
3. Results
The questions were developed from the focus group analysis, and any modifications
were finalized after the pilot study. There were 19 final questions in the main study, which
covered a wide range of topics. The questions asked of the participants are included in this
article’s Appendix A for the focus group and Appendix B for the interviewed participants.
The results of the main study reflect the findings of the focus group, where casual
workers spoke of their reluctance to express their dissatisfaction with aspects of their work.
Fear of speaking up extended to the stigma around men reporting mental
health issues:
‘I think people tend to assume that if they are having mental health problems, they may
be deemed unfit to work offshore and might lose their jobs’. (P29)
There appear to be different working ‘spaces’ with the oil and gas industry. Participant
#33 explained:
‘From what I’ve seen and what I’ve seen that the FPSO like I was saying is the pinnacle of
where everyone wants to be, but I’ve seen the other side of the coin, which is in in drilling,
and the bravado and the looking down upon people that have, you know, shown any sort
of weakness. It’s pretty disgraceful out there’.
As well as the drilling working environment, the diving community in offshore oil
and gas is typically masculine, and the effect of workplace culture on whether someone
will seek help for poor mental health is ‘massive’ (P4):
‘So, nobody would ever in the diving culture seek that and not make that aware because
diving’s. . . number one, you don’t want to be mentally week at all, like you would never
show weakness in diving, ever. . . I think there would be (stigma) for sure because people,
especially in diving, you don’t want to lose trust in somebody. You know, you are trusting
your life because if someone’s going to come rescue you, it could be that guy, you know.
And it’s very much any weakness. . . do not show any weakness you know? Probably
less so above the water, but it’s still the same. It’s still very much a macho. . . that classic
machismo or whatever it is’. (P4)
Not speaking up in the context of the macho culture of a male-dominated workplace
extends to reluctance to disclose symptoms of sickness, particularly during the pandemic
when symptoms were consistent with COVID-19:
‘I have returned to work after having COVID. And for me, I was generally trying to hide
any discomfort or physical symptoms I might have had from the aftereffects of it. So, I
didn’t really speak up about how I was feeling, if I was tired or fatigued. I was trying I
guess not to let my co-workers down and I could know that from that period where we had
five guys out with COVID at the same time, after they came back, they all went straight
back into sort of a 12-h day. And I could tell that affected some of them. You know, they
went from doing nothing in the cabin for seven days and isolation to sort of full-time
work in the sun, you know, lifting heavy things. So, it’s definitely a big adjustment for
them’. (P10)
P16 reported a similar experience:
‘I got flu. I think I got sick because the Air Con was really cold inside. But then you
have to be inside and outside during the whole day, so I think that’s what made me sick
last. Plus, I think someone was sick as well. So, they get sick, but they have to continue
working. So, like, if you’re working and someone is coughing or sneezing, you still need
to be there. I think that’s why I got sick. But that’s the only time and I didn’t have even
time like to rest or anything. It was just like take pills, continue working, and yeah,
hopefully you’ll be better next day’. (P16)
‘The self-declaration of someone being fit to work, if they are in insecure employment,
some have been reluctant to advise on symptoms as they may not pick up work again for
some time. Or alternatively when they do advise they have symptoms they are not paid’.
(P13)
Safety 2023, 9, 56 6 of 17
‘It’s the isolation, you’re on an island, a FPSO, a platform, there’s no social aspect of life,
you are isolated from your family. Worse times are birthdays, Christmas, if someone is in
an accident, my son was in an accident and they wouldn’t fly me off, but I used to do that,
so I know how easy it is to fly people off ’. (P21)
Another worker with obvious mental health difficulties was not given the necessary help:
‘There was another guy, he had some mental health things going on. He went to work
on a ship and when he got home, he stabbed another person. They died. Yeah. So, like he
immediately had some mental health things going on, but he was pushed and then he had
to get off the ship. And then when he got home, he killed his housemate’. (P13)
‘...the boys noticed that he wasn’t right. And they phoned the office at the time, and they
said you need to get him off, you need to get him off. He’s not right. And they said no, no,
he said he’s OK. So yeah, he’s staying. And this guy stayed, went through work and he
wasn’t right at work, when he got off work, he went home and killed his flat mate’. (P24)
Other issues at home, such as unresolved interpersonal issues (P1, P8, P13) that do
not generally warrant an employee being flown off the facility, are worsened by isolation
(P15). P8 cited high rates of divorce in their department. Isolation on an offshore facility or
vessel tends to worsen family issues, especially if the ability to communicate properly with
family, particularly children (P15), is disrupted by poor internet provision (P2, P3, P4, P6,
P7, P10, P11, P17, P18). Transitioning back into home life after being offshore for weeks is
difficult (P8), and workers feel that they live two separate lives (P28).
3.1.6. Micromanaging
Participants expressed frustration at the tendency for managers to micromanage
workers, a damaging practice that reveals a lack of trust in workers (P28). Again, raising
safety concerns showed a tendency to cause difficulties for workers:
‘I’m in quite a strong trade union, which I’m proud to be. But having said that, that
doesn’t mean we’re, you know, rebellious, but we do the things, but we won’t accept
anything less on safety or conditions of work and these guys have come in with a pretty
intimidatory style, so yeah we were definitely singled out. But you know, you had to
watch your back at work in regards to what you did on jobs they, you know, they check
up on you, send people out to make, you know, try and catch us out on safety to try and
undermine us being on board’. (P6)
One organization excessively controlled food portions. P20, a qualified cook, stated:
‘We’re all qualified to do our jobs. And the micromanagement is getting out of control in
my opinion and not just in my department but in other departments too yeah, they get
around it. We all get around it one way or another. But it just makes it stressful. We just
wanna go there and do our jobs, you know, and do them safely. Obviously, safety is a big
issue. But to micromanage everybody’s diets I think is beyond. . . that’s getting to become
a control freak I think really’. (P20)
However, the over-regulation of food options may have had more to do with cost:
‘So, they really cut down on the budget and they end up, you know, serving sausages
and mashed potatoes and stuff like that. So, it’s just not a good thing to do, but the effect
that it has on, you know, crew morale is, is huge. It’s huge, but for whatever reason,
companies, you know, we had a KPI. They audit every cent that’s spent and you’re only
allowed a certain amount per head’. (P8)
Several participants had worked under managers who were overbearing, with strong
egos (P6, P29), and with ‘an intimidatory management style’ (P6). Unfriendly or unsupportive
managers caused their workforce to be unhappy and to dread returning to work (P29).
Safety 2023, 9, 56 8 of 17
‘There was a manager that used to work at our company who has now been let go because
of the way he treated people, and everyone that worked with him used to say how much
they dreaded going back to work. A previous manager I worked for offshore was extremely
demanding and constantly paging me to get updates on what was happening and there
was little trust in me, I found this quite mentally taxing and would feel so much more
exhausted working under him than his back-to-back’. (P29)
Antithetical to micromanaging is allowing employees role autonomy:
‘I think that one plays a big part in affecting mental health. When you go into a job and
you know that you’ve got that autonomy and you’ve got the trust of your managers and
supervisors. It does incentivise you to do better and achieve’. (P27)
‘There’s a lot of guys, mariners, that just can’t keep up their tickets and things like that
and just, you know, just basically get squeezed out of the industry and that’s what’s
happened now. And now everyone is looking for people in WA and you know, a lot of
good guys are gone and they can’t get back into the industry because they just don’t have
the money to get their tickets again, like it costs so much for a casual employee on vessels
to get all your tickets back again, you know you need a 15 grand kicker straight up there
to get into it and you can’t get a bank loan because you don’t have the money or security
so you’re kind of stuck. We’ve lost a lot of good people’. (P33)
Other concerning factors include loss of leave (P24) and coercion to move interstate to
circumnavigate state quarantine mandates (P4, P8, P13). During the height of the pandemic,
offshore workers experienced increased fatigue and mental health issues:
‘We have seen a marked rise in mental health issues, and staff having to demobilise early
due to fatigue and mental health. COVID-19 has certainly been one of the root causes of
this worrying trend. We have seen a direct link between fatigue and mental health’. (P1)
The procedures put in place by organizations in response to the pandemic were
criticized by P22:
‘Definitely cause that’s why I resigned from a full-time position. You know I’d been there
14–15 years whatever it was. And then I just got sick and tired of being locked up. Told
what you’re gonna do. Told what you’re allowed to eat. Told what you’re allowed to drink.
The whole way it was managed, if you could call it that, I found very frustrating. And
they even, even when the pandemic first broke and we actually raised it with onshore
management saying, listen, because we were sailing for Singapore, said have you got
anything in place or have you thought about anything around what’s going to happen
with this? And they laughed at us and said we’re watching too much social media. And
then we set off for a three-week journey and three months later we got back home and that
was after being anchored up there and there was no certainty about how they could get us
off or when they could get us off. They wouldn’t send food out to the ship because they’re
worried that we’re gonna run out or we’re gonna get COVID off the packaging on the
food’. (P22)
4. Discussion
Sex and Gender Statement
The Western Australian offshore oil and gas industry is a male-dominated industry,
and an analysis of results was not conducted to determine any differences between male
and female participants’ responses. A reason for not conducting a gender analysis was
Safety 2023, 9, 56 10 of 17
that the research only included four female participants, with the rest of the participants
being male.
Company-provided facilities such as accommodation, food and Internet were men-
tioned frequently by participants. Poor accommodation has wide-ranging negative effects,
such as reduced quality of sleep and resulting fatigue [23] and the inability to disengage
from work [24]. Fatigue is linked to decreased motivation, communication, attention and
recall and reduces an individual’s ability to make decisions. Furthermore, there is an
increase in the tendency to make errors [25] and perform at a reduced level [26]. Good
quality food and sleep are considered to be one of the most important factors in work
programs [27]. Providing permanent accommodation alone would significantly help to
improve mental health and wellbeing [2] as sometimes the room that workers slept in was
changed frequently during their time offshore.
As P13 witnessed, near-miss accidents are highly likely when workers are distracted or
not in the right frame of mind. Distracted employees are at a higher risk of being involved
in accidents because their ability to identify hazards is reduced [28]. Furthermore, when the
focus is on production, particularly after a shutdown [P22], there is a diversion of cognitive
resources to concentrate on meeting production targets [28]. When cognitive resources are
stretched, concentration and alertness are reduced, and any peripheral safety cues may be
missed [29].
Communication between team members is vital for a collaborative work environment.
However, speaking up about workplace issues can negatively impact interpersonal com-
munication and connectivity. Casual workers are likely to have less information available
to them due to the weaker flow of information, perhaps due to the association between
insecure work and work disorganization [30]. Power discrepancies between managers and
workers further impair employees’ sense of control over work tasks, promotion, and future
career options. Being excluded from meetings and trips means that information sharing is
further compromised and, consequently, can undermine work performance, which could
be a challenge to reverse [31]. Speaking up has been referred to as ‘booking a window seat
on the next flight out of here’ [32] (p. 16). Several of the interview respondents alluded to
the organizational focal point of being in a state of production (P22, P26, P29), notably
on drilling sites (P6). In times of high production, employees would be expected to work
overtime (P29).
A major finding of the study was that casual and contract workers experience higher
levels of stress linked to their job status. Casual conversion is available to employees who
have worked a steady pattern of shifts for 6 months and have been with the same employer
for over 12 months [33,34]. Unfortunately, 40.9% of casual employees in Australia are
disqualified from casual conversion on these criteria [35], and the organization may still
refuse conversion based on ‘reasonable grounds’ [34]. The process of hiring employees
for their short-term duration offshore and then terminating their contract and restarting
it again for the next offshore swing should not be used as a tactic by organizations to
avoid casual conversion or to deprive workers of opportunities to vote on employment
matters (P20).
Research on offshore facilities has noted that casual or contract workers have experi-
enced inferior conditions. On North Sea facilities, it was found that contractors generally
performed the riskiest work and reported an ‘us and them’ culture [36] (p. 588). Perma-
nent employees are less willing to trust temporary employees because of their short-term
status [37]. Trust between workplace teams may safeguard against the emergence or pro-
gression of blame culture within an organization [38]. Because open communication and
the flow of information facilitate safety behavior, organizations should seek to build on the
manager–employee trust relationship. Giving employees role autonomy will strengthen
this relationship, which is crucial if there is to be accountability without blame. Like
micromanaging, low role autonomy can lead to feelings of helplessness [14], poor perfor-
mance [38] and eventually to interpersonal conflict [14,38].
Safety 2023, 9, 56 11 of 17
Spending prolonged periods away from home and family on a regular basis means that
usual support avenues for workers are unavailable. Where there is conflict between family
and work, stress can manifest [7,39–41] to affect attention levels during tasks and safety
compliance [42]. Living away from home is a major drawback of working offshore [27],
and often there is a resulting difficulty in balancing work and family responsibilities [14,43]
and in readapting to family life (P8, [43]). Reintegrating back into the family home is made
more difficult by fatigue [2] and by misaligned expectations from both partners (P8).
Micromanaging is associated with low workplace morale, reduced productivity and
high levels of employee turnover [44,45]. Supervisors who micromanage their workers
suppress creativity [45], underestimating the potential for development and growth within
the workplace and the organization as a whole. Furthermore, it places employees at risk of
burnout and is a common reason for workers leaving their job [44].
The results consistently showed that bullying came from sources where unequal
power relations existed, such as management and other workers. While P20 and P29
experienced gender harassment, other participants had experienced bullying from the
management level, a similar finding to other research [2], where results showed that 40.54%
of participants identified that bullying came from supervisors or management. Over half
of the employees in another study [46] had experienced bullying in the workplace, with
close to one-third (32.3%) reporting moderate to severe depression. Both studies examined
Australian onshore mine workers. Being a victim of bullying affects employees’ intentions
to remain with the organization [47]. Other research reported a four-fold increase in
psychological distress [48]. Supportive practices opposing bullying to tackle the patterns of
masculine norms present in the mining environment are suggested [2], lending weight to
the theory that social support is negatively associated with bullying [49].
In a study involving female FIFO workers [50], all participants often felt discriminated
against by male supervisors. Furthermore, career progression was difficult due to the
barriers to networking opportunities for women. Female oil and gas workers endure
an environment of pervasive sexual harassment [51], and two of the four female partici-
pants in this study indicated that they were negatively impacted by the male-dominated
work environment. Impacts of gendered organizational climate are often experienced as
discrimination, harassment and sex-role stereotyping.
When rosters were extended during COVID-19, additional strains were placed upon
a population that was already vulnerable to poor mental health and had a higher risk of
suicide [2,52]. Rosters for offshore workers are generally lengthier than those for onshore
workers, with the shortest offshore roster being two weeks (P29). The longest roster was
six weeks away (P11), while during the pandemic, this extended to 3 months away from
home for some workers (P22).
The main concerns for participants were catching and transmitting the virus (P1),
echoing other recent study findings on offshore workers [53] and through a national survey
during the first month of COVID-19 restrictions [54]. In particular, the fear of infecting
loved ones or family members caused distress [P1,55], and there had been frustration and
nervousness about when the pandemic would end. Research has found poor mental health
due to characteristic FIFO stressors together with quarantine measures and fear of job
loss [55]. Another common cause of stress was attempting to hide symptoms similar to
those of COVID-19, causing presenteeism, which impacts productivity and heightens errors
and accident risk, increasing the likelihood that employees will become absent in the future
with worsening physical and mental health [56]. Echoing these results, many participants
in this study who traveled interstate to work offshore were often kept away from family for
months at a time, causing understandable distress [55]. Confinement and restrictions were
significant issues for P20 and P22, which mirrors other authors’ findings [57] of frustration
at being confined and restricted from contact with others.
In the tropical Northwest of Australia, daytime temperatures can reach extreme highs.
Further climate-specific events include cyclones [58] and humidity [59]. Other situations
affected by heat are motion sickness [60], hazardous ocean conditions [61] and helicopter
Safety 2023, 9, 56 12 of 17
travel [7,62–64]. Although clothing can function as a protective factor against radiant heat,
it also acts as a barrier to the human–environment exchange [65]. Carrying out the most
physically demanding tasks between 10–2 pm in the shade (P13) and staying hydrated are
practices already in place in some organizations. Colleagues offshore generally look out
for each other (P28) and would rather co-workers have a refreshment break than develop
heat stress (P22). Fortunately, breaks are well-managed (P9, P18), and there is a stop-work
option if it becomes too hot (P13).
Not only can abrupt changes to the weather increase the risk of accidents, but it can
also place demands on employees’ personal resources. Anticipating the arrival of bad
weather may cause psychological stress in the form of perceived time pressures, creating a
tense and anxious working environment [14]. Because production and cost pressures are
sometimes prioritized, concerns regarding potential accidents increase. Moreover, fatigue
can result in a decline in attention, particularly where there are shift rotations. A lack of
trust between team members and supervisors is linked to poor interpersonal behaviors and
poor communication about safety, decreasing the chance that existing organizational flaws,
which may contribute to accidents, can be identified.
5. Conclusions
The main findings of the study can be summed up in the themes identified. There
were several sources of stress from company-provided facilities. When considering that the
possibility of accidents and mistakes is a stressor, the resulting fatigue from poor facilities
is even more important to consider. Being away from home compounds the effects of
a stressful environment. Casualization has had major negative effects on the offshore
workforce, and the subsequent insecurity contributes to poor mental health. This was
worsened by the COVID-19 pandemic when the general trend in employment security
took a downturn. This also intensified the reluctance to speak up on work and safety
issues due to fear of job loss, blacklisting and discrediting. When speaking out about
issues, employees run the risk of bullying and harassment from those whom they are in
an unequal power relationship with. Raising safety issues appears to be an unwelcome
practice in some workplaces when this should be encouraged in a mature organization.
Prior to the pandemic, research into FIFO workers’ mental health and wellbeing
had been identifying declining mental health and increasing suicides. This research has
revealed significant sources of psychological distress for a seldom researched population,
in particular, the female offshore oil and gas workforce.
Author Contributions: Conceptualization, E.D.; methodology, E.D. and J.J.; software, E.D.; validation,
E.D. and J.J.; formal analysis, E.D.; investigation, E.D.; resources, C.L.; data curation, E.D.; writing—
original draft preparation, E.D.; writing—review and editing, J.J.; visualization, E.D.; supervision, J.J.,
A.B., S.S.-M., M.H. and C.L.; project administration, C.L.; funding acquisition, C.L. All authors have
read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.
Funding: This research was supported by an Australian Government Research Training Program
(RTP) Scholarship.
Institutional Review Board Statement: The study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration
of Helsinki and approved by the Human Research Ethics Office of CURTIN UNIVERSITY (HRE2021-
0512, 25 August 2021) for studies involving humans.
Informed Consent Statement: Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.
Data Availability Statement: Data is unavailable due to privacy or ethical restrictions.
Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest. The funders had no role in the design
of the study; in the collection, analyses, or interpretation of data; in the writing of the manuscript; or
in the decision to publish the results.
Safety 2023, 9, 56 13 of 17
Appendix A
Focus Group Interview questions
Positioning statement: The offshore oil and gas working environment is unique and
may hold many psychological stressors for employees. When considered together, these
factors may pose a greater than average risk to employees’ mental health and wellbeing.
This discussion aims to facilitate the development of effective interview questions for the
research participants of the study Identifying Western Australian Offshore Oil and Gas Workers
Mental Health Hazards and Risk Control Measures.
Exploratory Questions:
In your experience, are there any management practices or work organization practices
that affect mining industry employees’ mental health? If so, please explain.
Do you know of any psychosocial obstacles for employees when returning to work
following a work-related injury or ill health, and if so, how do you think that these
can be mitigated?
What do you think are the main types of, and causes of, mental health stressors for
offshore oil and gas workers? What risk control measures do employers use for these
mental health stressors, and how effective do you think they are?
If employees have poor mental health, how does this impact offshore employees’
health and safety?
Do you know of any economic effects on organizations when employees have to deal
with psychosocial issues and/or poor mental health? If so, what are the
economic effects?
What do you think are the economic effects of having good employee mental health
practices implemented by the company?
Regarding best practices, what do you find gives the best outcomes for promoting
positive mental health for employees in the workplace?
Where do you think that there are opportunities for improvement in promoting posi-
tive mental health practices for contractors and workers with ongoing employment in
the offshore oil and gas industry?
Exit statement:
Is there anything else that you would like to add to the discussion or anything that
you feel was missed?
Appendix B
Main Study Questions
Positioning statement: It has been identified that the offshore oil and gas working
environment can be stressful for workers, particularly when considering mental health
and wellbeing, so it is necessary to investigate the psychosocial stressors which present
themselves to employees in this environment and examine the personal, organizational
and economic implications of poor mental health caused by these stressors. A work-related
mental health hazard is defined as work demands that do not match the workers to their
knowledge and abilities or the resources that they have available to do the work. The
response can be cognitive, physical, behavioral or emotional. Work-related mental health
hazards include, but are not limited to, physically and/or cognitively demanding work,
aggression, bullying, interpersonal conflict, under-supervision, over-supervision, lack of
constructive feedback, lack of support, lack of respect, work overload, lack of role clarity,
poor organizational change management, unplanned work events (e.g., over-time, call-
outs), awkward roster design (e.g., mid-swing rotations, working night shifts after traveling
during the day), extreme weather conditions, suboptimal living and sleeping conditions
(e.g., vibration, restricted living area, high levels of ambient noise, lack of privacy), poor
organizational justice, fatigue, burnout, experiencing dangerous occurrences, exposure to
trauma and emergency management. Further, being physically or socially isolated from
friends and family may be an additional burden [66–68].
Safety 2023, 9, 56 14 of 17
The aim of this interview is to identify mental health hazards and possible solutions to
these stressors and inform organizations and policy-makers of best practices for preventing,
identifying and improving poor mental health in the offshore working environment.
Demographic information
What is your role in the oil and gas industry?
Do you work for a large (more than 200 employees) or small company (less than
200 employees)?
What best defines your work status? You may agree to more than one:
Permanent.
Contractor.
Part of a service company.
Casual.
Length of experience in the offshore oil and gas industry:
Less than 5 years.
6–10 years.
11–15 years.
16–20 years.
21–25 years.
26–30 years.
30+ years.
Which age group do you belong to?
Under 25
26–30
31–35
36–40
41–45
46–50
51–55
56–60
60+
Exploratory questions
What are your rostered hours of work, and for how many days/weeks at a time are
you at a time rostered to work offshore?
How do you feel about this?
Have you experienced any management or work organization factors that have caused
you stress? If yes, please explain how this affected your mental health.
Have you had any time off work due to stress?
Are there any environmental factors that have affected your mental health when
working offshore? If yes, please explain.
What do you perceive to be the main work-related mental health hazards?
Have you experienced any psychosocial stressors? If yes, please explain.
If you have experienced returning to work after an illness or injury, how were your
mental health needs considered in your return-to-work plan?
How does the workplace culture affect whether someone will seek help for stress or
poor mental health?
In what way have you found that the personality of managers affects employee mental
health?
In what way have you found that the personality of co-workers affects employee
mental health?
Does stigma seem to affect poor mental health help-seeking and reporting?
Have you ever had a psychological illness or suffered from poor mental health?
If ‘Yes’:
Has having a psychological illness or poor mental health had an effect on you financially?
Safety 2023, 9, 56 15 of 17
Have there been any economic effects on your employer or its employees from a
worker being stressed or from having poor mental health? If yes, describe the effects.
Does your employer provide mental health education? If yes, please describe the
education provided.
Does your employer implement any other strategies for mental health promotion or
support? If yes, please describe these strategies.
What interventions or approaches does the company have to develop employee
resilience? Resilience is the capacity of a person to recover quickly from difficult
situations through having good problem-solving skills that enable the person to cope
when there are difficulties.
In your experience, what have you found most beneficial for improving employee
mental health?
Has the COVID-19 pandemic had any effect on your mental health? If so, why?
Exit statement:
Is there anything else that you would like to tell me about psychosocial stressors or
mental health hazards, what is done well to manage these hazards and if there are
opportunities for improvement in managing employee mental health in the offshore
oil and gas industry?
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