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INAFOR 2021 Stream 4 IOP Publishing
IOP Conf. Series: Earth and Environmental Science 917 (2021) 012016 doi:10.1088/1755-1315/917/1/012016

The social construction of gender relation reality: an analysis


of time management applied on sustainable bamboo forestry
among families in Ngadha, East Nusa Tenggara, Indonesia

B D Prasetyo, D Ekawati, Handoyo, D Djaenudin, Indartik, E Y Suryandari and


G K Sari
Center for Research and Development on Social, Economy, Policy and Climate
Change, The Ministry of Environment and Forestry, Jl. Gunung Batu No.5 Bogor,
West Java, Indonesia

Email: [email protected]

Abstract. Gender discourse in Indonesia is currently developing very rapidly. On one hand,
gender activists have focused on gender mainstreaming. On the other hand, the socio-cultural
reality in Indonesia persists with the old traditional construction of power relations between men
and women. Feminists fight for justice and inclusiveness for women. However, their struggle
must be confronted with the fact that the prevailing socio-cultural norms still tend to be male-
dominant. This paper will reveal how the social reality of power relations in the realm of gender
is constructed in rural areas in Indonesia. The subjects studied are families at the clan level who
are managing sustainable bamboo forestry in Ngadha Regency, East Nusa Tenggara, Indonesia.
The research was conducted in 2019-2021. The methods used are participatory rural appraisal
(PRA), in-depth interviews, and observation as participants. Time allocation is used as the object
of this study to create gender mapping. The analysis is carried out using a social construction
theory. This study concluded that the clan of Neguwulacan adopt the HBL system. This is
reflected in the emergence of local initiatives to manage finances, the workforce, groups, as well
as build and implement them at the clan level. The gender relations that exist in SBF practice at
the clan of Neguwula are relative. First, in terms of family lines, women obtain benefits because
could hold matrilineal law. Political decisions remain in the hands of women. Second, practically
speaking, women work twice as much in domestic and commercial work. Third, in some cases,
deliberation is put forward for a fair division of labor. At this point, inclusiveness emerges as a
reality that colors gender relations.

1. Introduction
Academics have widely studied the role of women in natural resource management. Scientific articles
on gender continue to increase. For example, from 1992 to September 2018, 537 scientific papers were
published in 171 journals, with study sites in 83 countries, related to women and gender and forestry
and Indonesia undertake as one of the countries that are the locus of study for women activists [1].
Studies on gender are found in rural communities’ life practices, especially on agroforestry and bamboo
management [2].

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INAFOR 2021 Stream 4 IOP Publishing
IOP Conf. Series: Earth and Environmental Science 917 (2021) 012016 doi:10.1088/1755-1315/917/1/012016

Ecofeminist activists mainly support the central issue of women and the environment [3,4]. From the
point of view of ecofeminism, nature is often personified as a woman [5]. In some places, even consider
the earth, in general, is a mother [6]. This point of view then becomes the basis for treating nature the
way women are treated. Materially, women, according to ecofeminism, should be important actors in
environmental management [5,7].
Gender is not only about males or females. Furthermore, gender is a social construction that is formed
and is identical to the regulation of the role of men and women [5,7]. In agroforestry management, for
example, it was found that the role of men is more dominant than women's [2,8–10]. Mainly men are
working in upstream sectors while women are working in the downstream areas [11–13].
In the context of bamboo management, several articles mention the influence of gender in the
division of tasks between men and women, for example, in Ghana [14], India [15], and Toba [16].
Bamboo has a history that is closely related to cultural practices [17]. Bamboo is identical to men [18].
Women process bamboo into handicrafts because of culture [19].
Meanwhile, the bamboo gardens in Ngadha are mostly grown on clan lands. The use of bamboo is
regulated with deliberation by the families who are members of the clan. Men and women are always
involved in activities in the bamboo garden. Initially, bamboo was used subsistence for construction
needs, such as naja, lenga, and pelupuh. When the bamboo processing industry in Maumbawa was
established, several clans used their bamboo to sell it to the company [20].
However, the practice of gender-based division of labor in daily activities deserves more attention.
For example, how is the division of roles between men and women in their daily practice? How much
time do women and men spend sharing roles in working and taking care of the household? The next
question arises, namely, how gender relations are constructed from the division of roles and time
allocations that occur.
This paper will reveal how the real social reality of power relations in the realm of gender is
constructed in rural areas in Indonesia. The subjects studied are families at the community level clan
managing sustainable bamboo forestry (SBF) in Ngadha Regency, East Nusa Tenggara, Indonesia.

2. Methodology
This research is action research that is using a qualitative approach. Activities conducted during the
research process are not only for obtaining data and information but also become part of the social
engineering on the clan who are under study. The research is conducted on a house-based clan
community named Sao Neguwula. The location of Sao Neguwula is in Doka, Radabata Village, Golewa
District, Ngadha Regency, East Nusa Tenggara Province. The research was conducted from 2019 to
2021. The methods used are participatory rural appraisal (PRA), in-depth interviews, and observation
as participants. Time allocation is used as a tool in this study for gender mapping. The analysis is carried
out using a triad dialectical framework of social construction theory.
This study uses social construction theory [21] to determine the construction of gender-based power
relations which are formed among clan communities. The triad dialectical of objectivation,
externalization, and internalization is employed to describe the social reality that is shaped as a result of
daily social interactions among families in Sao. Objectivation is a social reality that exists and considers
as a common habit. Internalization, in addition, is a process of understanding objective reality by
individuals in the community. Meanwhile, externalization is the actualization of values, rules, and norms
resulting from the internalization of daily activities [21].

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INAFOR 2021 Stream 4 IOP Publishing
IOP Conf. Series: Earth and Environmental Science 917 (2021) 012016 doi:10.1088/1755-1315/917/1/012016

Objectivation

Internalization Externalization

Figure 1. Triad dialectical in social construction theory according


to Berger & Luckmann [21].

Gender-based power relations formed in clan communities will be discussed according to the
framework (Figure 1). The approach used is an analysis of the Time allocation and daily activities of
men and women are taken as tools to identify gender relations in this clan community. The intensity of
the activity and the duration of time spent are important points to describe gender-based power relations.

3. Results and discussion


3.1. Sao Neguwula, SBF and matrilineal law
Sao Neguwula is a clan that has already benefited from selling bamboo harvested from their Sao lands.
Money that they obtain from selling bamboo is managed by their group for Sao's needs. In 2019 they
used the money to repair their traditional houses. According to Nimus Jawa, leader of the clan, they
spent almost IDR 300,000,000,- for house materials and more than 100,000,000- for the traditional
ceremony. “All money we used for those occasions are gathered from selling bamboo,” said Nimus.
Currently, there is a bamboo processing industry established in 2009 located between Ngada and
Nagakeo districts that utilize community bamboo resources. The factory has been producing preserved
bamboo strips and sticks as half-finished products to supply the larger industry in Bali and East Java.
The bamboo half-finished products from Flores are processed further into bamboo lamination boards
and blocks as end products. Since bamboo has been processed into construction material, the raw
material requirements are four years old bamboo. Therefore this industry partnered with civil society as
a non-government organization namely Environmental Bamboo Foundation (EBF) to assist in the
sustainable bamboo forestry system known as the SBF system that they have been created.
EBF also provides support knowledge and technology on SBF system implementation. Although,
EBF still hires laborers to ensure the SBF method is applied towards bamboo they purchase from
bamboo owners. This method makes bamboo owners only generate IDR 20,000,- per-culm. Additional
values will be reached if the owners are taking over the role of EBF’s labor in doing the SBF system.
The price will rise about IDR 60,000,- to IDR 70,000 per culm. To pursue this, Sao Neguwula intends
to take the chance by planning to take over the role of EBF in managing bamboo on their land through
the SBF method.
In terms of socio-cultural context, Sao Neguwula adheres to matrilineal law. Such a system has an
impact on their daily activities, whether in adat activities and daily household life. According to adat
law, the position of women in their family tends to be benefited. For example, in the case of inheritance
right to the traditional house and the use of customary lands within the Sao family, women have their
privilege on it. However, in terms of making a decision, women are still delegating their authority as a
decision-maker to her brother. Even though the final decision is in a hand of women who inhibit Sao
traditional house, but usually they will obey the decision made by men.
Despite this, the number of women activities in a matrilineal family in Ngadha, generally still more
men activities. According to our survey towards matrilineal villages in Ngadha, there are 8 out of 11
daily activities done by women while men only did 3 out of 11. The role of women tends to be more on
domestic tasks such as carrying water, cooking, looking after children, washing clothes, cleaning the

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INAFOR 2021 Stream 4 IOP Publishing
IOP Conf. Series: Earth and Environmental Science 917 (2021) 012016 doi:10.1088/1755-1315/917/1/012016

house, watching children, managing finance, and giving food for livestock. Men, on the other hand, only
conduct three physical tasks such as gathering firewood, looking for animal feed and fixing the house.

Table 1. Distribution of role inside the household activities (%).

Activities SBF-Matrilineal
M W M+W N
Search for firewoods 30 16 54,4 0
Search for animal feeds 23 19 50,9 7
Feeding the livestock 18 21 54,4 7
Carrying water 9 32 36,8 22,8
Cooking 0 79 21,1 0
Look after children 0 72 21,1 7
Washing clothes 0 79 14 7
Cleaning the house 0 68 26,3 5,3
Watching children 2 51 40,4 7
Managing finance 5 63 29,8 1,8
Fixing the house 79 0 21,1 0
Source: Baseline survey 2019.
M: Men
W: Women
M+W: Men + Women
N: No response

3.2. Time allocation based on gender


Sao neguwula has its seasonal calendar. The result gathered from PRA shows that they have two main
annual activities. First is farming activities. They grow commodities, besides the short-lived crops such
as corn, tubers, and pumpkins, they also grow coffee, cloves, and cocoa. The second is socio-cultural
activities. This activity is divided into traditional and religious ceremonies. The traditional party named
Reba is usually held in December, January, or February. It depends on the decision made by the adat or
clan leader who will vote which month the adat party will be done. Reba is a thanksgiving ceremony to
start planting. While Ka Sao or repairing traditional houses is usually done in September or October.
On the other hand, the religious ceremonies performed by Sao Neguwula families are Easter, New
Greetings, Christmas, and New Year.

Table 2. Sao Neguwula’s seasonal calendar or monthly activities in a year.


Activities Month
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
FARMING
Land preparation x x
Rainy season
planting
Types of corn, x x
sweet potatoes,
pumpkin
Stitching x x x x
Land clearing x x x x x x
and maintenance

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INAFOR 2021 Stream 4 IOP Publishing
IOP Conf. Series: Earth and Environmental Science 917 (2021) 012016 doi:10.1088/1755-1315/917/1/012016

Rainy Season’s
Harvesting
Corn x
Coffee x
Clove x
Cocoa x
Summer season
planting
Corn Planting x x x
Weeding and x x
maintenance
Summer
harvesting
Corn x
SOCIO-
CULTURAL
Reba (traditional x x x
new year)
Ka sa’o x x
(repairing sa’o
traditional
house)
RELIGIOUS
ACTIVITIES
New year x
Easter x
New Greeting x x
(Sambut baru)
Christmas x
SBF – A
SIMULATION
Coding and x x x
Survey
Mounding x x x x x
Harvesting Tentative – depends on needs
Nursery tentative – Follow the harvesting time
Source: PRA 2020

In this PRA, a simulation of the time allocation for the application of SBF is also carried out for
families in Sao Neguwula's house. As a result, they chose to conduct a survey and record the codes on
bamboo which belong to Sao from July to September. Then it is continued by conducting activities of
stockpiling bamboo roots and rhizomes from October to February. Meanwhile, the activities of
harvesting and making bamboo seedlings are carried out tentatively. This is by the SBF principle which
only allows harvesting of bamboo stalks with a year code according to the time.

Table 3. Activities in a week for each day.


Activities Day
Sun Mon Tue Wed Thu Fri Sat
Go to Church, look after x
livestock, arisan, family
gathering.
Farming (dry-land). x x x x

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INAFOR 2021 Stream 4 IOP Publishing
IOP Conf. Series: Earth and Environmental Science 917 (2021) 012016 doi:10.1088/1755-1315/917/1/012016

Preparing commodities to be x
sold in the weekly traditional
local market.
Selling commodities in the local x
market.
Look for animal feed. Tentative tentative tentative tentative tentative tentative tentative
Source: PRA 2020.

Daily, it is known that the activities of families in Sao Neguwula with high intensity are working in
the fields and gardens. Regularly from Monday to Thursday, they spend time looking after their fields
and gardens. This includes a garden overgrown with bamboo. The bamboo forest belonging to the clan
is managed in cooperation among fellow members of Sao. The yield of the communal garden is given
to Sao. Meanwhile, privately owned gardens are managed independently by the nuclear family. The
results of it are the rights of the garden owners.
Livestock is an important thing needed for traditional ceremonies for Ngadha people. The most
valuable livestock are buffalo and pigs. These two types of livestock are in very high demand. Almost
every customary ritual must include buffaloes and pigs. Meanwhile, small livestock such as goats and
chickens do not have a significant need for traditional celebrations. Therefore, activities to find and feed
livestock are carried out almost every day. Usually in the morning and evening involving both men and
women. Saturday is a market day for the Golewa people. Sao Neguwula, which is located close to the
Mataloko market, takes advantage of market days to sell their commodities. They are preparing the
commodities to be sold to the market on Friday. While Sundays are allocated to worship at church and
gather with family members.

Table 4. Daily Activity for each hour both men and women
Time Women’s Activities Time Men’s Activities
05.00 – 05.30 Preparing breakfast 05.30 - 07.00 Get up and breakfast
05.30 – 06.00 breakfast 07.00 – 08.00 Look after livestock, slice
moke, preparing a packed
meal.
06.00 – 06.30 Preparing children for going 08.00 – 11.00 Work in the garden
to school.
06.30 – 07.30 Cleaning the house 11.00 – 13.30 Lunch break
07.30 – 08.00 Feeding livestock 13.30 – 16.00 Working in the garden
08.00 – 11.00 Working in the garden 16.00 – 18.00 Look after livestock,
extract/slice moke, prepare
for dinner.
11.00 – 12.00 Preparing lunch 18.00 – 20.00 Take a bath and dinner
12.00 – 13.00 Lunch 20.00 – 22.00 Leisure, nalo, playing cell
phone
13.00 – 14.00 Daybreak 22.00 – 05.30 Sleeping
14.00 – 15.30 Working in the garden
15.30 – 16.00 Feeding livestock
16.00 – 17.30 Preparing dinner
17.30 – 19.00 Dinner
19.00 – 21.00 Leisure and praying Rosario
21.00 – 05.00 Sleeping
Source: PRA 2020.

Gender-based time allocation only appears when PRA is included in the discussion of activities that
are usually carried out every day in hours. The results obtained are not much different from the previous
survey on matrilineal law households in the Golewa sub-district in table 1. The role of women is twice

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INAFOR 2021 Stream 4 IOP Publishing
IOP Conf. Series: Earth and Environmental Science 917 (2021) 012016 doi:10.1088/1755-1315/917/1/012016

as much as the role of men. It is both in terms of work and duration of time allocated. Women do more
domestic activities such as preparing breakfast, lunch, and dinner, preparing children's school supplies
and cleaning the house. While men do not do this.
On the other hand, productive activities such as working in the garden that is carried out by men are
also carried out by women. Meanwhile, in terms of the duration of time, women wake up earlier and
start activities directly. Women do not nalo (chatting with people while drinking moke – traditional
alcoholic drinking) while men can do it for hours on end. At this point, power relations at the family
level between men and women begin to emerge.

3.3. The construction of gender relation


Power relations between men and women in Sao Neguwula could be perceived in how they distribute
tasks and jobs for daily needs. The share of domestic and commercial work carried out by women is
greater than men. Meanwhile, men are not burdened by domestic work. This is also occurred in Vietnam
[22], India [23] and Africa [11,24]. Traditional law makes the applied job distribution situation seem
unfair to women [25].
However, Ngadha culturalist, Yohanes Mopa when interviewed said that Ngadha custom respects
women. This can be seen from the procession of making traditional Ngadhu symbols (male symbols)
and Bagha (female symbols). This procession always prioritizes the establishment of Bagha first and
then followed by Ngadhu. In addition, women always are prioritized to live in traditional houses and
cultivate communal land belonging to the clan. "Those two things are examples of how Ngadha culture
respects women," Mopa explained.
Such construction of social reality has been existing for a long time. Furthermore, it could be
considered an objectivated truth by the Ngadha people. Women work twice as much as men from a
feminist point of view, it could be interpreted as the oppression of men against women. However, from
a cultural point of view, it is a form of responsibility for women who act as mothers to take care of their
families, especially their children. Although they are also involved in making a living together with their
husbands.
The power relations that emerge from the time allocation, the application of matrilineal law, and the
triad dialectics of social construction that occur in the Sao Neguwula community show that women are
respected by custom. However, in practice, women still work more than men. So, it can be said that
gender-based power relations in Sao Neguwula are still won by men.

4. Conclusion
Although in the simulation context, families in Sao Neguwula can adopt the SBF system. This is
reflected in the emergence of local initiatives to manage the financial system, workforce, groups. It also
shows that the gender relation that is constructed is still relatively men domination. This could be seen
by using two points of view. In the modern context, time allocation, matrilineal law, and triad dialectic
of social construction theory perceived that women are less powerful than men. Nevertheless, the
indigenous lenses said the opposite. According to this, women are valuable among adat people.
Therefore, they put forward to be assigned more compare to men.

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Acknowledgment
We thank the Sao Neguwula community in Doka, Radabata Village, Ngadha District, East Nusa
Tenggara, Kanoppi 2 Objective V Project, ACIAR, ICRAF, P3SEKPI, EBF, and all parties who
supported this research project.

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