Workers of all lands, unite!

For a Lasting Peace,

For a People’s Democracy !
Bucharest. Organ of the Information Bureau
of the Communist and Workers’ Parties

NO. 9 (121), FRIDAY, MARCH 2, 1951

Source: Journal “For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s
Democracy”, N0. 9 (121),FRIDAY, MARCH 2, 1951

Origin of language: English

Scanned, transcribed and prepared as an E-Book.

February 2022

The Socialist Truth in Cyprus- Direct Democracy (Communist Party)

London Bureaux

http://www.st-cyprus.co.uk www.directdemocracy4u.uk

2
 CONTENTS

HISTORIC DECISIONS OF GREAT ASSEMBLY OF PEOPLES ............................. 5

FURTHER PRICE REDUCTIONS IN THE SOVIET UNION ................................ 10
FIRST SESSION WORLD PEACE COUNCIL ..................................................... 12
APPEAL OF WORLD PEACE COUNCIL RESPECTING CONCLUSION OF
PACT OR PEACE ...................................................................................... 12
Participants in the Session invited by the World Peace Council: ........... 14
RESOLUTION ON THE UNITED NATIONS ................................................ 15
CONCERNING A PEACEFUL SOLUTION OF JAPANESE QUESTION ........... 17
CONCERNING A PEACEFUL SOLUTION OF THE KOREAN PROBLEM ....... 18
CONCERNING PEACEFUL SETTLEMENT OF THE GERMAN PROBLEM ..... 18
CONCERNING THE U.N.O. DECISION UNJUSTLY CONDEMNING THE
CHINESE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC AS “AGGRESSOR” IN KOREA .................... 19
CONCERNING STRUGGLE FOR PEACE IN COLONIAL AND DEPENDENT
COUNTRIES ............................................................................................. 20
Report by Pietro Nenni ........................................................................... 21
Discussion of Pietro Nenni’s Report ....................................................... 25
Report by Yves Farge .............................................................................. 27
Discussion of Yves Farge’s Report .......................................................... 28
Final Meetings of Session ....................................................................... 33
SECOND CONGRESS OF HUNGARIAN WORKING PEOPLE’S PARTY ............. 36
PLENUM OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE, COMMUNIST PARTY OF
CZECOSLOVAKIA ......................................................................................... 40
CONTINUED GROWTH OF MEMBERSHIP IN ITALIAN COMMUNIST PARTY 44
HUNGARY’S ADVANCE ALONG PATH TO SOCIALISM AND TASKS OF
HUNGARIAN WORKING PEOPLE’S PARTY . Matias Rakosi General
Secretary, Hungarian Working People’s Party ............................................ 45
The Internal Situation ............................................................................. 46
The Situation in the Party and its Development .................................... 53
Our Most Important Tasks ..................................................................... 57
STRUGGLE OF POLISH PEOPLE FOR PEACE AND SIX-YEAR PLAN .
Boleslaw Bierut Chairman, Central Committee, Polish United Workers’
Party............................................................................................................ 66
Poland and Aggressive Policy of U.S. Imperialists .................................. 67
Concerning the Slogan for a National Front .......................................... 72

3
 Struggle for Peace and the Six-Year Plan................................................ 77
Our Tasks ................................................................................................ 81
PARTY LIFE .................................................................................................. 84
15.000 NEW MEMBERS JOIN FRENCH COMMUNIST PARTY .................. 84
WORK OF PARTY ORGANISATIONS IN MACHINE-AND-TARCTOR
DEPOTS ................................................................................................... 85
PARTY CONSULTATION CENTRES OF SOFIA ORGANISATION,
COMMUNIST PARTY Of BULGARIA ......................................................... 86
INTERNATIONAL AND INTERNAL SITUATION AND TASKS OF COMMUNIST
PARTY OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA . Clement Gottwald, Chairman, Central
Committee, Communist Party of Czechoslovakia ....................................... 89
I. Some Questions on International Situation ........................................ 89
II. Some Questions on Internal Policy ..................................................... 96
III. Certain Inner-Party Questions ......................................................... 100
IV. Main Tasks of Party in Immediate Future ....................................... 106
FASCIST TITO CLIQUE CRUSADE AGAINST CULTURE. Ruben Levy,
Member, Central Committee, Communist Party, Bulgaria ....................... 109
AMERICAN PUBLIC OPINION DENOUNCES TRUMAN’S IMPERIALIST
GAMBLE IN KOREA .................................................................................... 118
FRANCE. PEOPLE OF DRANCY (SEINE DEPARTMENT) SIGN PETITION
AGAINST REARMING GERMANY ............................................................... 120
POLITICAL NOTES ...................................................................................... 121
1. Mr. ATTLEE TRIES ON THE DICTATOR’S TOGA .................................. 121
2. DEWEY THREATENS .......................................................................... 122
3. SELF-INVITED GUESTS ....................................................................... 124
AMERICAN IMPERIALISTS PLUNDER AUSTRIA .......................................... 126
FRENCH PEOPLE AGAINST FASCIST ELECTORAL LAW ............................... 127
FACTS EXPOSE... ........................................................................................ 129

4
 HISTORIC DECISIONS OF GREAT
ASSEMBLY OF PEOPLES
The first session of the World Peace Council, voicing
the will of the peoples, adopted historic decisions which
mark a new and most responsible phase in the struggle
of progressive mankind to preserve and consolidate
world peace. The session ratified the Appeal of the
World Peace Council for the signing of a Pact of Peace;
and also resolutions concerning UNO, peaceful
regulation of the German, Japanese and Korean
problems, the. UNO decision unjustly branding the
Chinese People’s Republic as the “aggressor” in Korea,
‘the peace struggle in the colonial and dependent
countries, about the journal “Peace”, and the
International Peace Prize.
These decisions are exceedingly actual and acquire a
truly world significance in view of the fact that the anti-
people’s: Governments in the capitalist countries,
headed by U.S. imperialism, seek by their Policy of
aggression. to create a situation fraught with new
military conflicts, threatening to plunge the world into
the abyss of another war. The continued criminal
American aggression in Korea; the fomenting of new
hotbeds of war in Germany and Japan; the
transformation of the United Nations from an
organisation of nations “enjoying equal rights into an.
instrument Or preparing aggressive war, into an
organisation acting in the interests of the “American
imperialists—these developments are links in one and
the same chain, links in the plan of the Warmongers to
unloose another world war. This situation calls for
intensified activity by the fighters for peace.
5
 The measureless significance of the decisions of the
World Peace Council is not only that they mercilessly
expose the aggressive imperialist policy threatening the
security of the nations; each of these decisions,
addressed either to all the peoples of the world or to
the peoples of a number of countries, contains a
programme of concrete actions by means of which the
masses of the people, will, undoubtedly, be able to curb
the instigators of a new war. Therein lies the great
mobilising and organising force of the decisions of the
World Peace Council.
The main paramount task, set by the World Peace
Council, is the organising of a mass movement for the
conclusion of a Pact of Peace between the five Great
Powers.
“To fulfil the hopes cherished by millions of
people, throughout the world, irrespective of their
views as to the reasons giving rise to the danger of
world war”, says the Appeal of the World Peace
Council:—
“To strengthen peace and safeguard international
security:—
“We demand the conclusion of a Pact of Peace
among the five Great Powers—the United States of
America, Soviet Union, Chinese People’s Republic,
Great Britain and France.
“We shall regard refusal by the Government of
any Great Power to meet for the purpose of
concluding a Pact of Peace as evidence of aggressive
designs on the part of the given Government.
“We call upon all peace-loving nations to support
this demand for the conclusion of a Pact of Peace
which should be open to all countries.”

6
 The matter is one of organising an international
referendum on the widest scale in the history of
mankind, the concrete aim of which is to secure that
those Powers, bearing the main responsibility for
preserving peace, sign a Pact of Peace open to all
countries. The question is, consequently, of a vital step
forward along the path of stable peace and security for
the peoples, of a great new campaign in defence of
peace.
Not a single person in any country, not a single
organisation of any trend, genuinely striving for peace,
can fail to agree with the Appeal for the signing of a
Pact of Peace by the Governments of the Great Powers.
By signing the Appeal, every person, no matter what his
views about the reasons for the danger of a new war,
will, by so doing, make his contribution to the cause of
safeguarding universal peace.
Refusal by any Government to support the demand
for a Pact of Peace between the Great Powers would
signify but one thing—desire for another war and fear of
having one’s hands tied while preparing aggression and
war. Any Government refusing to enter into negotiations
for the conclusion of a Pact of Peace, which seeks to
evade them or takes refuge behind a propaganda
barrage of lies, will expose itself before the world as an
aggressive Government, as a Government thirsting for
new war ventures, for blood and destruction.
The success of the campaign for signatures to the
Stockholm Appeal enabled the organised movement of
peace partisans to increase the ranks of its supporters
many times over; to extend its base among the masses;
to establish a powerful network of peace committees
and to transform this movement into a decisive factor in
the struggle of the peoples for peace. At the same time,
7
the first session of the World Peace Council revealed
new and enormous possibilities at the disposal of the
peace movement for its further development.
The forthcoming campaign for signatures to the
Appeal for the signing of a Pact of Peace will have an
immeasurably greater significance than the previous
campaign for signatures to the Stockholm Appeal. The
Appeal for a Pact of Peace expresses the innermost,
vital interests and aspirations of the peoples. Its
remarkable simplicity, perfect clarity and absence of
narrowness in any shape or form, render the Appeal
understandable and acceptable literally to every person
of good-will. Hundreds of millions of people in all
countries and all continents will, without doubt, greet
the historic decisions of the world assembly of peoples
fighting for peace, will sign the Appeal and isolate the
instigators of war.
The World Peace Council places before the world
peace movement and the peace committees in all
countries the urgent task—to bring the Appeal to all
people in the world, to every individual; to break
through each and every cordon of falsehood still
confusing the masses; to overcome all obstacles erected
by the warmongers, The historic decisions of the World
Peace Council call upon the ordinary man to take action
against the armaments drive, for an immediate
cessation of the war in Korea, for settlement of all
controversial questions by peaceful negotiations, for the
signing of a Pact of Peace between the Great Powers.
This address will find its way to the mind and heart of
every worker, peasant, physician, teacher, worker in
the field of art and science, engineer and technician,
handicraftsman and trader, soldier and officer,
representative of any religion, to every mother to whom
8
the life of her sons is dear, to all who desire peace and
detest war, death and the destruction of the
achievements of human culture and civilisation.
The Communist and Workers’ Parties in all countries
will be, as hitherto, in the front ranks of the mighty
army of the peace supporters; they will be the most
active part of this army, because their main task, in the
present international situation, is to fight to preserve
and consolidate peace; because they have no interests
other than the vital interests of the masses of the
people.

9
 FURTHER PRICE REDUCTIONS IN THE
SOVIET UNION
In connection with the further successes and
achievements attained in 1950 in the sphere of industry
and agriculture, in increasing labour productivity and
lowering production costs, the Soviet Government and
the Central Committee of the CPSU (B) found it possible
to effect, another—the fourth—reduction in State retail
prices for consumer goods.
The Council of Ministers of the U.S.S.R. and the
Central Committee of the CPSU(B) announced:
Beginning with March 1, 1951, to reduce the State
retail prices for food and manufactured goods: bread,
flour products, flour, groats, rice, beans, macaroni
products, concentrated foods, grain, fodder, meat,
meat products and lard, 15 per cent; fish, fish products,
fats, cheese, dairy produce, confectionery, tea and
coffee, 10 per, cent; salt, 21 per cent; vodka, liqueurs,
cognac, tomato and fruit juice, 10 per, cent ; soya-bean
products, 15 per cent; soap, 15 per cent; perfumes,
eau-de-cologne and other cosmetic goods, 10 per cent;
cigarettes and tobacco, 10-15 per cent; furniture,
china, and other household items, 20 per cent; glasses
and other glass and kitchen utensils, lamps. And
mirrors, 10 per cent, matches, 20: per-cent kerosene,
22 per cent; benzine, 20 per cent; radio goods, radio
sets: and bicycles, motor-cycles other cent. Building
materials—roofing material and window glass, 20 per
cent. Nails, wire, sheet and high-grade iron, cement,
wallpaper, 10 per cent. Sewing machines and
accessories, meat-grinders, oil-stoves, primus-stoves
and parts, all kinds of cutlery, locks, hardware, irons
10
(not electric), hatchets, spades, scythes, pitchforks,
harness and saddles, and plastic goods, 10 per cent.
To lower accordingly, prices in restaurants,
canteens, and other public dining establishments.

11
 FIRST SESSION WORLD PEACE COUNCIL

APPEAL OF WORLD PEACE COUNCIL

RESPECTING CONCLUSION OF PACT OR
PEACE

To fulfil the hopes cherished by millions of people

throughout the world, irrespective of their views as
to the reasons giving rise to the danger of world
war;—
To strengthen peace and safeguard international
security:—
We demand the conclusion of a Pact of Peace
among the five great Powers—United States of
America, Soviet Union, Chinese People’s Republic,
Great Britain and France.
We shall regard refusal by the Government of any
great Power to meet for the purpose of concluding a
Pact of Peace as evidence of aggressive designs on the
part of the given Government.
We call upon all peace-loving nations to support
this demand for the conclusion of a Pact of Peace,
which should be open to all countries.
We append our names to this Appeal and we call
upon all men and women of good-will, all
organisations seeking to strengthen peace, to sign it.
Chairman: Frederic JOLIOT-CURIE (France), Vice-
Chairmen: Pietro NENNI (Italy), Gabriel d’ARBOUSSIER
(Black Africa), J. D. BERNAL (Great Britain), Alexander
FADEYEV (U.S.S.R.), Leopold INFELD (Poland), KUO
MO-JO (China). Bureau members: ILYA EHRENBURG
(US.S.R.), Yves FARGE (France), Jan KYUKAROVSKI
12
(Czechoslovakia), Mrs. Jessie STREET (Australia),
General Secretary Jean AFFITTE (France). Secretaries:
Palamede BORSARI (Brazil), Rev. John DARR (U.S.A.),
Gilbert de CHAMBRUN (France), EMI SIAO (China),
Giorgio FENOALTEA (Italy), GULAEV (U.S.S.R.), Ivor
MONTAGU (Great Britain), Austria: Prof. Josef
DOBRETSBERGER, Ernst FISCHER. Algeria: Abderhaman
BOUCHAMA, Great Britain: J. G. CROWTHER,
Alexander REID, Malcolm NIXON, Hewlett JOHNSON,
Steve LAWTHER. Belgium: Max COSYNS. Bulgaria:
Ludmil STOIANOFF, Methodi POPOFF, Dr. George
NADJAKOV. Brazil: Jorge AMADO. Hungary: Mme.
Erzsebet ANDICS, Janos PETER, George LUKACS.
Germany: Johannes R. BECHER, Erwin ECKERT,
Heinrich FINK, Mme. Edith HOERETH-MENGE, Mme.
Anna SEGHERS, Dr. Johannes HERZ, Mme. Helene
WEIGEL-BRECHT, Dr. Arnold ZWEIG. Greece: Petros
KOKKALIS. Denmark: Martin ANDERSEN NEXO. Egypt:
Ahmed SAAD KAMEL, India: Dr. Mohanlal ATTAL.
Indonesia: TJOA SIK IEN. Iran: ESKANDARY. Spain:
Manuel SANCHEZ ARCAS. Italy: Umberto TERRACINI,
Mme, Ada ALESSANDRINI, Achille LORDI,, Salvatore
QUASIMODO, Mario PALERMO, Leonida REPACI,
Fernando SANTI, Tullio VECCHIETTI, Count Paolo
SELLA DI. MONTELUCE. Canada: Prof. J. C. ENDICOTT.
China: TSAI TING-KAI, WU YAO-TSUNG, PEN TSE-MIN
(representing CHANG PO-CHUN, member of the World
Peace Council), CHEN TINMIN (representing LIAO
CHENG-CHIN, member of World Peace Council), Mme,
LU TSUI (representing Mme. LI TEH-CHUAN, member of
the World Council), LI YI-MENG (representing LIU NING-
I, member of the World, Peace Council); LI SHUN-TSING
(representing MA YIN-CHU, member of the World Peace
Council), TSUI YUE-LI “(representing WU LAN-FU,
13
member of the World Peace Council); Lebanon: Antoine
TABET. Mongolia: DAMIAN SUREN. New Zealand C. W.
CHANDLER. Poland: Ostap DLUSKI, Jan DEMBOWSKI,
Leo KRUCZKOWSKI, Jerzy PUTRAMENT, Rumania: Mihall
SADOVEANU, Mme: Florica MEZINCESCU. Syria: Said
TAHSIN, Mustapha AMINE, U.S.S.R. A. E.
KORNEICHUK, Wanda WASILEWSKA, Z. N. GAGARINA,
A. I. OPARIN; L. N. SOLOVIEV, V, I, KOCHEMASOV,
NIKOLAI, Metropolitan of Krutitza and Kolomna. Tunisia;
Mohamed DJERAD. Uruguay: José Luiz MASSERA,
Finland: Välnö MELTTI France: Justin GODARD, Jean
BOULIER, Mme, Française LECLERC, Laurent
CASANOVA, Guy de BOISSON, Jacques MITTERAND,
Robert CHAMBEIRON, Fernand VIGNE, Mme. CASSIN, J.
P. MAY, Marcel ALLEMAN. Ceylon; Peter KEUNEMAN.
Black Africa: Sekou TOURE, Saar IBRAHIMA,
Czechoslovakia: Mme. Anezka HODINOVA-SPURNA, A,
HORAK, V. BOUCEK. Yugoslavia: Pero POPIVODA. South
Africa: Desmond BUCKLE.

Participants in the Session invited by the

World Peace Council:

Britain: Duncan JONES, J. J. SMITH. Belgium: Mme.

Isabelle Blum, Emile CAVENAILLE, Burma: Ko Tun-
CHEN. Viet Nam: Nguen van HUONG. Western
Germany: Helmuth HANSMANN, Petra HANSMANN,
Herbert JENTZEN, Helmuth von MUECKE, Dr. REINAU,
Mme. Christa THOMAS, Pastor OBERHOF, Mme.
OBERHOF, Jürgen BARTUM, Klaus HANSEN, Günther
VOSPERAU, Günther WEISS, Heinz WEISSENBERG,
KRUEGER. German Democratic Republic: Maximilian
14
SCHEER, Georg BECKER, Herbert SCHAFFER, Fritz
SCHOLZ, Heinz WILLMANN. Holland: Simon SCHOEN,
Joris IVENS. Greece: Mme. Melpo AXIOTI, Denmark:
Edvard HEIBERG, Mme. Johanna ANDERSEN NEXO,
Israel: Mme, Ruth LUBITSCH (representing Tevfik TUBI,
member of the World Peace Council), Indonesia: Mme.
Hilde FELGEN. Spain: Vicente URIBE, Mme. I. FALCON.
Italy: Giullano PAJETTA, Gabriele dé ROSA, China: MEI
JU-AO, CH. Y. CHIAO. Korea: Mme. HE DEN SUK, LI
DONGON, Cuba: Mme. Casimira Nila ORTEGA, Lebanon:
Mme. Victoria EL HELOU. Norway: Henrik FINN.
Poland: Jan CZUJ, Mme. Stanislawa PISAREK. Thailand:
S. TULARAKS, Prassert SUPOSONTHORN, Finland: Mme.
Cristina PORKKALA. France: Gérard de BERNIS,
Jacques DENIS, Marie Claude VAILLANT-COUTURIER,
Max STERN. Rumania: Sorin TOMA, Czechoslovakia:
Joseph HROMADKA. Switzerland: Frantz KELLER.
Sweden: Mme. Eva PALMER. Japan: Kazuo KAWAMURA.

RESOLUTION ON THE UNITED NATIONS

The World Peace Council notes that the United

Nations has not replied to the Address of the Second
World Congress, as if proposals submitted by
representatives of hundreds of millions of people in
support of peace were not its concern.
Since the adoption of the Address, the United
Nations has continued to disappoint the hopes placed in
it by the peoples and has raised this disappointment to
the extreme by the resolution condemning China. as an
“aggressor”. It has sanctioned, and covered by its
authority, the systematic annihilation in Korea, by

15
American armed forces, of almost a million people,
including aged people, women and children, mutilated
or burnt beneath the ruins of their towns and villages.
The World Peace Council resolves to send to the
United Nations a deputation comprising:— M. Nenni
(Italy), Mme. Isabelle Blum (Belgium), Mme. Davis
(Great Britain), Mme. Jessie Street (Australia), M.
d’Astier de la Vigeri (France), M. Tikhonov (U.S.S.R.),
M. Wu Yao-tsun (Chinese People’s Republic), M.
Hromadka (Czechoslovakia), M. d’Arboussier (Black
Africa), M. Neruda: (Chile), M. Hara (Mexico), Paul Ries
and Uphouse (U.S.A.), Dr. Attal (India).
This delegation is authorised to demand from the
United Nations:—
1. That it consider the various points contained in
the Address of the World Congress and the various
resolutions of the session of the World Peace Council,
and to express its opinion on each.
2. That it return to the role assigned it by the
Charter, namely, that it should serve as a centre for
agreement between the Governments and not as the
instrument of any dominant group.
This action of the World Peace Council will have the
support of hundreds of millions of men and women who
have the right to maintain vigilant watch to ensure that
high international organs do not betray their mission of
safeguarding peace.

16
 CONCERNING A PEACEFUL SOLUTION OF
JAPANESE QUESTION

In pursuance of the decisions of the Second World

Peace Congress, the World Peace Council resolutely
condemns the re-militarisation of Japan now being
effected by the occupying power contrary to the will of
the Japanese people. The World Peace Council
considers necessary the holding of a referendum in
Japan and in the interested countries of Asia, America
and Oceania on the remilitarisation of Japan, and
conclusion of a peace treaty “with a de-militarised and
peaceful Japan.
The World Peace Council condemns all attempts to
conclude a separate peace with Japan. It considers that
the peace treaty must be a subject for discussion by the
People’s Republic of China, the United States of
America, the Soviet Union and Great Britain, and
thereafter should be accepted by all the interested
countries. Upon signing the peace treaty, the
occupation forces must be immediately withdrawn. The
people of Japan must be guaranteed a democratic,
peaceful life.
All military organisations and institutions,
acknowledged, or concealed, must be forbidden, and
the whole of industry transferred to a peace footing.
The World Peace Council calls upon all friends of
peace in Asia and in the Pacific area, including those in
Japan, to assemble in amity at the earliest possible
date for a regional conference in defence of peace, for
the purpose of really ensuring a peaceful solution of the
Japanese question, in order thereby to dispel the
serious danger of war in the Far East.
17
 CONCERNING A PEACEFUL SOLUTION OF
THE KOREAN PROBLEM

For the purpose of achieving a peaceful solution of

the Korean question, the World Peace Council demands
that a conference of all interested countries be
convened immediately.
We address ourselves to peace-loving people in all
countries with the call that they demand from their
Governments support for the immediate convening of
the abovementioned conference.
The World Peace Council emphatically adheres to
the view that the foreign troops must be withdrawn
from Korea and thus enable the Korean people
themselves to settle their internal affairs.

CONCERNING PEACEFUL SETTLEMENT OF

THE GERMAN PROBLEM

In violation of the will of the peoples, on whose

behalf agreements were signed insisting categorically on
the disarmament of Germany, militarist and Nazi forces
are being revived. This restoration of armed forces and
war industry in Germany contains the grave danger of a
new world war.
The World Peace Council notes, with satisfaction,
the growth of peace-loving forces in Germany and the
success of the Peace Congress in Essen. It greets all
friends of peace in Germany who, jointly with all other
peace-loving trends, are preparing io carry out the
referendum which will ex press the will of the German
people concerning the remilitarisation of their country
18
and the signing of a peace treaty that will put an end to
the present ominous situation.
The World Peace Council calls upon the nations most
directly menaced to unite in a vigorous movement of
protest so that millions of men and women shall compel
their Government to sign, during this year, a peace
treaty with a peace-loving and united Germany, whose
demilitarisation, ensured by international agreement,
will be the best guarantee of peace in Europe.

CONCERNING THE U.N.O. DECISION

UNJUSTLY CONDEMNING THE CHINESE
PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC AS “AGGRESSOR” IN
KOREA

The World Peace Council recalls the definition of

aggression adopted by the Second World Peace
Congress: “Aggression is a criminal act of that State
which first employs armed force against another State
under any pretext whatever”, and denounces as unjust
and unlawful the decision adopted by the General
Assembly of the United Nations Organisation,
condemning the Chinese People’s Republic as
“aggressor” in Korea:
This decision constitutes a grave obstacle to the
peaceful solution, of the Korean question, contains a
threat of-spreading the war in the Far East and, thereby
threatens the outbreak of a new world war.
The World Peace Council demands the annulment of
this decision by the United Nations Organisation.

19
 CONCERNING STRUGGLE FOR PEACE IN
COLONIAL AND DEPENDENT COUNTRIES

The Charter of the United Nations, based on the

right of the people to self-determination, raised high
hopes in the colonial and dependent countries. But in
this regard, as in many others, the United Nations,
acting as a cover for violence and oppression, and
pursuing the aim of keeping the peoples in a state of
colonial dependence and oppression, has disappointed
the hopes placed in it.
This situation aggravates the danger of a new world
war.
The World Peace Council denounces the false
propaganda which seeks to depict another world war as
the path leading to self-determination for the colonial
and dependent peoples. It declares that solidarity
struggle of all people for peace is the decisive factor in
the struggle of the colonial and dependent peoples for
the right to self-determination.
The proposals aimed at securing a peaceful
settlement of the Korean conflict and the other vital
problems in Asia, (Taiwan, Viet Nam, Malaya) and the
peaceful settlement of the German and Japanese
problems, and also the peace initiative displayed by
some Asian, Arabic and other peace-loving countries,
help simultaneously both to preserve peace and to
affirm the right of the peoples to self-determination.
The growing opposition of the colonial and
dependent peoples ta aggression, oppression and
strangling of~ their liberties; to the inclusion of their
countries in aggressive pacts; to the raising of military
contingents and: their utilisation against other peoples,
20
to the quartering of foreign troops on their territories;
to granting military bases and appropriating the raw
materials of their countries; to the trampling underfoot-
of cultural values; to the measures of race
discrimination—this opposition is their natural:
contribution to the cause of preserving peace.
The World Peace Council welcomes the solidarity of
all peoples without exception in the struggle against the
war threatening all mankind.
The first session of the World Peace Council,
attended by representatives of 58 countries, was held in
Berlin over February 21-26.

Report by Pietro Nenni

A report on the item, “Carrying out the Programme

elaborated at the Second World Peace Congress”, was
delivered by Pietro Nenni (Italy). Nenni pointed out
that the Congress decisions and particularly the
“Address to the United Nations Organisation” met with
the wholehearted response of public opinion throughout
the world.
The national sections of the World Peace Council
carried out the following measures:
In France, a campaign for signatures against
rearming Germans and a letter to Mayors urging them to
support the decisions of the Warsaw Congress;
In Italy, a campaign in support of the Address of the
National Peace Council to all Mayors and municipal
councils, sent letters to clergymen and Italians residing
in the U.S.A. and open letters to Italian Members of
Parliament. The work conducted by the Peace Council

21
prompted broad circles of public opinion and even
parliament to urge the convening of a five-Power
conference for the settlement of questions relating to
the Far East and a four-Power conference for settling
the German problem;
In Germany (The German Democratic Republic and
Western Germany), numerous pamphlets and leaflets
ensured the widest popularisation of the decisions of
the Warsaw Congress, particularly, on the question of
reuniting and demilitarising Germany;
In Great Britain, a campaign for signatures and a
conference in defence of universal peace and against
rearming Germans, organised by the London Peace
Council;
In Belgium and Holland, the establishment of
committees for struggle against rearming Germany;
In the U.S. 65 public figures, including Thomas
Mann, Lainus Poling, Phillip Morrison, the Rev. Darr,
Howard Fast, Paul Robeson and Dr. Dubois, took upon
themselves the initiative for an American peace
crusade, part of which is the peace pilgrimage
scheduled for March 1 in Washington.
In Brazil and Argentina, the carrying out of a
national two-week campaign of struggle against war,
held from January 1 to January 16.
“Our movement”, said Nenni, “has developed in all
countries of the world as a result of the Warsaw
Congress and on the basis of the ‘Address to Uno,’
despite the fact that it still, comes up against barriers
in the shape of lack of understanding, particularly in the
U.S.A. Britain and in the Scandinavian countries, and
even persecution as, for example, in Spain, Yugoslavia
and in many countries of Latin America.”

22
 In the Soviet Union, the People’s Democracies and
China, the “Address to Uno” received wide publicity and
was discussed and approved by the entire population in
these countries. It is, so to say, the basis of the policy
of the Governments and of the work of large public
organisations. In accordance with Point Five of the
“Address”, the Parliaments in- Hungary, Bulgaria,
Czechoslovakia, Rumania, the German Democratic
Republic, Poland and Albania adopted laws in defence
of peace. Bills in defence of peace will be submitted for
approval to the Parliaments of Cuba, Italy and Uruguay.
Throughout Asia and to a considerable degree in Africa,
the “Address to Uno” was hailed wholeheartedly by the
peoples suffering under colonial oppression or openly
fighting against imperialism, for the colonial and semi-
colonial peoples know that their liberation is now
closely linked with the struggle against a new
imperialist war.
Pietro Nenni then went on to say that “without
insistent and daily activity, the ‘Address to Uno’ would
not have been an effective peace charter and a source
of constant renewal and expansion of this activity. The
‘Address’, three months after its elaboration and
approval, is as actual now as it was then. Not one of the
proposals advanced in the ‘Address to Uno’ was adopted
either by the Security Council or by the General
Assembly. This bare fact alone shows how far we are
from our goal which we have set ourselves, how far we
still are from settling the sanguinary conflicts which
envelop one part of the world and which may drag
mankind into a new war.”
In view of this, the speaker defined the tasks of the
World Peace Council as follows:

23
 1) To expose before world public opinion the
disintegration and bankruptcy of Uno which is now
nothing but a tool of the U.S. policy of force,
provocations and aggression, and which must be made
to return to its primary task.
2) Resolutely and firmly to condemn the
proclamation of China as an aggressor, for China is
defending its existence against the conspiracy of
MacArthur and his ally Chiang Kai-shek; it is upholding
the right of the peoples of Asia to be masters in their
own house.
3) To insist on convening a conference of
representatives of the five Great Powers for settling the
conflict in the Far East and a conference of
representatives of the four Great Powers for
reunification and demilitarisation of Germany.
4) To organise a world campaign to explain the
truth, exposing the false pretext upon which the
American policy of force is, based, i.e., that the
Atlantic bloc allegedly defends the world and Europe
from the danger of Soviet aggression.
5) To organise, on a national and international
scale, resistance to the armaments drive and its
consequences such as the switching of peace-time
industry to a war footing, abandonment of large-scale
public work beneficial for all the people, and against
lowering the living standard of the masses.

24
 Discussion of Pietro Nenni’s Report

First speaker in the discussion which followed

Nenni’s report was Hewlett Johnson, Dean of
Canterbury (Great Britain),
Hewlett Johnson emphasised that the idea is being
foisted on the Briton that the Soviet Union is allegedly
preparing for war and wants this war, and that the U.S.,
on the contrary, is longing for peace.
However, the facts expose the falseness of this talk,
declared Hewlett Johnson. He described in detail, of
the basis of facts, that the U.S. is feverishly preparing
for war, since war is a lucrative business for the Wall
Street magnates. He pointed out that Wall Street in
America and Churchill in Britain were busy preparing
the third world war before the Second World War had
ended.
Hewlett Johnson then dwelt on the peaceful policy
of the Soviet Union, pointing out that the U.S.S.R. is
entirely absorbed in peaceful constriction and in
consolidating the well-being of its people.
Hewlett Johnson spoke enthusiastically about
Comrade J. V. Stalin’s interview with the “Pravda”
correspondent. Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin’s
declaration, he said, burst like a fresh breeze into an
atmosphere of confusion and false propaganda, spread
by the enemies of peace. It contains a serious warning,
said Hewlett Johnson. At present, war can still be
averted. But if we allow ourselves to be enmeshed in
lies, we can be dragged into war. In an atmosphere of
lies, war is possible. But where truth exists, peace can
be preserved.

25
 Hewlett Johnson also quoted Admiral Kirk, U.S.
Ambassador to Moscow, who declared in December
1950, that he saw no signs of war preparations in the
Soviet Union and that Soviet army units are of peace-
time strength.
In his report, Gabriel D’Arboussier, representative
of the peoples of Black Africa and a member of the
Bureau of the World Peace Council, dealt with the
question of carrying out the decisions of the Second
World Peace Congress in Warsaw concerning the colonial
and dependent countries.
Professor Dambowski (Poland) devoted his speech
particularly to the peace movement in Poland. He
stated that the Polish people were in solidarity with the
population of the German Democratic Republic, with
the whole German people in their struggle against the
remilitarisation of Western Germany, with their
strivings to reach a peaceful settlement of the German
question, to unite Germany on a peaceful democratic
foundation.
The next to take the floor was Bouchama,
representing Algeria. He pointed to the rapid growth of
the peace movement in the colonial and dependent
countries. He reported in particular on the
establishment of a peace committee in Egypt, on the
demonstrations in defence of peace in Algeria and other
countries of North Africa.
Bouchama was followed by the famous German poet
Johannes Becher. He said that more than anything else
the Germans wanted peace. They realise that only in
peaceful conditions can Germany prosper both
materially and culturally, and that only a peace-loving
Germany can give her people the prospect of a happy

26
life. Peace is the supreme law determining the national
existence of the German people.
Becher sharply criticised Adenauer’s Bonn
“Government”, which rejected the proposal of the
Prime Minister of the German Democratic Republic,
Grotewohl, to begin talks in the interest of
strengthening peace and restoring the unity of
Germany.
The Philippine delegate Mantel Cruz assured the
World Peace Council that the Philippine people, with
the exception of a small handful of traitors,
unreservedly support peace together with the millions
of peace-loving people of all countries and ‘that they
will continue the struggle against the criminal plans of
American imperialism.
Petros Kokkalis (Greece), member of the World
Peace Council, told of the warm response accorded the
decisions of the Second World Congress in Greece and of
the enormous work accomplished by the peace
supporters there, in spite of terror and brutal
repressions.
After the speech by Soviet Academician Oparin on
February 22, Yves Farge (France), member of the
Bureau of the World Peace Council, delivered a report
on peaceful settlement of the German and Japanese
question.

Report by Yves Farge

Yves Farge recalled the obligations undertaken by

the United States, Great Britain and France on the
German question, and how they failed to live up to

27
them. The danger of war is caused by the two most
serious consequences of failure to keep their word:
By restoring the industrial and military arsenals of
Japan and Germany, the Washington Government is
restoring the two favourite centres of war provocation;
By abandoning the obligations undertaken by the
Washington Government, that is, by treating the signed
agreement as a Scrap of paper, it bears responsibility
for the situation where doubt, suspicion, fear and
mistrust are obstacles to the desire to restore peace.
“The Washington Government today,” stated Yves
Farge, is no longer resorting to cunning. It is colonising.
It is colonising Japan just as it wants to colonise
Germany, because of the powerful military economy of
the two countries, because of their geographic and
strategic positions, because of the human reserves of
Japan and Germany, which are considered -cap: able of
supplying excellent soldiers.”
The speaker called upon all to support and develop
in every way the movement of the peoples, and
especially of the German and Japanese peoples against
the, revival of German and Japanese militarism by the
U.S. imperialists.

Discussion of Yves Farge’s Report

The first speaker to take the floor after Yves Farge

was Ann Bidder (Great Britain). In her opening remarks
Bidder explained that she was speaking as a guest of the
World Peace Council, She added that she belonged to
the British Quakers and was a Christian pacifist. Bidder
stated that she was greatly impressed by the unanimity

28
and sincerity with which the members of the Session
were trying to dispel the dark clouds hanging over
mankind, and the readiness with which they were trying
to co-operate with all who were striving heart and soul
towards this.
In his speech Bishop Janos Peter of the Reformed
Church of Hungary, noted that the Hungarian people
regard the World Peace Council as the vigilant guardian
of the freedom, independence and peace of the
peoples. That is why, he continued, the people of
Hungary and all those battling for peace, will receive
with the deepest confidence the guidance of the World
Peace Council concerning the new tasks that will be
outlined in the resolutions of the Session.
In the discussion that followed Yves Farge’s report,
Kuo Mo Jo (China), member of the World Peace
Council, made a speech. In his opening remarks he
spoke of the preparations by the American imperialists
for a new world war and told of America’s intervention
against Korea and Taiwan.
Kuo Mo Jo particularly dwelt on the question of the
remilitarisation of Japan. He noted that MacArthur’s
entire activities in Japan during the past five and a half
years were diametrically opposed to the principles of
the Potsdam Declaration. MacArthur has torn up the
Potsdam Declaration and is pursuing an imperialist
policy, a policy which serves United States interests
solely. He, said that the Unite States is out to seize
China, but recognising its weakness, plans to make
Japan its accomplice in this matter. MacArthur protects
Japanese fascists and militarists ape brutally suppresses
all democratic forces of the Japanese people. In the
course of the war in Korea, the U.S. has fully utilise
Japan as a war base for aggression.
29
 The Japanese representative Kawamura informed
the Session that according to latest information,
MacArthur recently secretly ordered the Japanese
Government to prepare an army of one million men, a
strong navy and airforce of 1,000 planes. These
preparations are proceeding full steam ahead; the
regular army is being built up in the guise of police
forces.
In an effort completely to enslave the Japanese
people, MacArthur and the reactionary Japanese
Government have deprived the Japanese people of all
civil liberties, thus brazenly violating not only the
Potsdam Declaration but also the Japanese Constitution
and other laws. All genuine democratic organisations in
the country are being disbanded. Twenty-four members
of the Central Committee of the Japanese Communist
Party have been prohibited from taking part in political
life and recently some 500 Communists were arrested.
Kawamura then spoke of the successes of the peace
movement in Japan.
After Spain’s representative, Jose Bergamina,
spoke, the Soviet writer, Ilya Ehrenburg, took the floor.
He said that the warmongers were in a hurry. To them
Korea was a rehearsal. Failure did not bring them to
their senses. They are prepared to send to the slaughter
not only their own lads, but the flower of Europe. They
are buying human beings on the world market just like
their forefathers bought wool or ore.
The question of the future of Germany, continued
Ehrenburg, is a complex and painful question. It is a
knot of matted hair glued to a still raw wound. Here you
have the fate of German youth who have grown up
amidst the wailing of sirens and ruins, amidst torn up
maps of a “Greater Germany” and paltry ration cards,
30
among alien soldiers and home-bred marauders, amidst
talk about a can of tinned food and the atom bomb.
Here, too, you have the fate of all Germans of all ages,
of all social positions, who have drained the cup of
shame brought them by the Third Reich and who, having
realised the utter depth of their fall, rose again, began
to work honestly, to think, to strive toward brotherhood
and humanity.
Referring to Eisenhower’s recent visit to Europe,
and the release of the Hitler war criminals, Ehrenburg
said: “The Americans, who are plotting a new war have
prepared everything; mobilisation plans, the General
Staff, atom bombs, canned food and special
correspondents; they lack but one element—the
soldiers. To Korea they had shipped Turks and Greeks,
Dutch and French, Columbians and British. Now they are
looking for soldiers for the crusade against Russia. They
remember the end of 1944 when, al- ‘though badly
mauled in battles on the Eastern front, the German
divisions, nevertheless, struck at Eisenhower’s troops in
the Ardennes: they want to buy first-rate cannon-fodder
in Germany”.
On February 23 and 24, the following took part in
the discussion on the report by Yves Farge: Heinrich
Fink, chairman of the production council at the
“Deutsche Werit” shipyard, Hamburg; Percy Belcher,
General Secretary, British Tobacco Workers’ Union;
Nikolai, Metropolitan of Krutitza and Kolomna
(US.S.R.); Pastor Johannes Herz, Professor of Theology,
Leipzig University ; Chandler, New Zealand clergyman;
Palamede Borsari, Brazilian representative; Jessie
Street, Australian representative; Giuliano Pajetta,
Italian representative; Peter Woodard (Great Britain),
who read the text of the speech prepared by his
31
brother, Dr. Christopher Woodard, member, World
Peace Council; Deputy Robert Chambeiron, French
representative, member, World Peace Council; Prof.
Leopold Infeld, member, World Peace Council (Poland);
Mario Montesi (Italy); Professor Hromadka,
(Czechoslovakia); José Luiz Massera, mathematician,
(Uruguay); Vaino Mellti, Finnish representative; Prof.
Erich Relnau (Western Germany); Dr. Attal (India);
Antoine Tabet (Lebanon); Dr. Met Ju-Ao, former
Chinese representative on International Military
Tribunal for Far East, participated in Tokyo trial of war
criminals; George Lukacs (Hungary), writer, member,
Hungarian Academy of Sciences; Abbé Jean Boulier
(France); Hodinova-Spurna (Czechoslovakia); Damdin
Suren, author. (Mongolian People’s Republic);
Vecchietti, member, World Peace Council (Italy); He
Den Suk (Korean People’s Democratic Republic); Jones,
Secretary, British Peace Committee; Mustapha Amine
(Syria); Ernst Fischer (Austria); Tjoa Sik Ien
(Indonesia); Jean-Pierre May (France); Mihail
Sadoveanu (Rumania); Prof. Endicott (Canada);
Helmuth von Muecke (Western Germany); Wande
Wasilewska (US.S.R,); Cauj (Poland; Isabelle Blum
(Belgium); de Bernis (France); Arcas (Spain), and Harris
(Britain).
The morning meeting of the session of the World
Peace Council, February 26, was addressed by R. Lubic
(Israel); Repaci, writer (Italy); A. Korneichuk, writer
(U.S.S.R.); Helmuth Hansmann, journalist (Western
Germany); Rev. John Darr member of the World Peace
Council (U.S.A.); Ahmed Saad Camel (Egypt); Ko Tung-
Chen (Burma); Wu Yao-Tsung (China); J. D. Crowther,
member of the World Peace Council (Britain); Iskanderi
(Iran); Desmond Buckle (South-African Union).
32
 Final Meetings of Session

On February 25 and 26, the World Peace Council

discussed and reached decisions on most important
matters. The Appeal of the World Peace Council calling
for the signing of a Pact of Peace, read by Pietro Nenni,
was followed with close attention.
Dwelling on the significance of this document, Nenni
stressed that now the main task of the partisans of
peace is to ensure that a Pact of Peace be signed
between the five Great Powers.
Nenni warned that the work needed to be done in
connection with this document will not be over in a
week or in a month. It will, probably, require many
months. But if this Appeal by the supporters of peace is
heard, it will help to save the world from another war
and will rally all who are opposed to war.
The Chairman, Prof. Bernal, in a brief speech, dwelt
on the significance of this historic Appeal for the signing
of a Pact of Peace, and stressed that this document will
reach even wider masses of the people than was the
case with the Stockholm Appeal; that it does not
propose any definite decisions but merely expresses the
demand of the peoples of the world to the Great Powers
to reach agreement and to sign a Pact of Peace.
Bernal pointed out that the Governments of three of
the five Great Powers refused even to listen to a single
question raised by the peace movement. Therefore, in
these countries, the peace movement must win
additional, broader sections of the population to insist
on negotiations. It is essential to organise a mass,
unrestricted campaign for signatures to the Appeal, a

33
campaign that would assume even greater dimensions
than that in support of the Stockholm Appeal.
Jean Laffitte, General Secretary of the General
World Peace Council, announced that Frederic Joliot-
Curie, Chairman of the Council, who had been
prevented from participating directly in the work of the
session, but who, nevertheless, had kept in touch with
it, had telephoned his complete agreement with the
text of the Appeal, both in its content and form, and
had asked permission for the right to be the first to sign
the Appeal. Jean Laffitte’s announcement was received
with applause.
The Chairman then put the text of the Appeal to the
vote. All members of the Council and the guests voted
unanimously for this historic document.
On the suggestion of Pierre Cot (France), the
session also unanimously passed the text of the
resolution of the World Peace Council on the United
Nations; on the suggestion of de Chambrun (France),
the text of the resolution on organisational questions;
Attal (India), the text of the resolution, calling for a
peaceful solution of the Korean problem; Fernand
Vigne (France), the text of the resolution for a peaceful
settlement of the German problem; Emi Siao (China),
the text resolution calling for a peaceful solution of the
Japanese question; Darr (U.S.) text of the resolution
concerning the UNO decision unjustly condemning the
Chinese People’s Republic as the “aggressor” in Korea;
d’Arboussier (Black Africa), text of the resolution on
the struggle for peace in the colonial and dependent
countries (the resolutions are given on p. 1).
On the suggestion of Abbé Boulier (France), the
resolution concerning the journal “Peace” was adopted;
Pierre Cot was suggested as director of this journal;
34
Borsari (Brazil) submitted a proposal concerning the
composition of the International Peace Prize jury for
1951.
The Peace Council enlarged its composition by co-
opting representatives from a number of countries, and
included in the Bureau of the World Peace Council the
following: Mao Tung (China), Friedrich (Germany),
Isabelle Blum (Belgium), Stover (U.S.A.), Okuo Oyama,
Hirano (Japan), Tikhonov (US.S.R.), Hromadka
(Czechoslovakia), Tabet (Lebanon). In his closing
speech, Laffitte, who presided at, the final meeting,
dwelt on the significance of the historic documents,
adopted by the World Peace Council; he stressed that
these documents provide the basis for the work of
partisans of peace all over the world. He called upon
the peace supporters to immediately set about carrying
out the decisions, to intensify the struggle against war,
and wished them success in realising these great tasks.
Laffitte then declared the first session of the World
Peace Council closed.

35
 SECOND CONGRESS OF HUNGARIAN
WORKING PEOPLE’S PARTY
The Second Congress Of the Hungarian Working
People’s Party opened in an atmosphere of great
enthusiasm in Budapest oh February 25 in the presence
of delegations from fraternal Parties in twenty-five
countries; the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the
Communist Party of China, Communist and Workers’
Parties in the People’s Democracies, Korean Party of
Labour, Socialist Unity Party of Germany, Communist
Party of Germany, French, Italian, British and other
Communist Parties.
Congress was opened by Comrade Mihai Farkas,
deputy general secretary of the Hungarian Working
People’s Party. His first words were dedicated to the
Soviet Union and to the great leader of progressive
mankind—Comrade Stalin.
On this great historical day for our Party, opening
our Second Congress, he said, we turn with a feeling of
gratitude and love to our great liberator, the mighty
defender of peace, the Soviet Union and to the beloved
and great friend of the Hungarian people, Comrade
Stalin.
These words were greeted with long, tumultuous
applause. The delegates rose and cheered in honour of
Comrade Stalin.
Comrade P. Yudin, delegate representing the
Central Committee of the C.P.S.U. (B), read the
telegram of greetings from the Central Committee of
the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The telegram
reads:

36
 “The Central Committee of the Communist Party of
the Soviet Union sends fraternal greetings to the Second
Congress of the Hungarian Working People’s Party.
“Under the leadership of the Hungarian Working
People’s Party, the workers, peasants and intellectuals
have achieved great successes in strengthening the
people’s democratic State and have laid a solid
foundation for building Socialism in Hungary.
“There can be no doubt that the Hungarian Working
People’s Party will achieve fresh success in the struggle
for the further advance of the national economy, the
blossoming of its national culture, for reinforcing
friendship among the peoples fighting for peace,
democracy and Socialism.
“Long live the Hungarian Working People’s Party!
“Long live the friendship between the peoples of the
Soviet Union and Hungary!”
The delegates present at the Congress numbered
1,087 (of these 329 with deliberative voter representing
699,688 members and 162,426 probationer members.
Congress discussed the following questions:
1. Report of the Central Committee and the tasks of
the Party. Speaker, Comrade Rakosi;
2. Results of the first year of the Five-Year Plan and
further tasks in the sphere of socialist construction.
Speaker, Ernö Geröş Comrade Karoly Kis.
3. Report of Central Control Commission. Speaker
Comrade Karoly Kis.
4. Amendment to Rules of the Working People’
Party. Speaker Istvan Hidas;
5. Elections to Central Committee and the Central
Control Commission.
In his report, Comrade Rakosi made a profound
analysis of the present international situation and the
37
balance of forces of the peace camp, headed by the
mighty Soviet Union, and the camp of aggression,
headed by the U.S.A. He characterised the foul role
played by the fascist Tito clique. Comrade Rakosi dwelt
on the internal political and-economic situation in the
country, and, in this connection, on the tasks
confronting the Party.
The lively discussion which followed the report
continued for two and half days and dealt with
questions relating to Party building, socialist
construction in the countryside, the cultural revolution
etc. Fifty-three of the 144 delegates who had submitted
their names, spoke in the discussions.
Comrade Mihal Farkas, deputy secretary of the
Central Committee of the Hungarian Working People’s
Party, delivered a detailed speech on the international
situation. In his speech, Joseph Revai, deputy general
secretary of the Central Committee of the Hungarian
Working People’s Party, dealt with questions of culture
and ideology, the class struggle on the cultural front,
the links between Soviet and Hungarian culture.
Comrade Marton Horvath, Member, Political Bureau,
dwelt on the achievements in ideological and Party
education, about the shortcomings and ways of
eliminating them.
Istvan Kovacs and Andras Hegedus, Secretaries of
the Central Committee, dwelt on the following
problems: the former, on the question of training
cadres; the latter, on the agricultural co-operative
movement now underway.
Deputy general secretary of the Central Committee
of the Hungarian Working People’s Party, Comrade
Janos Kadar, spoke on organisational questions and
particularly on the question of admitting members and
38
probationer members to the Party. He also emphasised
the inadmissibility of separating organisational work
from general political tasks.
On the fourth day, Congress heard a report by
Comrade Ernö Gerö on the second item on the agenda.
The speaker summed up the results of the first year of
the Five-Year Plan and concretised the tasks in the
sphere of industrialisation and socialist reorganisation of
agriculture.
Greetings were brought to the Congress by
representatives of foreign Parties: Huan Cheng—Chinese
Communist Party; Cho Chang Ik—Korean Party of
Labour; Francois Billoux—French Communist Party;
Harry Pollitt—British Communist Party; Luigi Amades’—
Italian Communist Party; Zenon Novqak—Polish United
Worker’s Party; V. Siroki—Czechoslovak Communist
Party; I. Chislnevschi—Rumanian Worker’s Party; R.
Daminaov—Bulgarian Communist Party; F. Elsner—
Socialist Unity Party of Germany; P. Popivoda—from
Yugoslav Revolutionary emigrés.

39
PLENUM OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF CZECOSLOVAKIA
A Plenum of the Central Committee of THE
Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, presided over by
Comrade Antonin Zapotocky, was held in Prague on
February 21-24.
On the first day the Plenum heard a report by
Comrade Vaclav Kopecky on the results of the work of
the Central Commission composed of Comrades V.
Kopecky, B. Keller and G. Bares, appointed by the
Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist
Party of Czechoslovakia to investigate the case of Otto
Sling, Maria Svermova and other criminals, wreckers and
plotters.
In his report Comrade Kopecky described the
content of the documentary materials exposing the
espionage activities of Otto Sling, a hardened agent of
the Western imperialists, and also the wrecking
activities of M. Svermova who was one of the leaders of
the far-flung conspiracy which aimed at carrying out a
coup in the Party and the State, at isolating
Czechoslovakia from the peace camp, headed by the
Soviet Union, and at restoring capitalism in
Czechoslovakia. Kopecky exposed Svermova’s hostile
attitude towards the cause of Socialism in
Czechoslovakia which was the basis for the formation
of the anti-Party wrecking group, headed by Sling and
Svermova. Speaking on behalf of the Presidium of the
Central Committee of the Party. Kopecky proposed that
Svermova be deprived of the right of the membership in
the Central Committee of the Party, of her

40
Parliamentary mandate and that should be expelled
from the Party.
Following this, Svermova was given the floor. She
admitted that she had maintained close contact with
Otto Sling for many years. She attempted to justify
herself as Sling’s innocent victim but could not refute
the charge brought against her.
The 18 speakers who took part in the discussion
condemned with wrath and indignation the actions of
the conspirators and wreckers, and approved the
proposal of the Presidium of the Central Committee of
the Party.
The Plenum also unanimously approved the decision
of the Brno Regional Committee of the Party to expel
the enemy agent, Otto Sling.
Stefan Bastovansky reported to the Central
Committee about the exposure of the espionage of
Vlado Clementis in connection with the exposure of the
factional and hostile activities of the bourgeois-national
group in the Communist Party of Slovakia. The Central
Committee unanimously approved the proposal to
deprive V. Clementis, G. Husak and L. Novomesky of the
right of membership in the Central Committee of the
Communist party of Czechoslovakia, to deprive them of
their Parliamentary mandates and to expel them from
the Party.
A report on the present international and internal
situation, on the situation in the Party and its
immediate tasks was delivered by the chairman of the
Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, Comrade Clement
Gottwald.
The Plenum also heard the report of Comrade Rudolf
Slansky, General Secretary of the Communist Party of
Czechoslovakia, about the work of the Party in the
41
countryside and its immediate tasks in the sphere of
building unified agricultural co-operatives, a report by
Comrade Dolansky, member of the Presidium of the
Central Committee of the Party, about extending the
tasks of the Five-Year Plan, which signifies accelerating
the tempo of building Socialism in Czechoslovakia.
Comrade Josef Frank, deputy General Secretary the
Central Committee of the Communist Party, delivered a
report on certain questions concerned with inner-
political and inner-Party problems. He reported on the
results of the verification and exchange of Party
membership cards and proposed that admission of new
members into the Party be renewed.
Forty-nine people spoke in. the course of the two-
day discussion which followed the reports.
The speakers declared their complete agreement
with Comrade Gottwald’s report and their loyalty to the
working class, and the great cause of Lenin-Stalin.
A report was delivered by Comrade Frantisek Krajcer
who dwelt in detail on the proposals submitted by the
Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist
Party of Czechoslovakia on the question of carrying out
emergency measures to ensure supplies of bread, flour
and pastries for the population. Acting on the proposals
submitted by Comrade Krajcer, the Central Committee
decided unanimously to recommend that the
Government carry out emergency measures:—”to ration
bread and flour in order to ensure adequate supplies of
bread, flour and products, for the working population
and, above all, for industrial workers”.
The Plenum unanimously approved the report of
Comrade Clement Gottwald and resolved to regard this
report and the tasks outlined therein, as tle basis for
Party work in the present period. The reports of
42
Comrades Rudolf Slansky, Jaromir Dolansky, Josef
Frank, Vaclav Kopecky and Stefan Bastovansky were also
approved.

43
 CONTINUED GROWTH OF MEMBERSHIP
IN ITALIAN COMMUNIST PARTY

Thousands of working people joined the the Italian

Communist Party during the past month. In Naples,
4,052 new members joined the Party, in
Crotone—1, 366, in Modena—I,254, in Viterbo—1,069, in
Livorno—I,060, in Ferrara—856, in Bari 240, etc.
Membership in many of the Party federations exceeds
that of 1950 by almost 120 per cent. The membership in
many Party branches has more than doubled.

44
 HUNGARY’S ADVANCE ALONG PATH TO
SOCIALISM AND TASKS OF HUNGARIAN
WORKING PEOPLE’S PARTY* . Matias
Rakosi General Secretary, Hungarian
Working People’s Party
Comrade Rakosi devoted the first part of his report
to the Second Congress of the Hungarian Working
People’s Party to the vital issues of the present
international situation.
The international situation today is characterised by
great successes and the growing superiority in forces of
the peace camp headed by the Soviet Union; this camp
is opposed by the U.S. imperialists and their satellites
who fear peaceful competition with Socialism and who
have turned to the policy of open aggression and
military provocations.
Comrade Rakosi pointed to the role played by Tito
Yugoslavia and Western Germany which is now being re-
militarised, in the aggressive plans of the American-
British imperialists.
Comrade Rakosi also stressed the enormous
significance of the international peace movement and
recalled Comrade Stalin’s words that “Peace will be
preserved and consolidated if the peoples will take the
cause of preserving peace into their own hands and
defend it to the end.”
We, the Hungarian Working People’s Party, said
Comrade Rakosi, and, together with us, all Hungarian

*
From report by Comrade M. Rakosi to Second Congress, Hungarian
Working People’s Party, February 26.
45
working people, promise that we will indefatigably,
faithfully and selflessly continue to fight for the great
cause of peace.

The Internal Situation

Our domestic situation is characterized by the unity

of the Hungarian working people.
The more than 7 million signatures with which the
Hungarian people without exception supported the
Stockholm Appeal is only one manifestation of that
unity created under the leadership of our Party since
the victorious outcome of the fight waged against
reaction.
Our working people are not only united on the
question of peace, but also on all decisive questions in
the life of our People’s Republic. They unanimously
approve the inviolable friendly relations of our
homeland with our liberator, the great Soviet Union,
and with the People’s Democracies. They are united in
the defence of our democratic achievements, in the
efforts for the realization of our Five-Year Plan. This
unity was brought about as the result of the long-term
and consistent struggle against the remnants of the old,
exploiting order.
The working people became convinced, on the basis
of their own experiences, that we were not only able to
heal the terrific wounds caused by the war, that we did
not only clear away the ruins but we have been steadily
and successfully raising the material and cultural level
of the working people. They saw that in a difficult
situation we have been fighting courageously and

46
successfully against the external and internal enemy
that is out to restore the old capitalist reactionary
regime. They received convincing proof of this in
connection with the Mindzenty case when we struck at
reaction, hiding behind the cloak of the Church. They
experienced this again during the Rajk trial when we
uncovered the foul plans of the imperialists and the
filthy role of the provocateurs and spies of the Tito
gang. We successfully eliminated the auxiliary army of
the foreign imperialists, the Right-wing Social-
Democrats. We settled the relation between the Church
and State with patience and in a mutually conciliatory
spirit. To safeguard and further enhance the rights
gained by the struggle of our working people, we
created the Constitution of the Hungarian People’s
Republic which states that “in the Hungarian People’s
Republic, all power belongs to the working people”.
Our domestic political successes were matched by
our correct line in the conduct of foreign affairs. We
have carried out a foreign policy which has
consolidated, throughout the world, the prestige of our
long-suffering people and, made it possible for us to
join, with heads high, the great family of peaceful,
progressive nations led by the Soviet Union.
The State of the People’s Democracy was born as
the result of the battles won by the united working
people under the leadership of our Party; this is the
State which. as a result of the victory of the Soviet
Union and enjoying the support of the Soviet Union
helps our working people to advance under the
leadership of the working class, from capitalism to
Socialism.
This national unity, the like of which cannot be
found in our history, could only be brought about after
47
the defeat of the oppressors and exploiters. Our
political victories made possible their gradual
elimination from the most important fields of our State
and economy, and opened the way for our socialist
construction.
The production of our socialist industry last year was
35 per cent higher than in 1949. The wage fund of the
workers and employees increased in the course of 1950
by more than 3 billion forints and the average wage of
the workers was, in December 1950, fifty-nine forints
higher than in the corresponding month of the previous
year. Our national income grew last year, the first year
of our Five-Year Plan, by 20 percent, that is, more than
in two decades of the Horthy days. In the first year of
the Five-Year Plan the amount of investments almost
approached the sum of the entire Three-Year Plan.
In 1949, when we worked out the Five-Year Plan,
our objective was to lay the foundations of Socialism by
the realization of this plan and to transform our
homeland from an agricultural country with developed
industrial production into an industrial country with
advanced agriculture. For the realization of this plan,
we allotted for the five years, 51 billion forints for
investments. The experiences gained in the past year
convinced us that these figures were too small and,
therefore, we made a new plan, in the framework of
which 80-85 billion forints were allotted for
investments. That these plans are realistic is evident
from the results of 1950 when we fulfilled the increased
annual plan by 109.6 per cent.
What does the new Five-Year Plan with its raised
targets amount to? It means first that the new plan
makes much higher investments in heavy industry and,
within it, in the production of pig iron, steel, coal and
48
electrical energy. In numerical terms: we want to invest
37-38 billion forints in heavy industry, more than twice
as much as in the original plan. In 1949, we envisaged
an increase of our manufacturing production by 86.4 per
cent: according to the new plan, manufacturing
production will grow approximately threefold, and,
within it, heavy industry will almost be quadrupled.
Light industry will grow, instead of the 72.9 per cent, as
envisaged by the original plan, by 150 per cent.
Agricultural investments are increased in the new
plan by 40 per cent. More than 11 billion forints are
allotted in the new plan for more machinery, artificial
fertilizers and buildings. Instead of the originally
planned 22,800 tractors; agriculture will receive 26-28
thousand, the irrigated area will be increased not by
118,000 but by 323,000 holds. Thereby, an increase of
agricultural production by more than 50 per cent will
become possible.
The major prerequisites for the realization of our
Plan already exist. Our industry, with the exception of
small industry, is in the hands of the Socialist State.
Transport, wholesale trade and banking belong one
hundred per cent to the socialist sector. Seventy per
cent of retail trade is being handled by socialist trading
organs. The building of Socialism has also begun in
agriculture.
Another important component of our achievements
is the radical change in the attitude of the liberated
working class to socialist labour.
An impetus was given to the extension of socialist
methods of work by the pledges with which the
Hungarian working people celebrated the 70th birthday
of the great Stalin. These pledges took the working
people along, broke the ice and made possible here,
49
also, the spreading of those methods of work which
have been instrumental in making possible so many of
the Soviet Union’s economic successes. The Hungarian
working class is beginning to emulate, in all fields, the
exemplary deeds of the working class of the Soviet
Union and is applying to Hungarian conditions on an
ever broader scale the socialist production experiences
gained in the Soviet Union.
The Soviet Union helps in the construction of our
most modern plants, turns over its best machinery to us,
her best methods of production and, what is of no less
importance, generously places her best scientists and
Stakhanovites at our disposal.
There is no area of our economy—and I can add, of
our entire socialist life—which does not receive
constant, invaluable assistance from the Soviet Union.
One of the decisive factors which preconditioned
these successes of the Hungarian People’s Democracy is
the friendly help for which we will be always grateful to
the Soviet Union and Comrade Stalin on whose personal
initiative it was rendered.
We must also point out that a similar relationship is
developing with the countries of the friendly People’s
Democracies. The exchange of experiences with the
People’s Democracies is also important because the
conditions of development in these countries are, by
and large, similar to ours and, for this reason, their
useful experiences can be easily transplanted to our
country.
When speaking about the achievements of the
Hungarian People’s Democracy, I must mention with the
greatest appreciation and praise, the achievements of
the Hungarian working class for which they rightfully
deserve the gratitude of our entire working people.
50
 When underlining our successes, we must also
express our appreciation for the good work of our
intelligentsia who, in their majority, sincerely and
honestly support the aims of the People’s Democracy.
We must dwell separately on the merits of the
Hungarian technical intelligentsia.
While stressing the considerable results and
successes of socialist industry, we also must point to the
host of difficulties and mistakes which can still be seen
in this field.
These mistakes and difficulties greatly hamper our
socialist development. Their elimination depends on our
good work and especially upon the good work of our
Party. The realization that they are individually and
collectively responsible for everything that is taking
place in their field of work, the factory, office,
producer co-operative, has still not become the flesh
and blood of our comrades. It is one of the tasks of the
II Congress of the Hungarian Working People’s Party to
focus attention upon these evils and work out the most
effective methods for the elimination of these
difficulties.
The greatest brake on the acceleration of our
socialist development is the state of our agriculture.
It should be pointed out that, in spite of the terrible
damages wrought by the war, our agriculture last year
reached, in the main, the level of production of the last
pre-war year, in fact, we even surpassed it in a number
of branches of agriculture. As to livestock, the number
of cattle and hogs surpassed the pre-war level, while
the stock of horses is still a little below pre-war.
However, this is no longer sufficient today since, in
spite of the results, agriculture is beginning to become
a brake on our entire socialist development, for the
51
requirements grow much faster than the production oi
agriculture. The exceedingly greater demand requires
imperatively that we grow much more than under the
Horthy regime and that in all fields we raise our
production averages which are extremely low.
The most important change in the life of the village
since the distribution of large estates is the fact that
the building of Socialism started in agriculture. The
socialist sector in agriculture already embraces more
than a quarter of a million working people and is rapidly
increasing. It is worthwhile noting the change in the
numbers of the agricultural proletariat and the kulaks
during 1949 and 1950. Half of the agricultural
proletariat secured work within the past two years on
State farms and machine-and-tractor stations or joined
the producer cooperatives. More than one-fourth,
90,000 in round figures, went into industry, mining and
building. The number of wage earners in agriculture,
outside the socialist sector, is at present approximately
60,000, out of which about 40,000 work for the kulaks.
The number of kulaks two years ago was 63,000.
They possessed close to two million holds of land, and
from this, since July I, 1949, 22,000 kulaks offered
662,500 holds of land to the State, out of which 340,000
holds of arable land were taken over from 17,000
kulaks. At the beginning of this year, approximately 13%
of the arable land remained in the hands of the kulaks.
This 13% provides 15% of grain deliveries. These figures
show that the measures restricting the kulaks have
yielded results, that the kulak is no longer the old
kulak, that we have forced him to retreat.
For the remnants of the capitalist class there are no
statistics. available but they are still quite broadly
represented among the middle functionaries of our
52
State apparatus, among the employees of the provincial
enterprises and, more recently, in the apparatus of the
Councils. They are supported by a part of the
functionaries of the churches, especially the Catholic
Church. Whenever there is a slackening of vigilance
towards them, these elements immediately go into
action and quite often cause considerable damage to
the People’s Democracy. We must, therefore, increase
vigilance and must wage an unflagging struggle against
all remnants of the capitalist order.

The Situation in the Party and its

Development

The development and successes of our Party are

reflected in all the results and successes of our People’s
Democracy. The two are inseparably interlinked. The
economic and social advance of the Hungarian People’s
Democracy can be primarily attributed to the good work
of our Party, the Hungarian Working People’s Party. The
tc>mpo of socialist development and advance of the
Hungarian People’s Demo· cracy made rapid strides
forward especially since working class unity was
organisation· ally established in June, 1948, and the
working people, with the formation of the Hungarian
Working People’s Party, could rally behind one single,
mighty political party. In addition to improving the
social composition of the amalgamated workers’
parties, the unification increasingly brought to the
forefront the raising of the ideological level of our
Party. Accord· ingly, our Party education began to
develop rapidly after unification. Twice as many of our
53
members studied in Parly schools and evening courses in
the 1948-1949 educational season than in the preceding
year. Our system of Party schools also develop· ed
rapidly ; there are, at present, 29,000 comrades in
them. We also established the one-and two-year Party
Academies at which 260 people are studying. Close to
2,000 Party members will graduate from the threeand
five-month Party schools this year. For the further
spread of the study of Marxism-Leninism, we
introducedthe teaching of Marxisrn-Leninism in the
State universities, colleges and academies.
As a result of this huge political educational work,
the ideological level of our Party improved
considerably. As a consequence of this work, there
developed thousands and tens of thousands of our Party
functionaries, leaders of our State and economic life on
whose shoulders rests the building of our Socialism and
who, without mastering the Marxist-Leninist theory and
the Stalinist teachings, would not have been able to
cope with their tasks.
When the question of building Socialism in the
village arose in our Party, we noticed at every turn that
our provincial and village organizations did not
understand the Leninist-Stalinist fundamental principle
which demands that we shall rely upon the poor
peasantry with all our strength, turn the middle
peasantry into our ally and ruthlessly fight against the
kulaks. Very many of our village organizations did not
carry out this policy, but rather the opposite. Instead of
striving to separate the middle peasants from the kulaks
or to draw them away from the influence of the kulaks,
they drew the dividing line between the poor peasantry
and the middle peasantry.

54
 This, of course, weakened the alliance of the
working class and the peasantry, the unity of the
working class and working peasants and made the
struggle against the kulaks more difficult. These errors
led to the fact that there was no sharp and ruthless
struggle against the kulaks in the village. Because of
this, our Central Committee at its meeting, held in
March 1949, dealt with this question as an important
precondition for the socialist reconstruction of the
village and directed the attention of our Party to the
errors of our policy in the village.
The leaders of a number of Party organisations
became dizzy with the successes of our Party and
People’s Democracy, and they began to neglect the
question of Party democracy. This was also connected
with our having defeated the enemy and having forced
him out of the open arena.
The lack of inner-Party democracy and of healthy
Party life and, connected with this, the suppression of
healthy Party criticism, soon resulted in a series of
manifestations against which we had to take a stand.
Some Party functionaries utilized their position in the
Party to secure jobs, and for financial benefits. They
neglected Party work and began to consider it
secondary. In the face of these occurrences, the Central
Committee of our Party, at its plenary session held on
February 10th of last year, exposed these errors and, in
order to eliminate them, decided on the re-election of
the leading organs of the Party organizations throughout
the country. The objective of the decision was, that, in
the course of the re-elections, members unfit for the
job would be eliminated from the leadership by the full
application of Party democracy and criticism, and new,
fresh, young forces should take their place.
55
 We succeeded in attaining this objective, in the
main, and large numbers of new, young forces, capable
of development, came into the committees of the basic
organizations and the Party committees, elected with
the active participation of the broad masses of the
Party membership. 55.9 percent of the members of all
executive committees of the basic organizations were
newly-elected. A considerable part came already from
among those youth and women who excelled in their
good work during the past years. The drawing in of fresh
forces into leadership of the basic organizations made
its effect felt on the entire Party work.
At present, our Party has, in 13,751 basic
organizations, over 880,000 members and candidates.
Approximately 40% of the membership is in Budapest.
This is due to the fact that close to one-half of those
working in the Hungarian industry are concentrated in
Budapest.
As far as the membership of our mass organizations
is concerned, the League of Working Youth, which was
founded last June, has at present 620,000 members.
There are 19 trade unions with 1,450,000 members
which does not include the worker’s division of the
DEFOSZ (National Federation of Working Peasants and
Agricultural Workers), with its 300,000 members. The
Hungarian Federation of Democratic Women had
647,000 members on its rolls last December. The
membership of the Hungarian-Soviet Society amounts to
798,000. This organization trebled its membership
during last year. The National Federation of Working
Peasants and Agricultural Workers has 766,000 members
on its records. These figures show that we have here
healthy mass organizations, which, in their entirety,
embrace all our working people.
56
 Last but not least, I must mention the Hungarian
peace movement which includes 27,000 peace
committees throughout the country. The defence of
peace is the central question of the coming years, and,
very important and responsible work in this field awaits
the Hungarian peace movement, as the Hungarian
division of the world movement of the defenders of
peace. We saw in connection with the signing of the
Stockholm Appeal that this is the question around which
the unbroken unity of the Hungarian people stands
behind us. For Ibis reason, one of the most important
tasks of our Party organizations will continue to be the
support, strengthening and development of lhe peace
movement.

Our Most Important Tasks

In the centre of the work in the economic field for

the coming years stands the successful fulfilment of our
Five-Year Plan. One of the parts of our new enlarged
Five-Year Plan, most difficult of solution, is the
question of labour power. To place 670-680,000 new
workers and employees in production requires organized
recruiting of labour. The bulk of new skilled workers we
must gain through retraining. We are planning to draw
women into production to a greater extent than
heretofore. Workers employed in handicraft will also be
absorbed by manufacture.
The Five-Year Plan entails a higher degree of
socialist construction in agriculture than heretofore.
The number of our machine-and-tractor stations is
at present 361. Among the machines they had at the

57
end of 1950 were 6,895 tractors; the number employed
29,000. The development of the agricultural machine-
and-tractor stations has fulfilled only partially the hopes
placed in them. There is a tremendous amount to be
done here in the sphere of raising the political level,
work discipline, better organization, economizing of
material, responsible individual leadership, etc., the
factor which would make the State agricultural
machine-and-tractor stations the corresponding levers
of the socialist construction in the village.
The land cultivated by the State farms increased last
year by 53% and totals 570,000 holds. Their situation is
similar to that of the machine-and-tractor stations; they
are full of “infantile disorders” and cope only slowly
with the initial difficulties.
The State farms, just like the machine and-tractor
stations, can render, ii they function well tremendous
assistance, especially during the organisational period
of transition, for the strengthening and flourishing of
the young producer co-operatives. The question of the
producer co- operatives was placed on the order of the
day by our socialist development which requires
imperatively to bring to an end as soon as possible the
present situation where we already stand with one foot
on socialist soil in industry, while the other foot rests in
the village on hundreds of thousands of individually
cultivated peasant properties. The obvious difficulties
of this situation are becoming ever more apparent.
We must be clear about the fact that the socialist
construction of the villages, consisting of more than one
million scattered economies, will be a more difficult,
more complicated and lengthier task than the one which
we carried out with the nationalization and adjustment

58
to socialist construction of a few hundred, or at the
most, two lo three thousand, large and small plants.
An ever increasing section of our working peasantry
has realized that this is the only road to further raising
their material and cultural standards. They see that this
is the road travelled, with ever increasing success, by
the peasantry of the Soviet Union and this is the road
taken, in ever greater masses, by the hitherto:
individually producing peasantry in the People’s
Democracies.
What is the present status of this question?
The number of peasants joining producer co-
operatives doubled last year. The area of the State
farms and of the co-operatives, the socialist sector of
our agriculture, comprises already approximately one-
seventh of our arable land and has again grown rapidly
especially during the past few weeks.
As a result of the rapid development of the producer
co-operative movement, the number of villages and
communities where the majority of the agricultural
population is already working in the producer
cooperatives or on Slate farms, is on the Increase. In
the town of Turkeve, 3,177 out of the 3,200 agricultural
families are already members of the producer co-
operatives and more than 96% of the 34,000 holds of
land in the Turkeve area belongs to the socialist sector.
We also have areas where more than 50% of the
arable land is being cultivated by producer co-
operatives and State farms.
Thus the building of Socialism has started also in the
village.
What is to be done, on our part, in order to promote
this development?

59
 The decisive factor in this is that our working
peasantry voluntarily, out of their own realization and
conviction, have taken this road. The bulk of the
peasantry will take this road only on the basis of their
own good experiences as well as the experiences that
they themselves can witness. This development can only
be accelerated by means of convincing and explanatory
work. Alt pressure, impatient urging or force are only
harmful in this field and will bring the opposite result.
This is what our great teachers, Lenin and Stalin, teach
us, and our own experience, the development of the
Hungarian producer co-operatives, demonstrates this.
For this reason, our first and most important task is
to strengthen the already existing producer co-
operatives and to see to it that these co-operatives, by
their good example and good results, shall attract and
convince the working peasantry.
It is important, where the development has not yet
matured; not to propose the highest, No. 3 type of co-
operative, but to be satisfied with the No. 1, simplest
type, which has the’ advantage of giving an opportunity
to the individually farming, and still vacillating,
peasants to try out the good sides of co-operation.
We have to make provisions that the peasants
joining the producer co-operatives should, by all means,
be assured the ground rent for the land they bring in.
The refusal of ground rent in the beginning considerably
increases the difficulties and holds back the growth of
the co-operatives.
The setting of an example by the Hungarian Working
People’s Party and the Hungarian Communists is
extremely important in this field. A certain obstacle to
the establishment or development of the producer co-
operatives in many places is the fact that some of the
60
local Communists or their leaders remain outside. We
did not raise this question up to now with our Party
members because the line also applies to them that
they should only join the producer co-operatives if they
are convinced of its correctness. But the development
has already reached the stage where we must demand
as a minimum from our Party members that they should
support the policy of our Party in this field.
The transition of agriculture along the road of co-
operation lo large-scale production is the inevitable
path of the further advancement and flourishing of our
homeland. That is why the kulaks and all enemies of our
People’s Democracy attack it, foaming with rage. He
who makes common cause with the kulak on this
important question, willingly or unwillingly, assists the
enemies of our working people. The Communist who
does not yet join the co-operative must also be aware
that his vacillation is causing serious damage.
The question of the producer co-operative is not a
special problem of our agricultural and co-operative
department of the Central Committee and the Ministry
of Agriculture but is, at present, an important problem
of our entire socialist construction. As long as this
question is not solved, temporary difficulties, among
others, in the field of foodstuff provisioning as well as
of supplying our industry with agricultural raw material,
are unavoidable. This must be understood not only by
our Party but by our industrial workers—in fact, our
entire working people.
In carrying out our new Five-Year Plan and, in
particular, in developing the producer co-operative
movement a tremendous task falls upon the State
apparatus, in the first place upon the rural, district and
country councils. Therefore, we must strengthen the
61
State apparatus by every means. We must increase
discipline, ensure that State employees know their job,
secure vigilance, control and the struggle against the
enemy hiding in the State apparatus, against
bureaucracy, against sabotage.
The same holds true of the councils as for the
producer co-operatives. They are young, new
organizations which will be constantly in need of the
continuous assistance and advice of the Party and the
Government in the coming few years. It is’ hardly three
or four months since these councils began functioning,
but it can already be established that where the Party
organisations and the Party secretary concern
themselves with the councils and assist the council
president, there the councils are functioning in a proper
and healthy manner. The development and
reinforcement of the producer co-operative are
inseparable from the constant, ceaseless support of the
councils.
If we bring the producer co-operatives to victory,
then Socialism will have triumphed in town and village
alike. The development and strengthening of the
councils consolidate the foundation of the Socialist
State. If we are successful in these two tasks, we can
really say that we have laid the foundation of Socialism
in our homeland.

***

For the strengthening of our Party, along with

raising the ideological level, observing Party principles
and readiness to sacrifice, we should boldly promote
new cadres. We must carefully, yet boldly, promote
those comrades who in the last years stood out in
62
political work or in production, and we must give them
such tasks which they can, with the necessary support,
handle. In particular, we must promote boldly the
women and the youth.
The most urgent task, however, is that of
strengthening our village organizations. The building of
Socialism in the village, just as the setting ln motion
and development of the work of the councils, falls
primarily upon our village organizations.
Last year, we considerably strengthened the
organization of the district Party committees and
proceeded to the strengthening of the village Party
organisations. Now that the development of the
producer cooperatives and the councils places new tasks
before us, we have to accelerate this process. But all
this will only lead to half results if we cannot, at the
same time, bring about a serious change in the field of
discipline, setting an example and making sacrifices.
In the future, too, we have to raise the ideological
level and intensify Party discipline, strengthen the
leading role of the Party, the readiness for sacrifice and
bold determination. We have to declare war against
every manifestation of compromise, of cowardly
bearing. The strengthening and inculcating of the
militant spirit is one of the major tasks of our Congress.
We can successfully accomplish this only if we apply
the Bolshevik weapon of criticism and self-criticism
boldly and freely in every field of our Party. The
tremendous tasks facing us require that we ensure the
all-out application of inner-Party democracy. In this
connection there are especially two harmful views
prevalent in our ranks. One views self-criticism as a
passing phenomenon, as a single campaign and does not
apply to himself Comrade Stalin’s teaching:
63
“... self-criticism is an indispensable and constantly
used weapon in the arsenal of Bolshevism, inseparable
from the very nature of Bolshevism, from its
revolutionary spirit.”
Then there is a new practice in this regard which we
must take heed of because its spreading is capable of
discrediting self-criticism, this important weapon of the
education of Party cadres and the working class in the
revolutionary spirit. Ever more often we meet with
those Party members who practise self-criticism and,
thereafter continue with their mistakes unchanged.
They take self-criticism lightly, as a sort of unavoidable
accompaniment of cheap forgiveness, and, often, even
as an authorization to continue their incorrect
behaviour. With such “repeaters” who understand self-
criticism in this way, we have to take a stand with
increased energy.

***

To sum up, we can state that under the leadership

of our Party, our Hungarian people went through epoch-
making changes during the brief span of a few years.
As a result of the economic and political struggles
and successes of the Hungarian People’s Democracy, in
spite of all the connivings of the remnants of the enemy
classes, the State and system of the People’s Democracy
has been consolidated. The working people feel and
know that, at last, the country is theirs, that the Slate
is serving their interests. This realization created a new
attitude of the millions of the working masses to their
homeland. The working people at last took possession of
tire homeland which they consider, with heart and-
soul, to be their own, and are ready to shoulder all
64
sacrifices for its freedom, for the defence of its
independence. A new relationship developed between
the State of People’s Democracy and the working
people. This gives new content, new. solidity to
national unity; this binds more lightly the alliance of the
working class with the working peasantry. The
patriotism of the emancipated working people is a new
source of strength from which we can draw abundantly
for our onward march, towards a better future.
We are the lawful inheritors, direct continuators of
all that was progressive, vital and forward-looking in our
thousand years’ history.
This historical legacy obliges every Hungarian
Communist to fight still better, not to spare his strength
for the happiness and flourishing of his people. Let
every Communist be the best patriot, whom the entire
Hungarian people follow enthusiastically and unitedly.
The better we fulfil our patriotic duty for the good of
the working people, the better will we serve the great
cause of human progress, and at the same time, the
more faithful soldiers we will be of the cause of
proletarian internationalism, for the cause of the
invincible camp of peace.
We, Hungarian Communists, will do our best to
make good use of all the possibilities for the good of our
Hungarian working people and, thus, best serve the
cause of peace and Socialism—that cause to which the
future belongs, the cause of the eight-hundred-million-
strong camp of peace, democracy and Socialism, at the
head of which march victoriously our liberator, the
powerful Soviet Union, and our beloved, wise leader—
the great Stalin!

65
 STRUGGLE OF POLISH PEOPLE FOR
PEACE AND SIX-YEAR PLAN* . Boleslaw
Bierut Chairman, Central Committee,
Polish United Workers’ Party
The first year of our grand Six-Year Plan, the plan
for developing, strengthening and promoting the
political, economic, cultural and spiritual forces of
People’s Poland, has passed; and the tasks of this first
year have been successfully fulfilled and considerably
over-fulfilled by the working people of our country.
Realisation of the assignments of the great Six-Year
Plan which greatly multiplies our productive forces,
simultaneously enhances the weight and importance of
our national contribution to the common cause of
strengthening peace, to the common struggle of the
peoples to avert the danger of war.
The struggle for peace and the carrying out of the
Six-Year Plan—these, today, are the essential and
important questions Which have a decisive bearing on
consolidating and ensuring the independence of our
people, their forces and riches, and which determine
the historical significance, role and future of our
country. A stable peace, alliance with the U.S.S.R. and
the sweeping upsurge of the productive forces of the
country, which are enhanced by our Six-Year Plan, are
the key to the inexhaustible vital source of the real
strength, independence and sovereignty of Poland, the
reliable lever and motive force of the future history of

*
From the Report by Com. B. Bierut to the VI. Plenary Session of
the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party on
February 17, 1951.
66
our people. Our new concrete political, economic and
organisational tasks arise from these two central
questions. And here it is important widely to mobilise
the efforts of the nation in all spheres of our work.
These tasks can be briefly summed up: to organise a
broad national front to fight tor peace and the Six-Year
Plan.

Poland and Aggressive Policy of U.S.

Imperialists

The aggressive policy of the Atlantic bloc Is directed

against Poland; apart from the danger for the whole
world, the remilitarisation of Western Germany
especially holds a danger which is spearheaded directly
against Poland. The fomenting of sentiments of revenge
among the Germans through the Adenauers and
Schumachers, and with the help of the no active
generals of the Hitler Wehrmacht and German clergy,—
all this is being done with promises of a new invasion of
Poland. The instigation against the Polish people,
against the Polish borders on the Oder and Neisse,
against Poland’s peaceful alliance and co-operation with
the German Democratic Republic, designed to weaken
the growing resistance of the Germans who, in Trizonia,
are being drawn into the orbit of America’s aggressive
plans, has become one of the principal trump cards in
the propaganda to win over the Germans who,
according to the dollar politicians, are being assigned
the inglorious role of cannon-fodder in a third world
war.

67
 It should be remembered that this trump card and
this bait are nothing new. On the contrary, the
imperialist States have always been inclined to settle
the controversial balance of forces In Europe at the
expense of Poland. In the early phase of capitalism,
when the borders and spheres of influence of the
capitalist States in Europe were being established in
cataclysms and armed conflicts—Poland was struck off
the political map, in spite of her desperate efforts to
fight for her independence and the right to exist.
In the closing period of the first world war, Poland
again became a bargaining medium and trump card in
the hands of the capitalists, especially in the hands of
tile American politicians who undoubtedly wanted to
mollify, at her expense, the consequences of the war
which were so disastrous for Germany. But the question
of Poland’s independence had been clearly and
unequivocally raised before the peoples of the world by
the Russian Revolution, by Lenin and Stalin already in
the course of the war. That is why this question could
not be excluded from the agenda in the closing period
of the war.
What position did the United States take on the
Polish question at the time?
In his book, “Polish Polley and the Restoration of the
State”, published in 1925, Roman Dmowski, who
directly took part in the talks on the Polish question in
1918, quotes Wilson during ii personal conversation in
the autumn of 1918:
“Wilson: Surely neutrality of the lower Vistula and
the free port of Gdansk ought to be enough for you?
“Only people who do not understand political
language,” writes Dmowski, “could take Wilson’s
words—’free’ access to the sea—to mean that we were
68
entitled to the land on the Baltic Sea. If anything, the
word ‘free’ meant ensuring access to the sea via foreign
territory…”
A Poland reduced as much as possible and incapable
of existing, a Poland as future easy booty for the Reich,
a Poland actually with no access to the sea, having at
most, access to Gdansk via a “neutral Vistula”, a
Poland, the victim of American finance magnates, a
Poland, a base of aggression against Soviet Russia—such
was Wilson’s idea of a restored Polish State.
We know that for this ambiguous support of the
Anglo-Saxon States, a support which actually was not
very beneficial for the restoration oi Poland, the Polish
bourgeoisie pledged to ‘‘defend the West” from
Bolshevism, that is, to take part in the armed
intervention against the Socialist State which was the
first State to unreservedly recognise the independence
of Poland in accordance with the Lenin principle of the
right of every nation to self-determination, and which,
in the first decisions of the revolutionary government,
annulled all tsarism’s predatory acts.
Later, erecting monuments in gratitude to America
and glorifying Wilson as the supposed liberator and
patron of Poland, the Polish bourgeoisie assiduously
concealed from the people, or falsified, the truth about
the social forces and movements to which Poland was
really indebted for her regeneration.
Interesting conclusions can be drawn, for instance,
from an analysis of the so-called “Hoover relief” to
Poland after the first word war. As revealed by League
of Nations’ publications, only an Insignificant part of so-
called “relief” was gratis ; the bulk of it was in the form
of high interest marketable credits, chiefly for

69
foodstuffs. These credits did not cover machinery or
raw materials.
In spite of the fact that the goods were of poor
quality, being for the most part old war stocks, prices
were 2½ times above normal rates.
Twenty-five years passed between the First and
Second World Wars, but there was no marked change in
the attitude of the representatives of the Anglo-Saxon
imperialist powers to Poland and the small nations.
Already two years after the end of World War Two,
Mr. Byrnes, who attended the Potsdam Conference, was
the first to come forward with the thesis about the
temporary nature of the Great Power decisions
concerning Poland’s Western borders. This was an
attempt to use the question of Poland’s borders as a
weapon of political blackmail in the arsenal of dollar
diplomacy.
Comrade Molotov rebuffed these attempts in no
uncertain terms when he stated that questions of State
territory could not be the object of a gamble, and that
the international decisions on these questions were
binding. Upholding the principles of truth and justice,
the Soviet Union helped the Polish people to recover
their ancient lands. As a result of the profound
democratic changes brought about there—where they
have been carried out, where the source of German
aggression has been uprooted, the German people have
realised and recognised this.
Whipping up war hysteria, the ringleaders of
American policy are trying to hold the U.S.S.R. and the
People’s Democracies, Korea and China responsible for
the situation they themselves have created. With this
object in view they are developing false propaganda,
unparalleled in scope and baseness.
70
 We must realise that we have to redouble our
efforts, combat more energetically than hitherto
imperialism’s propaganda of lies. Our task in the
struggle against this propaganda of lies is to explain to
the masses what are the real aims and sources of
imperialism’s aggressive policy, and whither it Is
leading.
Our propaganda should be based on the experience
of the masses who have seen for themselves the
monstrous consequences of Hitler imperialism’s
aggressive policy. The American warmongers are
reviving and repealing Hitler’s policy, the policy of
aggression which led to World War Two. The working
people know from their own experience the devastation
and calamities which war brings the peoples, including
those whose governments unleashed war. That is why
the working masses want to counteract war, want a
peace policy.
Imperialism’s foul propaganda is based on lying
inventions that the imperialist armaments drive
allegedly aims to ensure peace. But all sensible people
know that peace cannot he ensured by an armaments
drive, and that it can be ensured by disarmament and a
policy of peace.
The movement of the partisans and defenders of
peace is a great new social movement of enormous
significance a movement whose international scale and
organisational forms had no parallel prior to World War
Two. This movement reflects the new processes in the
rapid development of the consciousness of millions of
people under the influence of the experience of the
past war and the terrible calamities it brought mankind.
Millions of people are interested in the international
situation and are following its development.
71
 The common struggle in defence of people is
meeting with the warm response of the working
population of People’s Poland. An increasing number of
people are beginning to realise that the struggle in
defence of peace concerns each and all, that it is most
closely linked with the daily work of the whole people.
From this it follows that the struggle for peace must
embrace the entire people, must lie in the form of a
nationwide front.

Concerning the Slogan for a National Front

What is the political content of our slogan calling for

a national front of struggle for peace and the fulfilment
of the Six-Year Plan?
We are now coming forward with this slogan in order
more strongly to consolidate the ranks of the millions of
Poles.
It Is not accidental that this slogan is being brought
to the front at this particular period. Three factors have
contributed to this:
First, the danger of war, the danger of U.S.-Hitler
aggression, has greatly increased of late. We have not
forgotten the horrors of the past war; we still
remember, very well remember, the bestial
countenance of the Hitlerites—today, the wards of the
Americans. They are stretching their greedy claws
towards our Western lands and towards the whole of
Poland which they want to trample underfoot. We know
what the invasion of U.S.-Hitler hordes would mean:
death, hunger, mutilation. Surely there is not a single
honest Pole who will not take a clear and definite stand

72
in the race of these criminal plans? Surely there can be
no other answer than consolidation of tanks in the
national front of struggle for peace and the Six-Year
Plan?
Secondly, American imperialism. relying on the so-
called Atlantic union and Trizonia, in which it is again
arming Hitler hordes and placing power in the hands of
bankrupt Hitler generals, is threatening our
independence. It would like to turn Poland into its
colony, into a raw materials hinterland administered by
Hitler gauleiters.
Surely there is not a single honest Pole and real
patriot who will not clench his fist in answer to these
abominable and vicious plans and encroachments?
Surely the only answer is to close the ranks of the
national front of struggle for peace and the Six-Year
Plan—the guarantee of our industrialisation, of our
power and sovereignly?
Thirdly, we call for consolidation in the ranks or the
national front, for the workers, the working peasantry
and working intelligentsia constitute the backbone of
our people. Profound changes have been effected in the
Polish people over the centuries, and today they have
entered the period of their blossoming, for Poland is
becoming a Socialist nation.
How did this question take shape historically?
Polish nationality developed in the period or feudal
dismemberment in the pre-capitalist period,
approximately towards the end of the eighteenth
century. Only the elements of a future nation existed,
elements such as language, territory, cultural
community, and so on. The gentry called itself a the
time the “gentry nation”, excluding the bourgeoisie and
the peasantry.
73
 In the nineteenth century the Polish nation
crystallised in the modern sense of the word; the
bourgeoisie, connected with the gentry, determined the
character of the nation, that is, it was a bourgeois
nation. The other classes, despite their numerical
strength, were subordinate to the hegemony of the
bourgeoisie and could not play a leading role in
moulding and determining the ‘face of the nation. The
coming to power of the Polish working class in 1944
opened a new historical period-the period of
transforming the bourgeois nation into a Socialist nation
with its new economic base, its new class composition
and new moral and political face, Hence, at the present
historical stage, our people are passing through a deep
process of transformation and development into a
Socialist Society. This process continues, and, until it
reaches the corresponding phase, it is bound to be
connected with class struggle. But this is a process that
is leading to a classless society. We have removed, once
and for all, the principal prop of former bourgeois
society: the Industrial capitalists and landlords. The
middle bourgeoisie has already been dislodged in the
main from industry: trade, transport and distribution.
There is still the petty bourgeoisie left. In the
countryside there are the kulaks whose influence in
agriculture will be curtailed. The great mass of the
small peasant households are connected with our
Socialist economy in different forms-through co-
operatives, by contracts, etc., and what is
most· important, are beginning to go over ever more
decisively to the producer co-operatives. The workers’
and peasants’ alliance, which is growing ever stronger
under the leadership of the working class, constitutes

74
the political form of drawing the peasant masses into
Socialist construction.
All this, of course, is taking place in the fire of an
ever-sharpening class struggle, the bourgeois sections
that are being dislodged are resorting to ever sharper
form of struggle, these often merging with diversion,
sabotage, espionage provocations, with underground
gangsterism, with the activities of carefully masked
imperialist agents.
Inasmuch as the process of the remnants of the old
order merging with the subversive campaign of
imperialism and the warmongers runs counter to the
vital interests of the people, this excludes these
elements from the ranks of the nation. The sword of
retribution of our justice will come down on these
elements with all the severity of the law. We will
vigorously smash the resistance of the class enemy and
imperialist diversion.
At the same time we will show every leniency and
good will towards those who blundered in the past, who
were influenced by alien ideologies and who today want
to serve the people loyally, want to devote their efforts
to strengthening our native land.
How is a Socialist nation moulded?
Comrade Stalin supplied the answer to the question
in 1929 in his work, “The National Question and
Leninism”:
Alliance of the working class and toiling peasantry
Inside the nation to liquidate the remnants of capitalism
in the name of the victorious construction of Socialism;
destruction of the remnants of national oppression in
the name of equality and free development of nations
and national minorities; destruction of the remnants of
nationalism in the name of establishing friendship
75
between peoples and establishing internationalism; a
united front with all oppressed and unequal nations ln
the struggle against the policy of seizure and predatory
wars, in the struggle against imperialism—such is the
spiritual and social-political face of these nations.
Comrade Stalin, who all his life has combated
national nihilism and under-estimation of the national
question, emphatically declares that the abolition of
bourgeois nations does not in the least mean abolition
of nations in general, but only the liquidation of
bourgeois nations.
Comrade Stalin stressed that the new Socialist
nations are more consolidated than any bourgeois nation
for they are free from the irreconcilable class
contradictions corroding the bourgeois nations and are
much more national than any bourgeois nation.
In the light of these theses we can say that although
we still have class contradictions, we have,
undoubtedly, considerably advanced forward along the
path of transformation into a Socialist nation. It is for
this very reason, to use Comrade Stalin’s words, that
the present-day Polish nation is far more national than
any Polish nation ever was in the bourgeois period.
Hence, the slogan of the National Front which we have
advanced signifies closing the ranks of the nation which,
under the leadership or the working class, is becoming a
Socialist nation in the struggle for the vital national
aims, such as peace, as ensuring independence, and the
fulfilment of the Six-Year Plan.
It is in this and in no other sense—qualitatively
different from former slogans—that we are advancing
the slogan of the nation-wide front of struggle for peace
and the fulfilment or the Six-Year Plan.

76
 While liquidating the parasitic classes, we make It
possible for those who originated from such classes to
take part in the new national life by participating in
production and in the activities of the people.
In strengthening the national front of struggle for
carrying out the Six-Year Plan we most effectively
strengthen the forces of the people. We ensure for
them the most favourable conditions for prosperity,
relying on their rich, centuries old, glorious inheritance,
and by constantly enriching our national treasure house,
our contribution to the world cause of peace and
progress.

Struggle for Peace and the Six-Year Plan

The fight for peace to-day is the main and vital task
of our Party, just as it is the most important task of all
Communist and Workers’ Parties the world over and all
progressive honest people. The tasks of the Party are
inseparable from concern for political and
organisational leadership of this struggle.
When we speak about a wide, national alignment in
the struggle for peace, the basic task in the sphere of
organisation is to organise the majority of the people
who long for peace, for active and selfless struggle in
defence of peace. At first glance this may seem easy
since we know that the majority of the people really
long for lasting peace. Actually, however, this is an
enormous and not an easy task. To organise the
unorganised masses, to prompt them to steady activity,
to vigilance, readiness for selfless social work, to lead
the masses who do not only long for peace but who also

77
understand how effectively to fight for peace, is, as we
know from experience, a difficult job.
Someone may say: How’s that? We collected 18
million signatures to the Stockholm Appeal, we have so
many thousands or peace committees, where does the
difficulty come in?
Of course, collection of signatures was a well-
conducted campaign, but this was merely a declaration
on the part of the signers, an act expressing their will
on the definite question of the Stockholm Appeal and
not for steady activity, vigilance and a readiness for
constant, selfless effort in the interests of the cause of
peace.
The view which holds that signing the Appeal and
that a declaration about somebody, being a peace
supporter, is an adequate form of participation in the
struggle for peace; to rest content with the number of
peace committees—is a dangerous thing. The fight for
peace should not be narrowed to propaganda and
declarations. Many of our comrades display such
incorrect tendencies.
A dangerous and particularly harmful tendency on
the part of many of our comrades is that of substituting
for propaganda and organisational activity, mechanical
methods, or abuse of this or that form of authority
(which merits punishment) in order to make work
“easier” for themselves, and naturally not in the peace
campaign alone.
I also want to warn against the serious danger of a
superficial attitude towards this struggle, an attitude
which more correctly could be compared to bourgeois
pacifism. This is a question not of “blissful calm”, of
class conciliation, of slowing down the tempo of
building a classless society, but of fighting for peace,
78
against unleashing an aggressive imperialist war and for
creating a national front as a lever tor the realisation of
the Six-Year Plan which, for our people, is the basis of
the struggle for ensuring our independence and peaceful
development.
Activity in defence of peace demands in our daily
work, above all, vigilance in regard to the intrigues of
the aggressors and all kinds of warmongers, i.e.
vigilance in relation to the perfidious and masked
activities of enemy, subversive, espionage, saboteur
and other agencies.
Our struggle for peace is most closely linked with
the struggle for the Six-Year Plan, since the Six-Year
Plan is designed to liquidate our weakness,
backwardness, and hence also, our defencelessness. The
imperialists impose their will, in the first place, upon
the weak, backward and defenceless countries. The
economic weakness of a country is a temptation for the
imperialists who penetrate a backward country either
by brute force or by so-called “aid” which may also turn
into a kind of violence. There were some among us, too,
who asserted that Poland would not cope with its
problems without financial assistance from America or
Britain. To-day we are happy that, thanks to the
fraternal aid from the Soviet Union, we have coped
excellently with these difficulties without American
help. We have examples to show what countries look
like who get this “aid” and who gain by it as much as a
hanged man gains from the rope.
What are basic requirements for the fulfilment of
the Six-Year Plan?
The basic conditions for the successful
accomplishment of our economic tasks are:

79
 a) unity and selflessness on the part of the Polish
working masses—the millions of workers, peasants and
working intellectuals;
b) higher labour productivity and further, still
greater development of Socialist emulation;
c) lower production costs;
d) vigorous and relentless struggle against
negligence, squandering, wrecking and pilfering of
public property;
e) constant and systematic control over fulfilment of
Party and State assignments.

We are often visit ed by delegations of workers,

women, youth, scientists and art workers from various
countries. We report to them about our work, and that
is an expression of our solidarity and our
internationalism, which we must deepen.
Simultaneously, it is the source of rightful national pride
which comes not from conceit and boasting, but from
profound patriotism. Pride based on success achieved by
common effort, the pride of every worker, working
peasant, and teacher, doctor and engineer, based on
successes achieved in work, is a splendid sentiment
which we should cultivate. A striving for ever greater
achievements is a splendid and noble aspiration.
We value our engineers and technicians, we value
our creative intellectuals who have contributed so much
to the successes of People’s Poland. We want them to
be sur. rounded by respect and gratitude. Great tasks
await them this year and in the years ahead. Hence, we
want the perspective to be bright for them; we want
their children to enjoy the same privileges as those of
80
the workers. We take pride in the fact that we are not
marking time, that due to zeal and creative searchings,
despite vacillations and mistakes, we have secured
definite achievements in science and literature, the
theatre and painting, music and cinematography.
We must criticise more boldly, encourage creative
endeavour in our very rich, new and invigorating life.
We must assimilate more profoundly the splendid
culture we have inherited. We must use on a still
greater scale the invaluable achievements of the
scientists and artists of the great land of Socialism.

Our Tasks

Our Party—the Polish United Workers’ Party—is

proud to have pointed out the path of growth and
development to the Polish people, to have helped them
take the new pathway of Socialist construction. We are
taking example from a great and powerful country
where Socialism has triumphed. The achievements of
the U.S.S.R. are visual proof that by following the
creative path of Socialism our people will increase their
strength; enhance their prosperity and swiftly multiply
the achievements of their economy and culture. We are
united by solid bonds of friendship with the U.S.S.R. and
the People’s Democracies. This friendship is firm.
Together with the Soviet Union and the People’s
Democracies we are fighting for consolidating the
peace. Together with hundreds of millions of people we
are participating in a powerful, ever growing movement
of fighters for peace. We are in the vanguard of the

81
movement headed by the great peace champion—
Comrade Stalin.
The forces of peace are growing. They are invincible
because the inexhaustible source of their strength lies
in the fact that they are developing in line with the
laws of the progressive march of human history
discovered by the great teaching of Marx, Engels, Lenin
and Stalin. The guarantee of their growth is the never
stagnant, the creative and bold progressive teaching
and ideology of Marxism-Leninism.
The peace camp expresses the hopes and wishes of
the overwhelming majority of the people, it intensifies
their just struggle for the liberation of all the oppressed
and unfortunate. Consequently, it has the sympathy and
support of millions of people in the capitalist and
dependent countries who want to be free.
The condition for victory of the peace camp lies in
full activisation, use of all the elements of their
political, moral and material superiority.
While organising the struggle of the polish people
for peace and the Six-Year Plan, we must remember the
great responsibility which rests with us for correct
political leadership in this struggle. Heartless
sectarianism and opportunism, which lose sight of the
class position and suffer from blindness and lack of
vigilance, are the basic danger which threatens to
pervert our political line. We must combat all shades of
distortion with the tried weapon of criticism and self-
criticism.
We must intensify control over fulfilment of the
decisions and instructions of the Party. We must go on
improving our organisation, each on his sector of work
and all together by common effort.

82
 Our Six-Year Plan is the foundation of the
indestructible strength of the Polish people, it is our
great and vital contribution to the cause of peace. Let
us then do all in our power to carry out the plan!
We must explain its significance to the people, rally
the masses for greater labour productivity, for the
carrying out of this creative, historical plan.
We must teach our gallant and enthusiastic youth
that it should step up our labour achievements by its
noble enthusiasm, devote its youthful energy to
strengthening the forces of peace.
Let every Pole who loves his country enhance his
vigilance in relation to the perfidious intrigues of the
enemy, let him spare no effort to strengthen the
economy of People’s Poland, let his readiness for
selfless work in the interests of his people serve as a
model and example of patriotism, let his readiness to
defend peace serve mankind.
An economically consolidated, industrialised,
Socialist, People’s Poland is the mighty bulwark of
freedom and independence for our people.
United by friendship and community of ideas with
the Soviet Union, with the People’s Democracies and
the world peace forces, People’s Poland becomes an
invincible bastion which will repel all the criminal
intrigues of the imperialist aggressors. The forces of the
camp of peace will paralyse the encroachments of the
camp of aggression, tyranny and crime, and ensure
lasting peace for mankind.
Stalin is our leader, victory will be ours!

83
 PARTY LIFE

15.000 NEW MEMBERS JOIN FRENCH

COMMUNIST PARTY

The stubborn struggle waged by the French

Communist Party for peace, bread and freedom is
winning for it the confidence of ever-increasing masses
of the French people and the more conscious workers
are joining its ranks in growing numbers. Over 15,000
new members (one-third of them in the Paris district)
joined the Party during the past two months. New
members are joining the Party at an average rate of
about 1,000 a week. The majority of the new members
are workers ranging in age from 25 to 35 years.
This outstanding success has been achieved at a
time when all the other political parties in France are
suffering a decline in influence and at a time when
French reaction, subordinated to Washington, is
intensifying slander and repressions against the
Communist Party.
The success of the campaign for new members is the
result of the work of all French Communists who,
heading the struggle of the working people in the mass
organisations, firmly adhere to the Party’s position, and
everywhere display themselves as staunch fighters,
actively carry on Party work, explaining the aims for
which the Party fights.

84
 WORK OF PARTY ORGANISATIONS IN
MACHINE-AND-TARCTOR DEPOTS

The Central Committee of the Rumanian Workers’

Party and the Council of Ministers in a decision
concerning preparations for spring sowing, set before
the machine-and-tractor depots the important task of
repairing, in good time, the tractors and agricultural
machinery in order to ensure good quality field work
and to help agricultural collectives in organising and
planning work. The decision emphasises that good work
in the fields must go hand in hand with explanatory
work by members of the machine-and-tractor depots
among the working peasantry about the advantages of
collective farming.
Carrying out this decision, the regional committees
of the Rumanian Workers’ Party are devoting serious
attention to political and cultural training for tractor
drivers. The local Party organisation of the machine-
and-tractor drivers. The local Party organisation of the
machine-and-tractor depot in the village of Codjalac
(Constanta region) has organised evening courses for
Party members and the Working Youth Union. The
machine-and-tractor depot’s library has 1,800 books.
Collective reading of “Scanteia”, “Scanteia Tineretului”
and other newspapers is held daily under the guidance
of the local Party organisation. The hostel occupied by
the tractor drivers has a radio set. Two wall-newspapers
and three street newspapers are issued which deal with
local news, with the fight for peace and the Socialist
transformation of the countryside.
As a result of the mass political work carried out by
the local Party organisation, 12 machine-and-tractor
85
teams signed Socialist emulation agreements and
completed repairs of tractors ahead of schedule.
The machine-and-tractor station’s propagandists in
the Campia Turzil and Bontida areas are carrying out
explanatory work among the peasants, holding talks in
village clubs on the significance of completing field
work in good time, etc.
Along with these achievements, there are a
number of shortcomings in the work of Party
organisations in the machine-and-tractor depots. In a
number of depots, the local Party organisations and
deputy foremen responsible for political agitation do
not carry out mass political work. Reading-rooms have
not been organised, the libraries are not functioning
properly and group newspaper reading not organised.
The regional and district Party committees are
taking the necessary measures to eliminate these
shortcomings.

PARTY CONSULTATION CENTRES OF SOFIA

ORGANISATION, COMMUNIST PARTY Of
BULGARIA

The Sofia city organisation of the Communist Party

records substantial successes in the work of the Party
consultation centres as centres of propaganda and
agitation in the capital.
There are 14 such consultation centres in Sofia: one
at the city committee of the Party, eight at the district
committees, four at the university faculties and one at
the KIiment Voroshilov plant. The task of these
consultation centres is to help propagandists
86
(consultants, teachers in circles, political schools and
general schools), and speakers engaged in political work
among the masses, and also all Party cadres studying
Marxism-Leninism.
The city and district Party organisations have
allocated substantial sums for supplying the
consultation centres with literature during the current
study year. In addition to the head of the city
committee’s consultation centre ii is now staffed with
four lecturers and consultants and three librarians. It
also has 24 auxiliary workers who function as leaders of
lecture circles for propagandists, etc.
The consultation centres in Sofia have more than
20,000 volumes, of which over a half are concentrated
in the city committee’s consultation centre.
The city committee consultation centre has three
classes studying in line with the programme of the
Central Committee of the Party. There are 30 such
classes for circle leaders at the district consultation
centres.
Lectures on important decisions of the Party and
Government, on questions of home and foreign policy,
are arranged for agitators of the city and district
consultation centres, individual and group consultations
are organised for agitators and literature selected for
them.
The lectures regularly organised by the Sofia city
committee consultation centre enjoy great popularity.
Lectures are read every week in two big halls by
members of the Central Committee of the Party and the
Government, by teachers of the Lenin Party School of
the Central Committee of the Central Committee, by
leading executives of the State apparatus, etc. The

87
district Party consultation centres arranged for lectures
by members of the city committee’s lecture group.
The Party consultation centres in Sofia
systematically help 5,000 Party members who are
independently studying Marxist-Leninist theory.

88
 INTERNATIONAL AND INTERNAL
SITUATION AND TASKS OF COMMUNIST
PARTY OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA* . Clement
Gottwald, Chairman, Central Committee,
Communist Party of Czechoslovakia

I. Some Questions on International Situation

In his interview with the “Pravda” correspondent a

few days ago, Comrade Stalin explained, with
characteristic clarity, calm and conviction, certain
questions relating to the international situation and
agitating the whole world.
In this brief analysis of the international situation, I
shall confine myself to those questions which directly
concern our Republic.
First among these questions is the remilitarisation
of Western Germany. The whole world knows that the
Western Powers, headed by the United States of
America, have grossly violated and are daily continuing
to violate the obligations which they assumed at
Potsdam in relation to defeated Germany. The Potsdam
agreement provided for denazification, democratisation
and demilitarisation of Germany and the elimination of
its military potential. It also contained the provision
that the denazified, democratised and demilitarised
Germany, deprived of military potential, should be
united, peace-loving, and develop peaceful economy so

*
From the report to Plenum of Central Committee, Communist
Patty of Czechoslovakia, February 22.
89
that never again would German imperialism be revived
and become a mortal danger to all its neighbours and
the embryo of another imperialist war. After assuming
these obligations at Potsdam, the U.S., Great Britain
and France violated them, and, I repeat, are daily
violating them over and over again.
In Western Germany, occupied by the Americans,
British and French, denazification was never carried
out. The German junkers, big financiers and
industrialists who had always been the transmitters of
German imperialism, did not lose a hair of their heads.
Their property was left to them, and, in addition, they
were handed political power. The political
representation of German capitalism—the so-called
Bonn “Government”—consists of Nazis and their
followers. Moreover, the American occupation
authorities recently released, with much fanfare, a few
score of the more rabid Nazi criminals. And, with the
evident intention of removing any doubts with regard to
the teal purpose of this amnesty. Mr. McCloy released
Krupp, the notorious manufacturer of armaments, the
same Krupp who, as is well known, helped Hitler to
power and who made billions and billions in profits from
Hitler’s sanguinary war crusades.
Along with the restoration of the West German
military potential and war industry, the revival of the
German armed forces—the “Wehrmacht” of ill-fame—is
taking place at a rapid rate. The fact that among
Adenauer’s “military advisers” there are senior officers
from the Hitler army is proof of this. As for the
Americans, they make no attempt to conceal that, when
releasing Hitler war criminals, they reckon on their
active participation in the West German army.

90
 Together with the Western occupation Powers, and
with the blessing of the Americans, British and French,
the Adenauer Government had at its disposal, as early
as last autumn, a so-called “police force” of 456,000,
most of whom are quartered in barracks, equipped with
arms of all types and means of transport. If to this there
is added the continuous recruitment of all kinds of
“volunteers”, the majority of whom are former Hitler
cut-throats, it is possible to see all the elements from
which, merely by a wave of the hand, a regular
“Wehrmacht” can be formed. This, incidentally, was
quite openly told to the Germans by Eisenhower,
Truman’s special representative, who declared that the
Germans can get everything they want and everything
they need, to create the “Wehrmacht” on an equal
footing with the other Western States.
The Soviet Union alone has fulfilled the Potsdam
obligations. Giving free rein to the resistance of the
German people to the caste of age-old violators of
peace in Europe—the Prussian junkers and big
capitalists—meant, in effect, giving free rein to real
denazification, democratisation and demilitarisation.
The Soviet Union did this in its zone, of occupation. The
German population in the Soviet zone took advantage of
this right. And we see the result of this honest desire to
fulfil the Potsdam agreement—the German Democratic
Republic. The German Democratic Republic put an end
to the age-old Prussian expansion against other people,
particularly to the Prussian tradition of “drang nach
Osten.” [“spread to the east”—STC-LB Note] One proof
of this is the recognition of the Germen-Polish border
along the Oder and the Neisse.
This is evident also from another matter which
directly concerns our Republic. I have in mind the
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Potsdam decision concerning the re-settlement of the
German minority from the Czechoslovak Republic.
According to the obligations assumed, the signatories to
the Potsdam agreement undertook to influence the
German organs to ensure that the latter would
endeavour to establish a new permanent homeland for
the re-settled people. All participants in the Potsdam
agreement undertook, in particular, not to allow on
German territory revisionist and revanchist propaganda
in Germany, and the formation of organisations that
would incite the re-settled Germans to return to the
regions which they had left. The Soviet Union alone
fulfilled this obligation, and the German Democratic
Republic, likewise, is putting it into effect. As is known,
a number of outstanding figures in the German
Democratic Republic have declared more than once that
the re-settlement of the Germans from Czechoslovakia
is regarded by the German Democratic Republic as being
just and final. The German Democratic Republic has
provided a new homeland for the Germans, re-settled
from our country, with the result that they even do not
think of revenge or revision.
Things are quite different in Western Germany.
There, all kinds of societies and unions of the
“Heimatfettriebner” (‘‘resettled from the homeland”)
are active . There, the “Bonn Government” and the
Western occupation Powers, far from securing a new
homeland for the settlers, are deliberately preparing
them to become a shock force for revenge and revision.
Whereas in the German Democratic Republic the re-
settled Germans feel themselves at home and do not
constitute an international problem, in Western
Germany they are one of the centres of international

92
anxiety and danger for Germany’s neighbours, among
whom our Republic is not last on the list.
In view of all that preceded and accompanied the
formation of the German Democratic Republic, we can,
with every justification, call it a friendly country. There
are no controversial questions—neither territorial nor
national—between the German Democratic Republic and
Czechoslovakia. Co-operation and aid in strengthening
the German Democratic Republic correspond, therefore,
to Czechoslovakia’s own interests, as aid to, and co-
operation with, a neighbour defending our own
economy.
The cause of peace and co-operation with the
peace-loving peoples has its serious supporters also in
Western Germany. If, formerly, we had the slogan “Not
all Germans are alike”, today this slogan is doubly
significant. And this slogan refers not only to the
German Democratic Republic, but also to Western
Germany where there are many fighters for peace, and,
consequently, friends, among the population.
Recently a new hotbed of war has been developing
in Europe namely, in Tito Yugoslavia. The Tito clique
switched over rapidly to the service of Western
imperialism, above all, American imperialism, and is
obediently following the U.S. line in foreign policy. Tito,
the lackey of American imperialism, is slandering the
heroically fighting Korea which, in violation of truth, he
dares to call an aggressor. The Tito clique has gone
even further in this respect. ‘Together with the Western
imperialists, it charges People’s China with aggression.
It is but natural that the dollar lackeys in Belgrade call
Viet Nam an aggressor as well. The campaign of slander
against the Soviet Union is an every-day occurrence with
the Tito degenerates; as for the People’s Democracies,
93
in slandering them the Belgrade radio surpasses even
the “Voice of America”. The representatives of the Tito
clique, in the United Nations helped in every way the
American aggressors to misuse and discredit this
organisation. In other words, at a time when there is
taking place a great world-wide struggle for peace
headed by the Soviet Union, the Tito-Rankovic clique
has completely switched over to the instigators of war
led by U.S. imperialism. As the saying goes, he who calls
himself a devil is worse than the devil himself. This is
fully applicable to Tito and similar dollar lackeys.
The domestic policy of the Tito clique is fully in
keeping with the line of serving imperialism in foreign
policy. Under the leadership of the Tito clique,
Yugoslavia has become an actual arena for machinations
by various imperialist General Staffs. Under the
leadership of the Tito gang, Yugoslav economy has
become completely bankrupt. Starvation, in the literal
sense, is rife in the country, the financial magnates in
New York and London presented Tito with a few million
dollars—just enough to ensure a good life for the gang of
the Tito cut-throats. And for this, Tito is bartering the
country lock, stock and barrel. He annulled the
nationalisation of industry and transport in a desire to
facilitate penetration by foreign capital into these
branches of the economy. The so-called agricultural co-
operatives which are even more tightly in the grip of
the kulaks who, together with the bureaucracy, waxed
rich, are the breeding-ground of Yugoslav capitalists.
The Titoites are employing an ever-growing white terror
against the Yugoslav people who are becoming
increasingly indignant with the Tito war policy and the
bartering of the country to foreign and Yugoslav
capitalists. Thus, the epithet—”fascist clique” is most
94
appropriate for the present-day Belgrade rulers. Is it
possible to name otherwise the clique which is not only
dragging the country into a war gamble but which in
every way is restoring capitalism inside the country?
Our people should be fully aware of ‘this nature of
the Tito clique. This is essential not only for the purpose
of countering the slander against our country. This is
essential, also, not only to be able to show, by means of
propaganda, taking Yugoslavia as an example, how low
and how quickly a degenerate and traitor can fall. This
is essential, above all, in order to be able, effectively,
to rebuff the Tito machinations levelled against the
Republic. It is not fortuitous that, wherever we expose
a spy or a saboteur sent in by the Western imperialists,
we usually discover, together or side by side with him, a
spy and a saboteur from Tito Yugoslavia. This is not
fortuitous, this is the fate of all spies. The Tito spies
who began as spies of the Alexander secret police or
gestapo, end as American spies.
I close this brief review on some questions of foreign
policy with the remarkable words of Comrade Stalin;
“What will be the outcome of this struggle of the
aggressive and peace-loving forces?
“Peace will be preserved and consolidated if the
peoples will take the cause of preserving peace into
their own hands and defend it to the end. War may
become inevitable if the warmongers succeed in
entangling the masses of the people in lies, in deceiving
them and drawing them into a new world war.
“That is why the wide campaign for the
maintenance of peace, as a means of exposing the
criminal machinations of the warmongers, is now of
first-rate importance.

95
 “As for the Soviet Union, it will continue in the
future, as well, unswervingly to pursue a policy of
averting war and preserving peace.”
These words relate to us, too. And we must and will
fight for peace, since the danger to peace is developing
in our immediate neighbourhood. We must and will seek
to convince every citizen that all those who are
preparing war are at the same time plotting also against
the Czechoslovak Republic. We must and will lead every
citizen in such a way that by honest labour he
strengthens his native country and, in doing so,
strengthens the cause of peace.

II. Some Questions on Internal Policy

The 1950 plan, which was increased after the

February meeting of the Central Committee of the
Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, was fulfilled 101.8
per cent. Industry went steadily ahead. In 1950
industrial output rose 15.3 per cent compared with
1949, and nearly one-third compared with 1948. By the
end of 1950, industrial output was 50 per cent above
that of capitalist Czechoslovakia, despite a considerable
fall in population.
Output of heavy industry increased by 19 per cent in
the last quarter of 1950 compared with the
corresponding period in 1949. However, this is but
initial progress. The enemies of the Republic, both
abroad and within the country, fiercely attack our
course of developing heavy industry. This, in itself,
shows that we are on the right path. Experience teaches
us that heavy industry provides a reliable basis for

96
building Socialism and for raising the standards of the
people. A permanent market for the output of
Czechoslovakia’s heavy industry is guaranteed first of
all, in the U.S.S.R. and in the people’s democracies by
means of trade exchange it is possible, on this basis, to
ensure everything necessary for light industry.
In the space of two years 1949 and 1950—capital
investments in industry amounted to nearly 125,000
million kroon—a sum of which the former rulers in
Czechoslovakia could not even dream. The results of
these planned capital investments are seen most
strikingly in Slovakia which is steadily developing from
an agrarian into an agrarian-industrial country. Output
of heavy industry in Slovakia increased in 1950 by one-
fourth, which is far higher than the average increase for
the country as a whole. And in the future, too, we will
multiply the material conditions for the development of
our production, conscious of the fact that without this it
is impossible to defend the independence and freedom
of our country and to march forward towards Socialism.
In capitalist Czechoslovakia, as is known,
investments were found in two main sources. First, on
the basis of loans from big bankers who gradually laid
hands on shares of the industrial enterprises and
became owners of these enterprises. Second, on the
basis of foreign loans which either meant the transfer of
industrial enterprises into other hands or were a
constant burden on State funds. In both cases, financial
participation by foreign capital led to the financial
dependence of our State on abroad, which, certainly did
not serve to secure its independence. As for the transfer
of industrial enterprises to the big banks, this resulted
in an accelerated concentration of capital, in the
formation of various trusts and monopolies and a
97
complete cessation of work by those factories which
“were not profitable” from the point of view of the
financial magnates.
Nothing of the kind takes place in the People’s
Democratic Czechoslovakia. Since 1948, we have not
asked the capitalist world for loans, and we have
resolutely rebuffed, and will continue to rebuff, any
attempt by foreign capital to penetrate our nationalised
Industry. Neither did our investments add to the
national debt. We cover our increased capital
investments mainly at the expense of the surpluses of
our State budget. Favourable State budgets, together
with adequate stocks of goods, signify also stability of
our currency. Finally, in 1950 our balance of payments
was also favourable. The foreign balance of payment
was approximately 3.8 billion kron in our favour.
All these and other measures are paving the way for
Czechoslovakia to fulfil, within the next two or three
years, her original Five-Year Plan for industrial output,
ahead of schedule.
The development of Socialist retail trade in
Czechoslovakia has actually been completed as far as
volume is concerned. At present, it is necessary to
cheapen and improve in every way the service to the
population in town and countryside.
During 1950, sales of unrationed goods rose and
many new varieties were put on sale; the network of
shops increased by 31 per cent and prices for more than
60 items of food were reduced. Prices for bread, cereals
and flour constituted the only exception during the past
few weeks. Consumption of food and consumer goods
increased considerably in 1950 compared with 1949,
and, for a number of items surpassed the pre-war level.

98
 The country can advance towards Socialism at a far
quicker rate provided strict economy is effected in
industry and that labour productivity is increased more
speedily. We stand for high earnings for our workers.
But the higher earnings must be based on high labour
productivity. The point is that labour productivity
should grow faster than the average wage. Then,
accordingly as labour productivity rises, wages can be
increased; such a state of affairs will be correct
economically and will not create any danger to the
stability of our national economy.
Last year, agriculture registered definite successes.
The gross output of agriculture and stock-raising in 1950
increased by 5.3 per cent compared with 1949. Peasant
income derived from market sales for the same period
increased 18.7 per cent. The pre-war level for the
number of pigs and sheep was exceeded in 1950.
However, low productivity of labour still
predominates in agriculture. One of the reasons for this
is the excessively dispersed nature of the land which
swallows an enormous number of workers. Thus, in the
private sector in agriculture there is one worker to
every 2.9 hectares of land, in the united agricultural co-
operatives (of the most advanced type), one to every
5.6 hectares, and in the State farms one to every 6.7
hectares. The more dispersed the land, the less the
possibilities of cultivating it with modern machines.
An important feature in the voluntary passing over
of the country’s peasants to joint farming is the fact
that by January 26, 1951; there were already 3,279
united agricultural co-operatives in Czechoslovakia
which had ploughed up the boundaries between the
strips and jointly cultivated the crop. These co-
operatives cultivate more than a million hectares of
99
land, that is, 13.6 per cent of the Republic’s arable
land. Together with State and other commonly-owned
farms, this accounts for 22.3 per cent of the agricultural
land.
Notwithstanding certain successes achieved in 1950,
agriculture continues to be one of the weak spots in our
economy, in view of its low productivity. It should be
remembered that the problem of the countryside
passing over to Socialism, that is, the problem of the
united agricultural co-operatives, is, at the same time,
one of raising the productivity of labour in agriculture,
and following from this, one of raising the general
volume of marketable products.

III. Certain Inner-Party Questions

Allow me to say a few words about the traitors and

plotters Sling, Svermova, Clementis and company.
This was a case of a widespread plot inside the Party
to dominate the Party, to change its policy, to seize
State power, to change the policy of the State and turn
back along the path of capitalism, the path of uniting
with the camp of imperialism. Thus, in essence, it was a
case of a classic example of the sharpening of the class
struggle. Who were the people who wanted to dominate
the Party and the State and to change the course of
their policy? They were agents of the class enemy,
agents of the bourgeoisie, agents of the imperialists.
We come across two types of traitors, if one can, in
general, make such a differentiation. First of all, there
are the hardened spies, then the vacillators, the panic-
mongers who succumb to the arguments of the class

100
enemy, and thus to its agents, and finally join with
them. This, of course, is all conditional, because the
ultimate result of the activities of the traitors of both
types is the same, although their origin and
development are different. The case of Sling and
Svermova is best proof of this.
After the collapse of the pre-Munich republic—and
this is very significant of the international character of
anti-labour espionage and provocation—the Czech police
handed over the network of its agents inside the
working-class movement actually to two masters: to
Hitler and to the British and Americans.
During the occupation, the Gestapo and
Sicherheitsdienst (security service—Ed.) recruited their
agents in the resistance movement and especially in the
working-class movement, recruited them in prisons,
concentration camps and in the torture cells of the
Gestapo, forced people to betrayal and, using the old
network of spies and informers, taken over from the
pre-Munich Republic, created a wide network of new
agents.
What became of these agents when Hitler fell, when
Hiller Germany was vanquished?
The Gestapo and Sicherheitsdienst handed them
over to the British and Americans, but mostly to the
Americans because they paid more.
Today, we know that when the Americans brazenly
removed the so-called Frank archives, the Gestapo
archives, from Stehovits, it was not accidental, The
archives contained the carefully compiled card index of
all Gestapo agents, of all agents of the Germen
Sicherheltsdienst. What happened afterwards? What is
taking place today?

101
 With these lists in their hands, the Americans also
have the obligations undertaken by the old agents of
the Gestapo and Sicherheltsdienst and documents about
them, they come to these agents, aim a pistol at their
heads and compel them to work for them, for the
Americans.
Today we come across yet another phenomenon.
After the defeat of democratic Spain, a large section of
the men of the International Brigade were interned in
French camps. There they lived under very difficult
conditions, became the object of pressure and
blackmail at first by the French and American secret
services and afterwards by the German. Taking
advantage of the difficult physical and moral state of
the International Brigade men, these espionage services
succeeded in recruiting some of them as agents. In
those cases where they were recruited by the Americans
or French, they worked directly for the Western
imperialists. Those who had been recruited by the
German Gestapo were handed over, like the rest of the
Gestapo agents, to the American espionage service,
after the defeat of Hitler Germany.
Thus, the Anglo-Americans formed an extensive
espionage network also in the People’s Democracies and
with the help of this network tried, are now trying, and
will continue to try to penetrate the Communist Parties,
and their central leadership; they will try to influence
the policy of these Parties, and so on.
The case of Yugoslavia shows how terrible can be
the results under certain circumstances. It has been
proved that the overwhelming majority of the Tito
bandits had, from the very beginning, been agents of
different secret services, of different espionage
services. Part of them were directly in the service of
102
the British and Americans, others in the service of the
Gestapo and Sicherheitsdienst. After the defeat of
Germany, this part was handed over to the Americans.
In Yugoslavia matters ended in the administration of the
State being in the hands of foreign imperialist spies. The
results are obvious. In the People’s Democracies, they
failed to achieve anything similar, but in those countries
there was the treachery of Rajk, Kostov and others,
when old informers and agents wormed their way into
high Government posts, became Ministers, and so on. It
would have been strange had our Republic escaped this
contamination. Herein lies the essence of the case of
Sling and others.
Certain comrades have said that ordinary people,
members of the Party, have been asking: now, whom
are we to believe after all? Believe the Party,
comrades. If a traitor or wrecker, spy, agent or enemy
appears in one place or another, if he manages to
engage in unbridled activities, there, for some time and
is not immediately exposed, the Party is not to be
blamed for this. The very fact that the Party ultimately
will expose these elements and will show them no
mercy, proves that it is at its post and deserves the
confidence of its members, the confidence of all
working people.
Not a single agent or traitor has gained anything on
our soil, and never will. The turn of every one of these
scoundrels will come, and every one of them will be
overtaken by just punishment. Czechoslovakia will not
be a second Yugoslavia.
In the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, different
Slings and company can commit excesses over a more or
less long period of time, individuals like Svermova play
a leading role, but in the long run they are all shown up
103
because the Party leadership in its core is loyal to the
cause of the working class.
The core of the present leadership has been leading
the Party since 1928. The Party has experienced many
difficult moments during this period. When the
capitalists were still in power, we had on more than one
occasion to throw out enemy agents from the Party.
Recall Jilek, Cuttmann and such like elements. We
preserved the purity of the Party’s ranks at the time
when the bourgeoisie mobilised all its forces against us.
And now, when our Party is the ruling party, we will
certainly be able to settle accounts with the enemy that
infiltrates into our ranks. But one thing is essential: it is
essential that the leading cadres from top to bottom, all
of us without distinction, remember our origin,
remember why we joined the Party, what our people
fought for.
Some of the comrades ask: why did we not expose
these enemies earlier? Why was Sling allowed to hold
sway for five years, and why was he not expelled
before? Why is it that Svermova had not been exposed
all this time. Why was one or another enemy able to
stay in the Party so long? True, insufficient vigilance
was displayed in the Party and in the Party leadership.
However, a mere statement or the fact is no
explanation. We must realise that the wrecker, and
especially his wavering accomplice, can be fully
exposed only after lie has shown his hand far enough.
Further, it should be realised that the espionage
service—and this holds true particularly of the British
espionage service—operates on a long-range
perspective. They plant their people and do not demand
that they immediately, next day, blow up a factory,
assassinate somebody, damage one thing or another; on
104
the contrary, they instruct them to win confidence and
act only when it is necessary, for instance, during war,
and so on.
Theoretically, we know, of course, that the enemy
penetrates the Party, that he tries to attain high
positions and to influence the policy of the Party. We
spoke about this at the last congress and last plenum of
the Central Committee of the Party. We repeat this
again and again, but when it concerns a given individual
whom we, for instance, have known for a long time, we
cannot make up our minds immediately to believe that
he is an agent of the enemy; we ourselves hesitate,
discuss the matter, quote all kinds of reasons for and
against, and so on. We also often close our eyes to
behaviour not befitting a Bolshevik, considering it to be
accidental. However, experience teaches us that, as a
rule, this is not accidental, especially when it concerns
leading Party functionaries, and that there is always a
reason—apostasy or treachery behind this “accidental”
behaviour. Such was the case with Svermova. From this
there follows the need to take a principled stand on
every private question, and it goes without saying, of
course, that inertness and dogmatism cannot take the
place of principle.
I would also like to point out that Party members
should get a better knowledge of the history of the
various oppositions that existed at one time in the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks),
oppositions that met with a sorry fate; to remind the
members of our Party, especially the new members, of
this history. It is necessary to know how these
oppositions developed and how they finally became
agents of the class enemy. It is necessary, to understand

105
that this is not accident that it is a lawful phenomenon
which is part of the class struggle.
In general, we can say that the conspiracy has been
disclosed and crushed. The Sling gang is being
liquidated. It can confidently be stated: We have won a
great battle against the class enemy, and especially a
great battle against the Western imperialists.
When it becomes possible to publish the details of
the case, it will be dear what a blow we have dealt the
enemy agents. It is absolutely clear that, by ridding
itself of enemy agents, the Party is at the same time
developing and growing stronger. By liquidating this
gang, the Party is proving its strength; by liquidating
this gang, the Party is consolidating itself and growing
still stronger.

IV. Main Tasks of Party in Immediate Future

In conclusion I would like to formulate some of the

tasks for the immediate future.
First, it is the struggle for peace, the struggle for
peace with the consciousness that in order to build
Socialism we urgently need peace, just as the Soviet
Union and the People’s Democracies need it. Our
interest is identical with the interests of millions and
hundreds of millions of people in the capitalist world.
We must wage the struggle to preserve peace in a more
concrete manner than hitherto; for instance, on the
question of the remilitarisation of Germany. We must
give every support to the Czechoslovak peace
movement.

106
 Secondly, we must successfully carry out the plan of
the third year of the Five-Year Plan. What is more, we
must build up heavy industry at a more rapid rate than
before. As for industry producing consumer goods, we
must improve its services to the population. We must
lower production costs, increase productivity of labour,
as the condition for the steady growth in real wages. We
must draw in new labour power, especially women, into
production and other spheres of the economy. As for the
youth, we must get down to organising, on a really wide
scale, labour reserves as in the US.S.R. We must realise
that there can be no planned economy without planning
its decisive factor, that is, labour power. We must
Introduce strict order into transport and, finally,
establish strict and flexible State control in the work of
the whole of our economy.
Thirdly, we must rapidly overcome the difficulties in
supplying the population with bread and flour and
through extraordinary measures improve and, wherever
possible, expand the unrationed sale of other
foodstuffs. Parallel with this we must gradually build up
the necessary State stockpile.
Fourthly, we must strengthen the unified
agricultural co-operatives, transform them into co-
operatives of the highest type, extend joint co-
operative stock-raising. We must gradually form new
agricultural co-operatives in the villages where such do
not as yet exist. Here we must strictly observe the
voluntary principle and principle of graphic persuasion.
We must substantially improve the work of the State
and other commonly-owned farms, strengthen the
leading cadres of the State farms, seriously improve the
work of our machine-and-tractor depots, keep the
machines and implements in order and see to it that
107
they are more efficiently used. We must supply the
machine-and-tractor depots with new machines. We
must strive, wherever possible, gradually to mechanise
all arduous agricultural work. We must raise the general
productivity of our agriculture, improve the organisation
of stocks and see to it that the market is supplied with
increasing quantities of agricultural products.
Fifthly, we must tirelessly increase our vigilance,
not only during campaigns but continuously purge the
ranks of the Party, the economic organs, national
security organs, the army and whole State apparatus of
alien, hostile elements and agents of the enemy. It is
our duty to strengthen our people’s democratic order
and to raise our Republic’s defence capacity.
Sixthly, we must treasure, as the apple of our eye,
alliance and friendship with the great Soviet Union and
be devoted, to the end, to the great Stalin.

108
FASCIST TITO CLIQUE CRUSADE AGAINST
CULTURE. Ruben Levy Member, Central
Committee, Communist Party, Bulgaria

I.

The policy of the Tito clique in relation to culture is

completely subordinated to the aims which determine
the entire internal, foreign and economic policy of the
Titoites, that is, to the aim of serving their imperialist
masters.
The Tito press and radio are, in effect, the Yugoslav
branches of the Hearst press and “Voice of America.”
Yugoslav papers are filled with statements by Truman,
Acheson, Austin, Dulles and other warmongers. Pictures
by American press photographers, American newsreels
of military operations in Korea, and U.S. radio
commentaries get wide publicity in order to influence
the public and inspire them with “awe and respect for
the might and technique of the American army.”
The Titoites give the American Embassy in Belgrade
every assistance in widely propagandising the “American
way of life.” The best and most spacious buildings in the
centre of the capita) are given over to an American
exhibition where, in addition to maps of Korea, capped
by life-size portraits of MacArthur and Truman-butchers
of the Korean people-films are shown of American B-
29’s bombing Korea.
The Tito press and radio have outstripped their
teacher, Goebbels, in the dirty and despicable campaign
against the Soviet Union.

109
 While the most reactionary newspapers from the
United States and other capitalist countries are freely
circulated in Tito Yugoslavia, its doors are closed to the
Communist and other progressive papers.
For the purpose of putting over their fascist policy in
the press and radio, the Titoites collected the riff-raff
of royalist Yugoslavia and of the old bourgeois fascist
press, The so-called-Board of Information is headed by
V. Dedijer, a hardened British spy, Gestapo agent during
the war, and later, agent of the American secret
service. His brother, S. Dedijer, director of Tanjug, is
also an agent of the American secret service. The post
of chairman of the Journalists’ Union and editor of the
official Party journal “30 Days”, is held by D,
Timotijevic—illegitimate son of the royal Minister of
police, M. Draskovic, who, in 1921, outlawed the
Communist Party. During the war, Timotijevic wrote a
letter to Hitler begging permission to return to Serbia to
help crush the people’s uprising.
This galaxy of Tito “luminaries” in the journalistic
world would be incomplete without including the editor
of the journal “Yugoslavia”, P. Milojevio (propaganda
chief in the pro-Hitler government of 1940-41 and
editor-in-chief of the newspaper “Novoye Vremya”
during the Hitler occupation.), assistant editor of
“Politika”, Z.. Mitrovic (and old royalist agent), V.
Ribnikar (publisher of a fascist paper during the German
occupation).

II.

On the example of their teachers—the Hitlerites—

the Titoites throw into prison and torture anyone found
in possession of Marxist-Leninist literature. “The History
110
of the CPS.U. (B), Short Course”, J. V. Stalin’s work
“Problems of Leninism” and others are among the books
banned in Tito Yugoslavia.
At the same time, the Titoites not only more and
more, openly and brazenly take exception to Lenin’s
thesis about Party ideology in science and art but
blatantly propagandize the old, long-exposed bourgeois
outlook on science and art. “Science,” stated Kardelj in
his “academic speech” to the meeting of the Croat
Academy of Sciences, “is alike for all mankind and can
serve nobody but genuine science.” With the help of
this “theory” of “pure science” long since exposed, the
Titoites openly champion the ideology of bellicose
American imperialism—-cosmopolitanism.
Like their, masters, the American imperialists, the
Tito fascist hoodlums have no use for a genuine people’s
culture and have started a crusade against it.
Education is undergoing serious decline in
Yugoslavia. The Tito Five-Year Plan has proved to be
nothing but a bluff in this sphere as well. The number of
pupils is steadily decreasing: in 1949-1950, for instance,
the number of first-grade pupils decreased 6 per cent.
The reason for this, is the progressive worsening in the
standard of living of the working people in town and
countryside, and the drastic curtailment in Government
appropriations for public education. While 73 per cent
of the 1951 budget appropriations go, directly or
indirectly; for military needs, education, and culture
got only 7.9 per cent of the 1950 budget appropriations
and even less in 1951. Hardly any construction work is
underway on school buildings. In many schools, lessons
are conducted in three and even four shifts; in 700
schools there are lessons only three days a week due to
shortage of clothing and footwear and lack of fuel.
111
There are not enough text-books, copy books and
pencils.
Children and youth are taught with an anti-Soviet
bias. All Soviet text-books translated after the war have
been banned and replaced by anti-Soviet, anti-
democratic and rabidly chauvinistic text-books. The
Titoites have cut out the Russian language from the
curricula, but singing lessons at which anti-Soviet songs
are taught, are obligatory.
While there is no study of genuine science, religion
is inculcated in the schools and Bible lessons are
compulsory. In general, religious, and especially
Catholic propaganda, is conducted on a vast scale in
Yugoslavia. Ten religious newspapers, mainly Catholic,
are published, not to mention Catholic and other
religious literature published in vast quantities.
Reactionary priests ate engaged in wide-spread anti-
democratic activity with the tacit encouragement of top
circles.
The general decline in education and culture is
reflected also in the increasing number of illiterates.
According to official data, only a third of the number
envisaged attend classes for adults in Serbia. In other
words, all educational work for the abolition of
illiteracy has actually ceased.
The Tito crusade against education and science
likewise takes the form of expelling well-known
progressive teachers and scientific workers, many of
whom have been arrested. Such was the case with
Professor Sena Logar of the Ljubljana University,
Vikontsa Logar, director of the school of classics in
Ljubljana, Professors Markovic, Dusan Dapcevic, Iovan
Draculic and many others of Belgrade University. In
place of these true sons of the people and genuine
112
scientists, the Titoites have installed their “learned”
lackeys. The Academy of Sciences is headed by A. Belic,
author of the Greater Serbia theory of making the
Macedonian language Serbian.

III.

Literature and art in Yugoslavia are also undergoing

a process of fascisation and decline.
The newspaper “Svobodnaya Dalmatia” in its issue
of June 1, 1950, clearly expressed the Tito policy in the
sphere of art: “...in the field of art to occupy an
independent position, similar to that held by our
country in world politics.”
It is common knowledge that, “in world politics”,
Tito Yugoslavia trails in the wake of American
imperialism. And art pursues the object of actively
helping the American warmongers in their machinations
against the camp of peace, democracy and Socialism.
The Titoites have gathered around themselves a gang of
reactionary writers, such as Ivo Andrie, Branco Copic, C.
Minderovic, D. Kostic, M. Bogdanovic, M. Krljez, O.
Davico, M. Dedintsa and others, who fill their dreary
“creative” work with slanders against the Soviet Union
and the People’s Democracies. The Tito writers, more
and more openly and insolently, attack Socialist
realism. Thus, for instance, during a “discussion” in
Zagreb University on the question of the “truth and
falsehood in art”, the main speaker, the hardened
trotskyite, E. Shinko, stated that in art “there is neither
bourgeois nor proletarian, only man.”
The chairman of the Union of Yugoslav Writers, Ivo
Andric, was a royalist Ambassador to Hitler, and the
man who signed the treaty bringing Yugoslavia into the
113
Hitler bloc. In his novels, Andric glorifies the life of the
Bosnian landowners and of the old Austro-Hungarian and
French diplomats.
The base treachery of the Tito clique with its
switch-over to the camp of Imperialism and war has
brought literature and art in present-day Yugoslavia
face to face with a profound crisis, has driven it into a
blind alley. Many writers and other art workers, lacking
the courage to oppose the Titoites and, at the same
time, reluctant to support them, write in a deeply
pessimistic strain and offer no perspective. Typical of
this kind of literature is the poem, “Bitter is my wound,
people, I am wounded”, printed in issue No. 5 (1950) of
the journal “Knezhevnost”: In this poem the author’s
cry is: “What is there to say when all I know is horror
and torment?” Issue No. 6 of the same journal carries
the deeply pessimistic “Son of a Dead Poet” written by
the famous Croat poet, Dobri Tsecaric.
The evaluation of Yugoslav poetry in the early years
after the war and today, by the Slovene artist Pilon,
indicates the ideological blind alley in which many
Yugoslav writers and other art workers find themselves.
Pilon writes: “Our lyric poetry in those days was filled
with heroism and optimism, work and struggle...
whereas, now, our journals write only about love, rain
and death.”
Having broken with the literature of the Soviet
Union and the People’s Democracies, and, in general,
with progressive world literature, the Titoites hastened
to establish contact with representatives of the
decadent reactionary bourgeois and anti-Soviet
literature in the capitalist countries. Meetings and
mutual visits are arranged which aim at mobilising
Yugoslav literature and placing it at the service of
114
American reaction. Publication of Soviet and Russian
classic literature, as well as all progressive literature, is
prohibited in Yugoslavia, but not so the “works” of Jean
Cassou, Edith Thomas and other reactionary writers.
To the credit of the Yugoslav writers it must be
noted that not all of them have betrayed their people.
As we know, the outstanding poet Radavan Zogovic,
candidate member of the Central Committee, a partisan
dating from 1941 and leader of Yugoslavia’s progressive
writers, refused to sign the treacherous letter to Soviet
writers. Because of this, Zogovic was removed from the
leading position occupied by him and thrown into
prison, Stefan Mitrovic, prominent figure in culture, was
arrested together with Zogovic. Because of their loyalty
to the peoples of Yugoslavia, the Soviet Union and the
cause of Socialism, Marko Vraneschevic, Zlatko Klacik,
Miodrag Tomic, Veles Peric, Vuk Trnavski, Miodrag
Popovic and others were expelled from the Union of
Serbian Writers in 1950. The young Macedonian writer,
Ivan Tocko, was also arrested. But young writers are
taking their place and, from the underground, call upon
the Yugoslav people to wage a bold and resolute
struggle against Tito’s fascist dictatorship.

IV.

The cinema plays a big role in the Tito crusade

against culture. The Yugoslav cinema today Is simply a
branch of Hollywood and British cinematography. In the
first four months of 1950 alone, American films were
shown 3,200 times, British-2,760 times and Yugoslav-
only 270 times. Belgrade cinemas are now showing the
American films “Eternal Eve,” “Caterwauling,” “The
Major and the Minor,” “The Temptress of New Orleans,”
115
and the British films “Red Slippers,” “Song of the Dead
Lovers.” The very titles reveal the decadent and corrupt
film art to which the Titoites resort in order to
influence the minds of the Yugoslav people.
Crisis and decline are also characteristic of the
theatre. A number of talented, progressive figures, such
as Bojan Stupitsa, have been driven out of the theatre;
many leave of their own accord. From the rubbish of
bourgeois dramaturgy, the most mediocre historical
dramas are selected and reworked in a chauvinistic
spirit. The Titoites published and circulated a volume of
one-act plays entitled “Amusing Scenes”. These are
filled with slander against the Soviet Union and the
People’s Democracies.
In the fine arts, the Titoites combat realism and
laud and encourage formalism in every way. At the 1950
Spring exhibition, only landscapes and still-life were
displayed. There was not a single painting portraying
the life and struggle of the Yugoslav peoples and the
peoples of other countries. The masses of Yugoslavia
will never forgive the foul Tito spies and assassins for
their crimes, for turning Yugoslavia into a US.-British
colony.
The broad masses are voicing their protest against
the reactionary “‘culture” being implemented by the
Titoites, in the most varied forms. Recently, in a
Belgrade cinema, where a Hollywood film was being
screened, a voice rang out: “We want Soviet films!” The
entire hall took up the cry “Give us Soviet films!” The
Yugoslav youth and all working people in the country,
ignoring the American jazz thrust on them, secretly sing
the gay Soviet songs.
Under the leadership of the newly-regenerated
Communist Party, which is true to proletarian
116
internationalism, the people’s intelligentsia and
students of Yugoslavia are taking an increasingly active
part in the struggle against the reactionary and anti-
popular policy of the Titoites. Last year, thousands of
students attending Belgrade University did not take the
examination in military training and in subjects which
are given a clearly fascist twist.
The meaning and significance of the fascist crusade
against culture launched by the Titoites are becoming
increasingly clear to all Yugoslav patriots, both men and
women, and they are intensifying their struggle against
the fascist Tito clique, against its American masters,
against the fascisation of Yugoslav culture, and are
fighting for a progressive culture, for the return of
Yugoslavia to the camp of peace, democracy and
Socialism.

117
AMERICAN PUBLIC OPINION DENOUNCES
TRUMAN’S IMPERIALIST GAMBLE IN
KOREA
Striking evidence of the opposition of ordinary
Americans to Wall Street’s imperialist gamble in, Korea,
is forthcoming, in the response of Oklahoma residents to
a recent-broadcast from a local radio station.
When the news commentator, M. King, asked for
answers to his question: “Should U.S. troops be
withdrawn from Korea?” he received 400 letters of
which 394 advocated immediate withdrawal from Korea.
One listener wrote: “We have as much business in
Korea as a bandit would have to come to your house and
kill the family, load up your possessions and take them
off”.
A mother, heartbroken for her son who is missing,
said: “Get them out, but first find my son who has been
missing since November.
Within half an hour after a commentator at the
Lebanon (Oregon) radio station had requested answers
to a similar question, he received 136 telephone calls of
which 135 voiced a firm demand for the immediate
withdrawal of all U.S. troops from Korea.
A letter sent to the newspaper, “Cleveland Press” in
which the writer denounced the U.S. as the aggressor,
demanded withdrawal of U.S. troops and payment to
Korea for the war damage done there, brought in 500
replies, with only one letter expressing disagreement.
In a letter to the New York Times, ex-Congressman
Herbert Pell wrote: “I am for peace. I am for minding
our own business. I am particularly opposed to a policy
which boils down to an effort to impose American ideas
118
and customs on other nations… why not negotiate now
while the young men are still alive”.
In a letter to the editor of the “National Guardian”
(24/1/51) a reader writes:
“On my trip from New York to Florida I was surprised
to learn all the way down that people I spoke to are
violently opposed to war—our whole foreign program".

119
 FRANCE. PEOPLE OF DRANCY (SEINE
DEPARTMENT) SIGN PETITION AGAINST
REARMING GERMANY

120
 POLITICAL NOTES

1. Mr. ATTLEE TRIES ON THE DICTATOR’S

TOGA

In his speeches, Prime Minister Attlee shouts plenty

and hysterically about the “peaceful aspirations of his
Government” and the “aggressiveness of the Soviet
Union”. Facts, however, convict Attlee of falsification.
And these are the facts.
The Soviet Government, which pursues a policy of
peace, is building gigantic hydroelectric stations on the
Volga, Dnieper and Amu-Darya, and also irrigation
systems, the largest of the kind in the world. Tens of
billions of rubles have been allocated for these
undertakings. It is clear To every sober-minded person
that these undertakings have, as their sole aim, to
change and subdue nature and raise the living standards
of the Soviet people.
The British Government pursues a policy of
aggression and war preparation; a monstrous scale of
rearmament is becoming an unbearable burden for the
British people. But what does Atlee care about this. In
the House of Commons he has introduced the “Reserve
and Auxiliary Forces (Training) Bill”. The Attlee
Government has also requested Parliament for powers,
to call up, until 1954, reservists for annual refresher
courses. During the summer of 1951, 250,000 reservists
will be called up.
These facts are known to the world. And the world
also knows of the stupid and monstrous lie of the British
Premier!
121
 Attlee sort of feels that this monstrous lie will not
take him very far; it is refuted by the actions of the
British Government. The people of Britain will not be
dragged into war with such a flimsy rope. Even Attlee is
beginning to realise this. And so he tries on the
dictator's toga. He has incorporated into the above-
mentioned Bill, articles which give the Labour rulers
really dictatorial powers. By means of these articles,
Attlee banks on throttling any organised attempt on the
part of the British people to secure, in a democratic
way, a change in the Government policy of preparing
and unleashing a new war by the Labour aggressors.
Attlee's dictatorial aspirations evoke opposition even
among, members of his own Party, and give rise to
indignation among numerous public figures in the
country who are far from being Communists.
The British people have a reputation for being hard-
headed and have great traditions in the struggle in
defence of peace and democracy. And one can be sure
that they will never allow themselves to be dragged into
another war by the Attlees, Morrisons and Shinwells by
means of monstrous falsehoods and the help of fascist
dictatorship.

2. DEWEY THREATENS

Mr. Dewey occupies a prominent place among the

bosses in the present U.S. bipartisan system. He is one
of the active instigators of war.
Dewey was twice nominated by the Republican Party
for the Presidency and twice sustained defeat. Last
time, Harry Truman “triumphed” over him. These

122
failures, however, did not discourage the dexterous
policymaker: since there is no essential difference
between the Republican and the Democratic Parties,
the community of basic interests enables Dewey to be
at his ease alongside Truman, although for purposes of
demagogy they try to throw dust in the eyes of the
American people with their verbal duels.
On every major issue, Dewey supports Truman and
does all in his power to demonstrate the firmness of the
American bipartisan system. In currying favour with the
Morgans and Rockefellers, Dewey goes the whole hog in
insolence; he proclaims brazenly and without
reservation the course for world conquest.
Take, for example, Dewey's recent speech at the
Lincoln Day banquet. It would be hard to imagine more
profane blasphemy over the memory of a great
democrat; the ideas expressed by Dewey were the
complete reverse of the entire policy and principles of
Lincoln. The arch-reactionary Dewey needed this speech
for the purpose of trying once again to deceive the
American people and to convince the ignorant that even
Lincoln would give his backing to the Wall Street bosses
and their lieutenants.
Dewey proclaimed “a Monroe Doctrine for the
world”. One will easily see behind this flexible formula
the greedy face and rapacious claws of the U.S.
imperialists striving for world domination. The Monroe
Doctrine advanced early in the nineteenth century, and
which served at the time as a cloak for the aggressive
designs of subordinating Latin America, found
expression in the slogan “America for the Americans”.
And true to the “principles” of unrestrained expansion,
Dewey “extends” this formula and proclaims: “The
Monroe Doctrine to include the world!”, in other words,
123
“The world for Americans”. This, of course, is nothing
more than the notorious Truman Doctrine and so the
palm remains with the man in the White House.
The gentlemen, Franco, Tito and Adenauer, backed
by Truman, figured in the speech as the vanguard of the
mercenaries knocked together by Mr. Dewey to conquer
the world. Saying that “Spain, has 22 divisions,
Yugoslavia 30 divisions," Dewey openly called for making
use of the troops of Franco and Tito. Clearly, reserves
have been counted already and are being brought to a
state of military preparedness. But Dewey will hardly
get very far with such a “vanguard”. With all their
animal servility before the United States, Tito and
Franco can do about as much for the U.S. as the bandit
Chiang Kai-shek did in China.
Warmonger Dewey, conscious of this, resorts to the
favourite argument, the ace up the sleeve of the
American gamblers—the atom bomb; he brandishes it
and threatens all who think differently and who refuse
to knuckle under.

3. SELF-INVITED GUESTS

Gonzalez Videla, President of Chile, notorious for his

treachery to the people and servility before the U.S.
monopolists, invited to the country “guests” dear to his
heart: experts at plundering the riches of “subjugated”
countries, representatives of the U.S. copper industry-
Hoover—Cox, Dallas and Drinker. But it was masters, not
guests, who arrived. Acting on their orders, Gonzalez
Videla, anxious to make his way in the world, put
forward a democratic programme on the eve of the

124
Presidential election. And having become President,
also on their orders, Videla, instead of democratic
liberties, presented the Chilean people with… the death
camp in Pisagua.
It is pretty common knowledge that Gonzalez Videla
not only betrays his country—he sells it. Videla, as
distinct from oratory merchants who sell their wares to
the highest bidder, is a peculiar merchant. He sells
Chile only to one customer: to U.S. imperialism, and for
a song. At his rate, a pound of copper sells for 24.5 cent
in Chile against 44 cents on the U.S. market. The
buyers, like the seller, are also unusual.
They don't bargain, they simply order. For example,
they ordered that output of copper should be raised
from 400,000 to 700,000 tons. They also issued orders
for the militarisation of the copper industry. And the
more the orders, the more, the puppet President
cringes before them. “'A sus ordenes!.. Yes, sir”. And,
delighted with their lackey, the New York guests break
into smiles. They counted beforehand how much gold,
platinum ad molybdenum it would be possible to pump
out of the Chuquicamata, Potrerillos and El-Teniente
regions.
But the transaction was made without the real
master. The people of Chile met the self-invited guests
with a wave of protests. Numerous democratic
personalities and the democratic press demanded that
Hoover, Cox, Dallas and Drinker be sent to prison as
marauders intent on plunder.

Jan MAREK

125
 AMERICAN IMPERIALISTS PLUNDER
AUSTRIA
In their feverish preparations for a new war, the
American imperialists are pumping raw materials for
their industry from the Marshallised countries.
According to Austrian press reports, considerable
quantities of the raw materials exported from Austria
find their way to the war industry in Western Germany.
Austria exports large quantities of pig iron, steel,
timber and cellulose. Whereas in 1947, exports of raw
materials from Austria were valued at 35.9 million
schillings, in 1950, the figure rose to 257 million
schillings. A consequence of this export of raw materials
is that a large number of enterprises producing for
civilian needs are curtailing production despite
increased output of pig iron and steel. Raw material
exports in 1947, that is, prior to joining the Marshall
Plan, accounted for 24.1 per cent of the total Austrian
export; the remainder, 75.9 per cent, consisted of
manufactured goods. But in the first half of 1950,
export of raw materials rose to 40.5 per cent of the
total export while, the share of manufactured goods in
Austrian export showed a relative decrease.

126
 FRENCH PEOPLE AGAINST FASCIST
ELECTORAL LAW
The Pleven-Moch Government, which failed to get
the necessary majority during the vote of confidence in
the National Assembly on February 28, has resigned.
The crisis was caused by the failure of the Prime
Minister to obtain agreement of the Government
majority on the question of the draft electoral reform.
The “electoral reform” submitted by the Government
aimed, in the first place, at depriving the millions of
electors who vole for the French Communist Party, of
representation in the National Assembly.
A manifesto, issued by the French Communist Party
in connection with the Government crisis states that the
purpose of the bill is to “prevent the French people
from expressing their sovereign right to protest against
the policy of enslavement and war. The frightful results
of this policy find expression in the growling poverty of
the working masses.”
The manifesto points out, that despite the
disagreements which led to the Government crisis, the
majority parties and the Gaullists are unanimous in their
desire to “remove the Communist deputies from the
National Assembly”. “Such an operation, if successful,”
continues the manifesto; “would betray France to
fascism. The electoral manipulations aim at establishing
an ‘Assembly of War’. It is therefore necessary to
prevent the adoption of this bill.”
In conclusion, the manifesto of the Communist Party
calls upon all men and women in France, irrespective of
political views: Communists, Socialists, Catholics, all
patriots, Republicans and participants of the Resistance
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to unite “in order everywhere to expose the fascist
electoral law which the Government majority and the
Gaullists, who are unanimous on major issues, want to
adopt”. The French Communist Party calls upon
democrats to set up committees of struggle against the
fascist bill, to unite for the victory of the cause of
peace, freedom and bread; to act “jointly in order more
quickly to create the conditions for the formation al a
genuine French Government, a Government of
democratic unity and national independence, a
Government that will serve the people.”

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 FACTS EXPOSE...
The F.B.I. questions the “reliability” of the
Alsops. The Alsop brothers, both mercenary journalists,
won notoriety, as is known, by slanderously attacking
the Soviet Union, the Communists in the U.S.A. and
elsewhere. Recently, however, these reactionary
hackwriters themselves tasted the amenities of the
system of police shadowing and fascist terror which they
so zealously helped to implant.
On February 19, the Alsops complained in the “New
York Herald Tribune” that they received a call from
F.B.I. agents who thoroughly questioned them. They
report that Truman ordered an investigation when, in
one of their articles, they had declared that the Soviet
Union possessed the secret of the atom.
The situation in the White House, as one can see,
differs very little from that in the “yellow house”, if
Washington officials detected in the writings of even
the Alsops a “red danger”.

*— In the U.S., no-one believes MacArthur’s

“victory reports”. In its communiques about alleged
“victories” of the Americans in Korea, MacArthur’s
headquarters lost all sense of proportion, so much so
that even the reactionary “Christian Science Monitor”
ridicules the “lack of proportion in describing enemy
casualties”.
On February 17, the “Monitor” wrote ironically in a
leading articles that the formulas which MacArthur’s
headquarters uses in drafting its bulletins has that
failing that they are unknown either to the Chinese or

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the North Koreans. Hence they may not agree to be
listed killed because the formula requires it…

*— Conference of Foreign Ministers or American-

police prefects. At a “Conference of Foreign Ministers
of American countries” scheduled for March 26, in New
York, reports the American press, the U.S. will insist on
“unity of export policy and on questions of defence”.
Washington wants, by way of a treaty, to prescribe
what and where the Latin-American countries should
export, to turn them completely into a raw materials
appendage of American industry. As for “unity on
questions of defence”, this is provided by the practice
of the “Atlantic bloc”: the Americans supply the
generals, the “allies”—the troops.
The third question on the agenda of the conference
is, however, the most piquant. Entertaining little hope
that the peoples of Latin America will humbly agree to
carry out the first two “unities”, the Americans are
proposing a third—“unity in matters of home security”.
The American proposals envisage the establishment
of “control over secret radio transmitters, espionage
and sabotage, as well as control over the movements of
enemy agents”, i.e., direct police-terror measures
against all who oppose the aggressive U.S. policy.

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 EDITORIAL BOARD

Journal

“For a Lasting Peace, for a People’s

Democracy”

appears every Friday.

Address of Editorial Office and of Publishing

House: 56, Valeriu Branişte, Bucharest. Tel. 5. 10.59.

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