Politics in India

Ideology and Politics of Jharkhand

Movement : An Overview of Trible Politics

Manish Kumar rana

M.A. In Political Science(sem-1)

In the 2019 assembly elections, Jharkhand has not only

rejected the divisive appeals of Prime Minister Narendra
Modi and home minister Amit Shah, but has also
Catapulted the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) into its
strongest ever position in 47 years, leaving analysts to
ponder over whether the state’s regional and identity
politics are making a comeback.
The last time regional and identity politics had won so
many seats was in 1952, when Jaipal Singh’s Jharkhand
Party won 33 seats in the Bihar Assembly, and 32 in
1957. Interestingly, the JMM traces its politics back to
Jaipal Singh’s regional and identity politics and was
formed on November 15, 1972 – November 15 being the
birth anniversary of tribal icon Birsa Munda.
After the formation of the state in the year 2000, the
JMM grew in strength, albeit slowly, from 17 seats in the
2005 assembly election to 18 seats both in 2009 and
2014– only to make a huge jump to 30 seats in the just
concluded elections. The only difference is that the
Congress, which was very strong in the aftermath of
independence, was the arch-rival against whom the
Jharkhand Party had fought in 1952; now the same
Congress is an ally.

“The surge of JMM can be seen in terms of resurgence of

regionalism and identity politics in Jharkhand, though
situations this time are very different”
Coincidentally, as a boy, Ganjhu grew up watching the
popularity of Jaipal Singh and his Jharkhand Party –
which spearheaded the movement for a separate state of
Jharkhand – grow and diminish. Regional and identity
politics had their beginning in the Chotanagpur region of
British Bihar when Jaipal Singh, who had given up the
Indian Civil Services to take up captaincy of Field Hockey
team of British India at the 1928 Amsterdam Olympics
after he was denied a leave of absence from ICS training
in London, had wandered around the world teaching in
different colleges only to come back home to form Akhil
Bharatiya Adivasi Mahasabha in 1938.
Singh even fielded candidates to fight elections under
this organisation and later himself managed to enter the
constituent assembly. However, when he realised that he
should include the non-tribal population as well, he
changed his politics and gave non-tribal populations a
place in it by replacing the Adivasi Mahasabha with the
Jharkhand Party in 1950. This was an expansion of the
initial regional and identity politics—where the centre
was just the tribes—which included Jharkhand statehood
identity on the subject of culture of tribes and non-tribes
alike.

Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) working president

Hemant Soren addresses a press conference as JMM and
Congress alliance lead in the Jharkhand Assembly
election results, in Ranchi, Monday, December 23, 2019.
This approach made Jaipal Singh the supreme leader of
the tribals and non-tribals alike in the dream state of
Jharkhand, and for two successive elections in Bihar, his
party won a huge number of seats. In 1962, however,
when the Congress nullified every move of Jaipal Singh to
get the state of Jharkhand, the Jharkhand Party got
reduced to just 20 seats. This made many supporters feel
that regional and identity politics were no longer in
fashion and was waning, and therefore they should
desert the Jharkhand Party and support the Congress.
Then came the party’s merger in 1963 with the Congress,
forcing regional and identity politics an abrupt end.

But, people like Braj Kishore Nath Shahdeo, N.E. Horo,

Bagun Sumbrui stood up and managed to revive regional
and identity politics in the post-Jaipal Singh period.
During this time, Shibu Soren had been fighting against
the exploitation of Santhals by the moneylenders and the
sahukars. He teamed up with people of similar thought
like Vinod Bihari Mahato and A.K. Roy and formed the
Jharkhand Mukti Morcha. Thus, the JMM came to inherit
the legacy of the Jharkhand Party and stood for regional
and identity politics. Interestingly, both the Jharkhand
Party and the JMM did not restrict their ambit to tribes
alone but included in their fold the original non-tribal
populations as well.
“Things like BJP government’s act of providing many jobs
government jobs to candidates of neighbouring states,
formation of a Local Resident Policy which gave
residential status to recent comers from other states,
attempt to amend Chota Nagpur Tenancy and Santhal
Pargana Tenancy Acts etc, prepared a pitch for regional
and identity politics. Somewhat similar were the issues
even during the time of Jaipal Singh in which statehood
politics had started,” Gaunjhu said.

Gaunjhu said things like the Pathalgadi stir in Khunti,

Kolebira, Simdega, Singbhum areas, too was basically a
part of identity politics – all of which played a role in the
surge of the JMM. Interestingly, this time the rival was
the BJP – which had stepped into the shoes of the
Congress of the 1950s and 60s – and the nearly-
decimated Congress in the state, gained out of this
politics.

While the united Bihar Congress leaders had always

opposed the idea of Jharkhand – a reason behind the
party’s base being nearly wiped off the region – there
were only a few local Congress leaders like Gyan Ranjan,
who stood for the idea of statehood of Jharkhand. The
BJP, on the other hand, had supported the idea with its
own Hindutva agenda, terming the tribes as ‘Vanvasi’
and the state as ‘Vananchal’. As the BJP was the one
which gave Jharkhand statehood under Prime Minister
A.B. Vajpayee, the party had managed to include, in its
larger ambit, even regional and identity politics. This line
of the BJP had helped it rule the state for a long time.

Coincidentally, the seats won by the JMM are largely

from areas with a strong history of identity politics,
except places like Khunti and Ranchi. In Jamshedpur,
Congress’s Banna Gupta and Independent Saryu Rai
pulling up surprise results may not have been a part of
regional and identity politics, but rather feelings of anti-
incumbency.

“Regional Jharkhandi politics seems to be coming back in

Jharkhand. But success and future of it will largely
depend on how effectively the new government headed
by Hemant Soren will deliver in the next five years. As
Jharkhand has multiple regions, each with its own
language and peculiarities, holding regional Jharkhand
politics for long is a difficult task and the JMM knows it,”
said Hussain Kutchi, a Ranchi-based socio-political leader,
who has worked with former Indian Prime Minister
Chandrashekhar. Kutchi, however, is no longer in politics
though he continues to watch and analyse the unfolding
politics of Jharkhand.

Regional and identity politics in India is strong and states

like West Bengal, Odisha, Telengana, Maharashtra etc,
are proof of the success of this type of politics and their
peaceful co-existence with national politics. Voters today
seem to be conscious of their regional identity and, at
the same time, go national. Any political party which can
create a balance between these two factors manages to
garner seats in the assembly as well as in the parliament.

Some analysts, however, slightly differ and say that what

has unfolded in Jharkhand after the assembly elections,
is actually a result of many other factors like anti-
incumbency against Raghubar Das, non-action of the BJP
leadership on unemployment, abysmal national
economy, poor law and order etc.
“These national issues, mixed with local issues, helped
the JMM, which coincidentally stands for regional and
identity politics of Jharkhand. However, if the new
government does not respond to the aspirations of the
people, soon the people may get disenchanted with this
government too.

Hemant Soren who is poised to become the next chief

minister is the new face of regional and identity politics.
Born on August 10, 1975, Soren is the second son of
Shibu Soren. His elder brother Durga Soren passed away
a few years ago. Hemant has a younger brother Basant
Soren and a sister Anjali. According to the affidavit filed
in the Election Commission of India, Hemant completed
his intermediate from Patna High School and had taken
admission at Birla Institute of Technology (BIT), Mesra,
but dropped out to join politics.
Chief minister Raghubar Das, who resigned soon after
the JMM-Congress coalition achieved a clear majority in
the 81-seat house, had always raised the alleged
violation of the CNT Act by Hemant in Ranchi. However,
Raju Oraon, the man who sold his land to Hemant
reportedly never filed a complaint case in the court. Das,
however, set up a Special Investigation Team (SIT) to look
into such matters of violation of CNT Act across the state
and give a report. The SIT, however, never gave its
report. This apart, Hemant had, in 2012, appeared in the
court in connection with the violation of the model code
of conduct during the 2009 assembly elections.
With the formation of Jharkhand, which was carved out
of Bihar on 15 November, 2000, the then PM Atal Bihari
Vajpayee fulfilled the decades long aspiration of the
Adivasi population of the region, for a separate state. It is
worth noting here that the BJP had originally wanted the
state to be named Vananchal, which means the land of
the forests. Jharkhand, which means jungle and has a
more direct Adivasi connotation was accepted to honour
the 26% tribal population of the state. The formation of
the new state was meant to usher in a new era of
harmonious prosperity for the mineral rich state
Language Problem in State

Several parts of Jharkhand are seeing massive protests

against the inclusion of Bhojpuri and Magahi as “regional
languages” in district-level competitive examinations for
government jobs. Hundreds of protesters, including
women, have been marching with placards, raising
slogans against the government mainly in the east-
central districts of Bokaro and Dhanbad, but also in
Giridih and Ranchi.

The protests have gathered momentum since the last

week of January, and some very large gatherings have
been seen in the last few days. Thousands protested in
the Silli area of Ranchi district on Sunday, and in Bagodar
in Giridih district on Saturday.
On December 24, the Jharkhand Personnel,
Administrative Reforms, and Rajbhasha Department
issued a notification to include Magahi, Bhojpuri, and
Angika among others as regional languages in the
district-level selection process through exams conducted
by the Jharkhand Staff Selection Commission (JSSC).

The notification triggered resentment in a section of

people especially in Bokaro and Dhanbad, who saw the
inclusion of Bhojpuri and Magahi as an “infringement” on
the rights of Adivasis and Moolvasis. The protesters
argue that the “low population” of Magahi and Bhojpuri
speakers in these two districts did not “warrant” the
inclusion of these languages in the job selection process.

Anecdotal evidence suggests there is a relatively small

number of Magahi- and Bhojpuri-speaking people in
these districts; however, no precise data are available.