Earth4All Deep Dive SchwarzBreier
Earth4All Deep Dive SchwarzBreier
Earth4All Deep Dive SchwarzBreier
Jonathan F. Donges
Research group leader, Potsdam Institute
for Climate Impact Research, Potsdam,
Germany and Stockholm Resilience Centre,
Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden
DOI: 10.48485/pik.2023.001
Abbreviations:
CA Conservation agriculture RA Regenerative agriculture
CF Conventional farming SES Social–ecological system
CoP Community of practice SI Sustainable intensification
PBs Planetary boundaries
Introduction
Agriculture has been closely interwoven with human development for centuries and is now
a core issue of the Anthropocene. The Neolithic (first agricultural) Revolution, and later the
Green Revolution, transformed nature into a cultivated landscape and decisively shaped social
landscapes, thus creating the basis for our modern society.
The Green Revolution in the 1950s and 1960s led to a significant increase in productivity
through modern machinery, artificial fertilisers and highly bred crop varieties (Evenson &
Gollin, 2003). At the same time, the impact on the environment, including on soils, water quality
and biodiversity, has often been neglected. As the world’s population and the demand for
agricultural products is growing further, the environmental impacts are not only becoming more
acute, but also have long-term implications for food security itself. Global food systems will
remain highly dependent on ecosystem services and abiotic factors, some of which are also
changing for the worse, most notably climate (Foley et al., 2005; Wheeler & von Braun, 2013).
The planetary boundaries (PBs) framework (Rockström et al., 2009; Steffen et al., 2015) provides
a coherent global-scale reference system to quantify the overall influence of these environmental
impacts on the Earth system and on human societies. It defines boundaries for nine Earth system
processes – among them climate change, freshwater use, land-system change and changes in
biogeochemical flows such as nitrogen and biosphere integrity – which together demarcate a
Holocene-like Earth status. The underlying normative, precautionary principle of the framework
is that the PBs should not be transgressed. Otherwise, we threaten the safe operating space for
humanity, and risk tipping the Earth onto a trajectory that departs significantly from Holocene
conditions (which have enabled the emergence and sustenance of a human civilisation with
billions of people) to minimise the risk of large-scale disruptions and destabilisation of our planet.
Modern practices of conventional farming (CF) are placing increasing pressure on many of
the PBs; indeed, agriculture is the main driver of current PB transgressions (Campbell et
al., 2017; Gerten et al., 2020). For example, CF practices compromise the integrity of the
(terrestrial) biosphere through the cultivation of large monocultures and invasive tillage.
Degradation of soils and other resources, such as freshwater influenced by nutrient leaching,
leads to changes in the natural flow regime of rivers. Processes such as water extraction
for irrigation of agricultural land have serious consequences for the aquatic and adjacent
terrestrial ecosystems (Gerten et al., 2013), and represent transgressions of the freshwater
Regenerative agriculture for food security and ecological resilience: illustrating global biophysical and social spreading potentials / earth4all.life / 2
PB. Agricultural practices can also adversely affect the status of the freshwater PB through
changes in soil moisture. Tillage and soil degradation lead to a constant reduction in soil water-
holding capacity and net losses in root-zone soil moisture (Wang-Erlandsson et al., 2022).
In this article, we provide a preliminary analysis of the potential effects on soil ecology and
crop yield of a global-scale transition to regenerative agriculture. Previous analyses have
only focused on the biophysical potential of resource-efficient measures for increasing global
agricultural production (Gerten et al., 2020; Springmann et al., 2018). Here, we quantitatively
and conceptually advance the field by also considering potential social spreading dynamics
that actually determine whether – and to what extent – farmers would adopt such practices.
Although 11% of the world’s population are farmers, agriculture does not provide a good/stable
livelihood for many. Economically, farmers are often dependent on government subsidies and
have fluctuating incomes. This is due to numerous factors, such as the high cost of fertilisers,
dependence on certain types of grains and unstable markets for their produce. In some
regions, changing climatic conditions are altering the farmers’ environment to the extent that
they must abandon their land because the soils are no longer fertile enough to be viable.
Sustainable agriculture
To overcome the negative consequences of conventional farming, alternative approaches have
arisen in recent decades. These are often subsumed under the term sustainable agriculture,
defined by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) as “ ... the management and
conservation of the natural resource base and the orientation of technological and institutional
change in such a manner as to ensure the attainment and continued satisfaction of human
needs for present and future generations. Such sustainable development ... conserves land,
water, plant and animal genetic resources, is environmentally non-degrading, technically
appropriate, economically viable and socially acceptable” (FAO, 1989, p. 65).
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Various approaches have been developed and implemented to achieve this transformation (Oberč
& Arroyo Schnell, 2020). One established approach is conservation agriculture (CA), which has
its roots in conservation tillage as a solution that emerged from the “Dust Bowl” that affected US
and Canadian prairies in the 1930s (Hobbs, 2007). In the 1970s and 1980s, this approach was
complemented by the practice of intercropping and crop rotations and has been employed widely
under the label CA since the 1990s. The FAO highlights three key principles of CA:
Nevertheless, CA has a number of advantages, such as the reduction of machinery use with
savings especially in fuel consumption, the reduced use of expensive artificial fertiliser, and the
higher resilience of CA to anthropogenic climate change compared with CF (Michler et al., 2019).
An intelligent application of CA’s three core principles can also reduce the use of pesticides and
herbicides; in particular, the right choice of cover and crop rotations plays a decisive role (Nichols
et al., 2015; Pretty et al., 2006). Through these positive effects, CA can potentially reduce the
strains on different PBs, especially those for freshwater and biogeochemical flows.
CA forms a basis for many other sustainable agriculture approaches, as does regenerative
agriculture (RA), which was developed in the 1980s and shares CA’s principles for soil health.
For instance, RA is also strict about the use of pesticides and herbicides, both of which are
kept to a minimum. Where RA diverges is its broader focus on increasing biodiversity in general
and creating a closed nutrient cycle in combination with livestock management at farm level. It
includes additional approaches such as manure composting, rotational grazing and silvopasture
in grassland management (Smith et al., 2021). In practice, RA and CA involve similar cropping
systems and the terms are often used interchangeably. Some scholars and practitioners
additionally ascribe a social dimension to RA (Müller, 2020). Some of the more holistic
regenerative approaches transcend soil regeneration and additionally aim at “regenerating”
the social aspects related to agriculture. For example, in terms of good livelihoods, social
relationships and stable incomes (LaCanne & Lundgren, 2018), future perspectives, and (re)
building human–nature relationships (E. Gordon et al., 2022; Hes & Rose, 2019).
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Social mechanisms of a land-use transformation
Agricultural systems are intrinsically social–ecological (L. J. Gordon et al., 2017; Meyfroidt,
2013). That is why a transformation towards agricultural systems respecting PBs while
supporting livelihoods cannot be understood and enabled without considering the deeper
societal processes driving the change. Developments in the emerging and transdisciplinary
field of “transition studies” address the question of how such profound change can come into
being (Holtz et al., 2015; Olsson & Galaz, 2012; Walker et al., 2004). Within the sub-field of
land system transitions, scholars have highlighted the broad variety of drivers in additional to
economic dynamics (Burton et al., 2020; Dessart et al., 2019; Maybery et al., 2005). While
economic elements are certainly important, we focus on social contagion, social learning
and social tipping points. We deem this to be a relevant lens for understanding diverse
characteristics of transformative change (Conley & Christopher, 2001; Schneider et al., 2009).
Social contagion is a concept that helps to understand the phenomenon of novel practices,
behaviours, opinions or ideas spreading in social networks (Lehmann & Ahn, 2018; Tsvetkova
& Macy, 2014). It originates in the “theory of diffusion of innovations” postulated by Everett
Rogers (1962), and in modern applications encompasses diverse forms of interaction-based
contagion processes (Peres et al., 2010). Rogers described the agents picking up a novel trait
in early stages as the system’s “innovators” and “early adopters”. During a social contagion
process, a certain trait, for example regenerative farming behaviour, is passed from these “early
acting agents” to another agent in one’s social network (to a certain probability, depending on
their susceptibility). Scholars distinguish between simple and complex contagion; while both
can be helpful for understanding such processes, the adoption of RA cannot be expected to
spread like a virus or a piece of information, as a simple contagion process would suggest
(Centola & Macy, 2007). The adoption of novel opinions and behaviour is better understood
as complex contagion, implying the necessity of several interactions with novel practices for
behavioural change (Kitzmann et al., 2022), such as via continuous interactions with one’s
social environment, or in social learning contexts.
There is ample evidence that individuals tend to coordinate with others or to conform to the social
norms that are prevalent in the social groups and networks they are associated with (Bicchieri,
2016; Centola et al., 2018; Farrow et al., 2017; Nyborg et al., 2016). Conformity to social norms
has many underlying mechanisms. It may be driven by fear of sanctions or a desire to do what
is socially acceptable, perceived benefits to coordinating with others, and information implicit in
social norms about what works or what is appropriate in certain contexts.
Social learning describes a class of related mechanisms that can be seen as the foundation of
social contagion processes (Reed et al., 2010). For example, imitation of a successful strategy
or practice can be classified as a form of “single-loop learning”: a process of behavioural change
and improvement of action strategies with the aim to reach better outcomes, without necessarily
challenging underlying assumptions, concepts, theories or value systems on the basis of which
a given decision was made (Pahl-Wostl, 2009). In the context of RA, this could manifest as
the adoption of RA practices to increase farm profitability through carbon capture credits or
payments for ecosystem services. In contrast, behavioural changes driven by changes more
deeply anchored in individual value systems can be conceptualised as double- and triple-loop
learning processes (Gupta, 2016).
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Double-loop learning involves questioning variables, such as underlying goals, assumptions,
problem framing, and individual priorities. For instance, this could be an action taken by a farmer
who has asked themselves: do I want my agricultural practices geared towards maximising yields,
or building up humus for healthier soils? In a triple-loop learning process, a learner proceeds one
step further and additionally questions values and normative beliefs underlying those factors,
which in turn can lead to an adjustment of one’s world views (Tosey et al., 2012). Therefore,
triple-loop learning has the potential to alter human–nature relationships at a deep level, as
well as reshape the “reference framework” considered when laying out an action strategy. A
sense of deeper connectedness with one’s land, as sketched in the concept of “environmental
stewardship”, can be regarded as an outcome of a triple-loop learning process and act as a
foundation for novel land-use decisions. Individually held values regarding a given farming
practice have been found to impact land-use style (Dessart et al., 2019; Gosnell et al., 2019).
Value shifts can be facilitated through networks and group contexts, such as farmer communities
of practice (CoPs) like Costa Rica Regenerativa or the Climate Farmers.
Learning processes can take place locally and non-locally. Direct exposure to a novel farming
system (e.g., by means of a neighbouring farm) can be the decisive factor (Schneider et al.,
2009), but geographical proximity is not a necessary precondition for learning to take place. For
example, CoPs can act as social networks connecting farmers and thereby providing learning
spaces non-locally (Conley & Christopher, 2001; Morgan, 2011; Wenger, 1998). Another example
is the influence that family members living abroad can have on a farmer’s decisions, which is
observed in Laos where Laotian relatives living in the diaspora had a decisive impact on rubber
tree adoption in their original homeland (Junquera et al., 2020). Social learning processes have
the potential to shape the learning environment, and could consequently have an impact on the
social fabric of institutions, practices and norms. In turn, this deep impact could be an important
accelerator for social tipping points.
Social tipping points can be critical levers within a social system as, when systematically targeted
through certain interventions, they could trigger rapid social transitions (Otto et al., 2020;
Winkelmann et al., 2022). On the one hand, purely social or socioeconomic tipping points can be
identified (Doyle et al., 2016); same-sex marriage acceptance or the condemnation of smoking
in public places are examples (Nyborg et al., 2016). On the other hand, within social–ecological
systems research, there is the additional criterion of social shifts being linked to change in the
ecological system (Milkoreit et al., 2018). Climate change mitigation has to date been at the
centre of social tipping point research (Otto et al., 2020); however, the concept has also been
applied to agricultural transitions (Smith et al., 2021).
Taken together, the concepts of social contagion, social learning and social tipping processes
create a perspective of well-documented and well-investigated societal transition dynamics.
They offer new ways of thinking about how agricultural systems could be transformed to more
sustainable and regenerative approaches – at individual, societal and even global levels. Such
concepts complement the purely biophysical aspects of transitions, by considering the social
dynamics that could drive their implementation in the real world.
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Simulating a giant leap in agriculture
Following Earth4All’s overall transformative Giant Leap scenario (Dixson-Decleve et al., 2022),
rapid change is needed, especially in agriculture, to transform the current mostly conventional
farming systems into sustainable ones. To restore soil health and maintain food security in a
rapidly changing global climate, measures such as those described in that scenario must be
implemented quickly. Dietary habits can adapt comparatively quickly following changing social
norms, while equilibrium processes in the biosphere, especially plant–soil interactions, can take
comparatively long periods of time as a result of changes in agricultural management (Herzfeld et
al., 2021a). Here, we simulate an idealised global transition, analogously referred to as the Giant
Leap, parameterised as a step change within one year (2022) from CF to RA, assuming that RA
practices are applied worldwide immediately (see Table 1). Our study uses the dynamic global
vegetation and crop model LPJmL (Schaphoff et al., 2018; von Bloh et al., 2018). This preliminary
analysis aims to roughly indicate the biophysical potential of a transition to RA in reducing the
anthropogenic pressure on the terrestrial PBs that are being transgressed due to widespread
conventional agricultural practices. The study extends an earlier analysis (involving a previous
version of LPJmL) that showed how efforts to sustainably intensify agriculture can feed a global
population of 10 billion within the PBs (Gerten et al., 2020). New features and management
options enable us to focus attention on soil health and its wider implications for ecosystem
resilience and food security (Lutz et al., 2019; Porwollik et al., 2021). Table 1 summarises the
options relating to tillage, residue removal and crop covering within the Too Little Too Late and
Giant Leap scenarios. Future climate change is not considered; instead, the last 10 years of
climate inputs up to 2019 are repeated until 2035, as additional climate change would amplify
several impacts and include additional feedbacks, making it difficult to assign to the underlying
problem in each case (Herzfeld et al., 2021b).
Table 1. The Too Little Too Late and Giant Leap scenarios simulated by LPJmL, with the Giant Leap diverting from
Too Little Too Late in 2022 with a global transition to RA with the listed measures.
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Biophysical effects of regenerative agriculture
One effect seen in the model is that soil evaporation quickly decreases when soil cover by
plant litter increases after harvest. Soils contain higher moisture levels, including root-zone soil
moisture – making more water available to the plants. Transpiration also increases in many areas
as a result of water uptake, and the rates are even higher when crops are cultivated in given
areas. The net impact on soil moisture therefore varies depending on the prevailing conditions
in any given region, though most regions do see higher plant-available soil moisture. On a
global scale we find a net increase in root-zone soil moisture of about 4.3% on all land in the
Giant Leap compared with Too Little Too Late. This makes conservation agriculture a suitable
countermeasure in regions where transgressions in the Green Water PB in terms of dry baseline
departures can be observed (Wang-Erlandsson et al., 2022).
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In addition to water fluxes, carbon fluxes are also simulated to change considerably. The
assumed constant soil cover and absence of any soil turnover leaves soil less exposed to the
atmosphere, whereby less carbon is oxidised and thus emitted as CO2. The additional crop
residue/litter biomass shifts the balance of soil carbon processes in favour of a temporary
accumulation of soil organic carbon.
As a result, the soil carbon stocks start to increase already in the first years after the simulated
global transition to RA compared with Too Little Too Late. Increases are especially pronounced
in the tropics as well as in presently intensively farmed areas such as the eastern United States,
India or Eastern China as shown for the year 2035 (with constant climate) in Figure 2. Already
by 2035, after 13 simulation years in our stylised experiment, cumulative carbon sequestration
would thus reach a global total of about 26 GtC in the Giant Leap scenario.
Figure 2. Soil carbon increase on agricultural land of the Giant Leap over Too Little Too Late for the year 2035.
An increase in the amount of soil carbon has several effects on the soil. It is an indicator for the
increase of micro- and macro-organisms in the soil, and for the general increase of the water-
holding capacity (as an additional benefit for a net increase in root-zone soil moisture) and the
fertility of the soil (Stockmann et al., 2013). Soil biodiversity increases thanks to the undisturbed
natural soil structure and the long-term naturally grown soil organic matter under no-till
conditions (Palm et al., 2014). Ecological resilience increases via the interplay of these factors,
especially in the face of climate change (Michler et al., 2019).
Boosting soil fertility is a key to compensating for the negative yield effects of not tilling the soil,
especially within the first years and in humid regions. Figure 3 shows that high yield increases are
simulated to occur mainly in drier regions where water is scarce and therefore reducing evaporation
has a great benefit. Even though these simulations do not take into account the far-reaching
impacts of climate change, it can be expected that a more resilient land-use system will perform
better under more extreme climate conditions (Herzfeld et al., 2021b; Jägermeyr et al., 2016).
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In the Giant Leap some tropical regions show a negative effect on the yield where water-saving
effects play a minor role and fertilisation is historically low, which is also in line with findings in
other studies (Cusser et al., 2020). Cover crops in LPJmL are currently parameterised only as
catch crops, that rather take up nitrogen instead of fixing additional nitrogen and passing it on
to the main crops in mineralised form during decomposition, which is why positive effects from
green manure might be underestimated in the simulations. Positive effects could be achieved by
fixing additional atmospheric nitrogen and making it plant available in the beginning of the main
season, which the current cover crop implementation does not simulate. Nevertheless, the overall
global effect is positive with a net yield increase of about 5%, mainly due to the increases in dry
areas such as the western United States, Spain or South Africa indicating that RA has a higher
resilience to drought stresses potentially triggered by climate change.
Figure 3. Simulated yield changes in the Giant Leap compared with Too Little Too Late for 2035.
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There are certain world regions, mainly in the Americas, where CA as a practice is already
widely accepted as a social norm in agriculture (see Figure 4). These regions, depicted in light
green, can act as seeds of change, i.e. as pioneering places of social contagion and diffusion of
innovation, from which RA can spread to other regions and farmers.
Figure 4. The yellow colours show areas in which the conditions for RA are favourable, and that have
therefore been assessed as having a high likelihood for RA adoption. These conditions are based both
on biophysical (humidity, crop types, water erosion) and social-ecological (farmer field size and income)
factors. Spatial information of the conditions illustrated here stem from Porwollik et al. (2021).
Figure 5. Adjacent areas of CA-dominated localities that have a high likelihood of CA adoption
through local learning processes (purple, with curved arrows), areas potentially subject to CA
adoption through to non-local spreading processes (pink, with dashed arrows). Both trends for
illustrative purposes only. The arrows indicate the direction of spread for selected examples.
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The purple areas in Figure 5 depict neighbouring regions of current RA-dominated areas with
supportive conditions for RA (i.e. yellow-zone regions that have borders with green zones).
These purple-coloured areas are candidates for the adoption of RA through local spreading
and contagion processes, such as social norm compliance-driven imitation or experimental
social learning, for example by visiting neighbouring farms and witnessing the feasibility and
advantages of RA first hand.
The pink colour in Figure 5 highlights that such spreading processes are not only limited to
happening locally between neighbouring farms, but can also take place in a region or over even
larger scales. They highlight examples of where RA could spread through non-local processes
and social networks. International organisations and social farmer networks/CoPs provide non-
locally bound spaces for exchange and social learning, and therefore non-local spreading of
RA. Both purple and pink areas are illustrations of possible spreading outcomes through local
and non-local mechanisms. They are not underpinned by spatially resolved empirical data but
illustrate the spreading potential based on case studies and the theories of change introduced
above.
One example for both local and regional spreading processes is seen in West Africa, facilitated by
Warc, an organisation with agricultural production and consulting services. Beginning operations
of RA in Sierra Leone, the Warc group quickly won over more smallholder farmers in the region
through extension programmes. Now, they operate over 5,000 ha in Sierra Leone and Ghana in
cooperation with over 1,000 smallholder farmers. The success of the system strengthens their
appeal: in Sierra Leone, they managed to sustain productive farming seasons without irrigation,
using mainly crop-rotations and minimal soil disturbance. Other comparable organisations
are the Rodale Institute and the Savory Institute (2022), which
have worldwide regional hubs and offer training, workshops and
extensionist services. Networks such as the Climate Farmers and
If the system is ripe for Costa Rica Regenerativa have a similar approach, but put a special
emphasis on connecting regenerative farmers and farms that
change, the regenerative already exist.
agriculture movement The concepts introduced in this article can help RA to spread
through a variety of processes. To gain momentum over a larger
can potentially reach scale, the transition also requires support from the surrounding
a social tipping point, conditions. For instance, it depends on the farmers’ political and
institutional embeddedness, public opinion and the economic
which could accelerate situation, and it might also be triggered by landscape-level system
widespread system shocks such as the aforementioned Dust Bowl. If the system is
ripe for change, the RA movement can potentially reach a social
change in agriculture tipping point, which could accelerate widespread system change in
agriculture – even beyond that provisionally illustrated in Figures 4
and 5 (Smith/Donges et al., in prep).
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We aim to represent these different spreading processes using a model that links LPJmL
(simulating biophysical changes and potentials as shown above) to an agent-based model of
farmer social dynamics using the copan:CORE framework (Donges et al., 2020). Within the
model, farmers are the agents of change, with an option of practising RA or CF, based on
observing their neighbours’ strategies, interacting with them and learning from them according to
the different (alternative) spreading principles presented above. LPJmL subsequently calculates
how harvests and biophysical conditions will change at each site, and whether and to what
extent farmers’ choices will help to maintain local and global planetary boundaries. These
results finally inform farmers’ decision-making simulated in the agent-based model. This coupled
modelling investigates spreading and adoption dynamics of RA beyond theoretical and qualitative
foundations, and will complement the pure biophysical assessments of hypothetical potentials
found in earlier global simulation studies (Gerten et al., 2020). Such assessments are central to
operationalising knowledge about the benefits of RA systems and applying it to the real world.
Conclusion
In this deep dive, we have illustrated the potential of RA to address some of
the most urgent challenges of our time in social–ecological land systems.
Restoring and conserving healthy soils and creating resilient farming systems
to provide food security, while adapting to climate change impacts such as
droughts and extreme weather events, are central to a global food systems
turnaround. Extending from the biophysical analysis, we also highlight the
importance of social dynamics relating to the adoption of RA, and we lay out
the potential of social contagion, social learning and social tipping points for
a widespread land-use transformation. Finally, we stress the need to provide
enabling conditions for RA practices to spread effectively.
In reality, the surrounding factors and conditions can also prove to be
obstacles to such transformations: elements such as economic, institutional
and political constraints, and distorted power structures manifested, for
example, in a strong lobby of large conventional agri-food corporations, can
hinder far-reaching transformative change. The potential of social diffusion
processes thus depends on the institutional, political and economic climate
in which they unfold. For this reason, the drivers of change are clearly not
limited to farmers and their individual learning processes, but are distributed
across individual actors and larger structures, which consequently also bear
significant responsibility for supporting such transition processes.
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