Civil Military Relations in Pakistan
Civil Military Relations in Pakistan
Civil Military Relations in Pakistan
DEMOCRACY &
CIVIL-MILITARY
Relations in PAKISTAN
Developments in 2017
a study by PILDAT
PILDAT is a registered non-profit entity under the Societies Registration Act XXI of 1860, Pakistan.
Printed in Pakistan
ISBN: 978-969-558-713-3
Any part of this publication can be used or cited with a clear reference to PILDAT.
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Lahore Office: P. O. Box 11098, L.C.C.H.S, Postal Code: 54792, Lahore, Pakistan
E-mail: [email protected] | Website: www.pildat.org
STUDY BY PILDAT
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Developments in 2017
CONTENTS
Preface 05
Introduction 07
Key Questions 07
The Context 09
Conclusions 25
List of Tables
Preface
Preface
The state of Civil-Military relations in Pakistan continues to be the biggest stumbling block to consolidation of
democracy in Pakistan. While the relations have never followed the intent of the Constitution and therefore have never
been ideal, developments in 2017 have brought further critical challenges for Pakistan's democratic future.
As an independent think tank dedicated to strengthening democracy and democratic institutions, PILDAT believes an
objective analysis of the current challenges must be carried out to develop policy recommendations that can help steer
the country and its democratic order at this time.
Studying and analysing civil-military relations is a flagship area of PILDAT's work. With the belief that at this time
state of civil-military relations in Pakistan is the single most important factor upon which the quality of democracy in
Pakistan depends, PILDAT began its work in the area in 2004. PILDAT's work has ranged from undertaking research
and study in issues relating to civil-military relations in Pakistan and cataloguing the best strategies and practices to
improve civil-military relations in other countries with similar transitions to democracies after prolonged military
rules. Facilitating the formation of a Dialogue Group on Civil-Military Relations, PILDAT has continued to promote
and facilitate civil-military dialogue process. International Conferences and regional dialogues on the subject have also
been a key plank of PILDAT's initiative. The key outcome of PILDAT's focus has been defining and creation of space
for credible, fact-based and non-emotive discussion on the issues affecting civil military relations and to facilitate
dialogue in the public domain that the civil-military equation, as experienced in Pakistan, is deterimental to Pakistan's
journey towards democratic consolidation. PILDAT has contributed a rich body of knowledge in the area spanning over
170 publications and growing, which are developed through research and study, including regional and international
comparative analyses, and proposals for reforms for democratic consolidation through improving civil-military
relations in Pakistan.
This PILDAT study attempts to provide an objective analysis of recent developments and is based on individual
interactions and interviews with influential and knowledgeable cross-section of country's civil and military elite who
have first-hand knowledge of the key developments affecting Pakistan's democratic order and civil-military relations.
These persons have included senior politicians, former key ministers, opinion makers from the media, legal and
constitutional experts, seasoned MPs and former military officials. The interviews for the study were conducted using
the Chatham House rule and has used interactions to capture various perspectives and outlines recommendations and
reform proposals.
Lahore
December 2017
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The Context
Civil-military imbalance in
The seeds of disquiet between the civil elected Pakistan seemed to have
governments and the military have indeed played a part
in straining the relations between the elected increased, with the Military
Government of Mr. Sharif and the Pakistan Army. The leadership seemingly
cleavages were on public display, perhaps by design,
many a times, during the course of the tenure of Gen. establishing itself as the final
Raheel Sharif, Chief of Army Staff who served from arbiter on national security and
November 2013-2016 and later General Qamar Javed
Bajwa who took the charge of the office of the Chief of certain domains of our foreign
Army Staff in November 2016. Table 1 carries a policy. Elected Government
detailed timeline of major irritants in civil-military
relations under the tenure of Premier Sharif until appeared to be relegated to an
November 2017. auxiliary role
Under the leadership of both the Chiefs of Army Staff,
the overreach of the Army and the role of the COAS extraordinary pro-activeness exhibited by the ISPR,
continued to grow in national, regional and foreign which was seen to be taking the lead even on
policy issues. The international profile of the COAS announcements such as the formation of Military
continued to increase under Gen. Sharif and is carried Courts or of Provincial Apex Committees. It is a
out under Gen. Bajwa as in their individual capacities debateable point whether this scenario developed
of COAS, each held exclusive interactions with because of civilian authorities complacency in giving
international political leadership. out the information efficiently and effectively. The
resultant creation of a messiah-like image of the COAS
By the end of Gen. (Retd.) Raheel Sharif's tenure, the is perhaps best epitomized by the popular tagline of
civil-military imbalance in Pakistan seemed to have #ThankYouRaheelSharif. This was also accompanied
increased, with the Military leadership seemingly by a reported regrettable culture of media advice by the
establishing itself as the final arbiter on national ISPR, leading to concerted media management.
security and certain domains of our foreign policy. The
elected Government, on the other hand, appeared to be Thus, at the beginning of the tenure of incoming COAS
relegated to either an auxiliary role, or a parallel Gen. Qamar Javed Bajwa, an anxiety may have existed
national security regime. There were various contours that this was a tough act to follow for Gen. Qamar Javed
of this imbalance, including public disagreements upon Bajwa as if he failed to maintain the media standing
the implementation of the National Action Plan; an surrounding Gen. (Retd.) Raheel Sharif, the public
increased domestic and international profile of the might needlessly question his performance. Instead of a
COAS; an operation in Karachi, which increasingly careful rollback of this policy so as to protect the
took a political hue; increased preponderance in military and its leadership from any unwarranted
internal security by the Military due to weak policing; criticism, gradually, the role and personal publicity of
creation of a security doctrine, which linked Gen. Qamar Javed Bajwa have only grown with time.
criminality, corruption and terrorism; and, most From announcing Umrah for Pakistan cricket team at
importantly lack of institutionalization in matters of winning Champions Trophy to holding Youth
national security. All of these issues seemed to come to Seminars; from ending political dharnas to
a head with the daily Dawn's exclusive story of October international visits and receiving diplomatic
06, 2016, which brought out into the open the civil- dignitaries, COAS Bajwa is as active on the diplomatic
military friction that had been brewing for a long time. front, if not more, as his predecessor.
Therefore, although a narrative of the civil-military
leadership 'being on the same page' was perpetuated Major Irritants in Civil-Military Relations
partly through these 3 years, the relationship remained
frayed at best. in Pakistan
One particular manifestation of the civil-military Following are major issues of concern and irritants and
imbalance associated with Gen. (Retd.) Raheel Sharif apparent causes of continuing polarisation:
was his larger-than-life profile both internationally and
at home. This was perpetuated through the 1. Civilian space is shrinking in Policy Spheres
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2. Elected Governments and political leadership is on foreign and internal security policies is favourably
ceding space through lethargic and slow decision- suited to the military which has its own perspective on
making at the top executive level national security issues, experts belonging to the
3. Military is increasing its overreach into areas military seemed to concur with the perspective in a
outside of its professional domain including different manner by saying that the weaknesses and
domestic issues (development of FATA & inability of the civilian elected politicians to understand
Balochistan, Economy, Regional & Foreign Policy) and develop cogent policy options for Pakistan remains
4. Palpable apparent and verbally confirmed tension the major irritant and distrust of the military in
between military establishment and a popular politicians. “Politicians do not read and do not think
political party is spilling out in the public leading to and certainly do not focus on critical policies including
the conclusion that civil-military relations have defence, national security and foreign affairs,”
moved into an era of 'open warfare'. According to believed the military experts whose perspective was
some analysts and media comments, a Military- similar to the erstwhile DG ISI Mr. Pasha who was
Judiciary nexus is seemingly created to manage and reported to have said in his testimony to the Abbottabad
undercut a popularly-elected party Commission that civilians have “no culture of reading”
5. Military is accused of brokering political alliances important government documents, and as Mr. Pasha
6. Foreign countries are apparently and increasingly saw it, their “thinking process was also non-existent.” 33
reaching out to the military because they perceive
power to be residing there. There is a consistent perception among the public that
Mr. Nawaz Sharif does not get along with the Military -
This has meant an alarming increase of a legitimate but Ms. Benazir Bhutto also did not work; Mr. Zardari
concern in Pakistan that military that is being sucked did not work, Mr. Shaukat Aziz had no political
into non-professional spheres and it should resist legitimacy and Mr. Sharif's personality is difficult -
temptation of trying to fix every problem. which begs the question as to who can the Military
work with, civilian experts said. The issue, therefore, is
The disqualification of Premier Sharif took place in this broader and includes any and every civilian elected to
context. To many experts, the military's perceived office who rightly believes that having been elected by
hidden hand orchestrated the disqualification. That the people of Pakistan, it is his or her territory to govern,
military wanted Mr. Nawaz Sharif out at any cost is a which includes not just building motorways and
stance that has been corroborated by many in the highways, but govern in terms of making decisions that
civilian and military circles. That Mr. Sharif was have an impact on national security and welfare of the
disqualified for “having failed to disclose his un- State, said the civilian experts. On the other hand,
withdrawn receivables” and “having furnished a false
declaration under solemn affirmation” 30 in a case that
was based on Panama papers is termed by many to be an There is a perception that Mr.
indication of claims in international media that Nawaz Sharif does not get along
Pakistan's Supreme Court is 'collaborating with the
Pakistan Army against civilian rulers.'31 with the Military, but Ms.
Benazir Bhutto also did not
Following the NAB references against Mr. Sharif and
his family, legal experts quoted NAB officials saying work; Mr. Zardari did not work,
that while apparently NAB has to work under the SC's Mr. Shaukat Aziz had no
appointed Supervisory Judge, NAB is really answering
to the Military (ISI & MI) in these proceedings.32 political legitimacy and Mr.
Sharif's personality is difficult -
Experts were also asked whether Mr. Nawaz Sharif as
the elected Premier is the anathema for the military or which begs the question as to
there is a general distrust. While civilian experts who can the Military work with?
believed that independent stance of no elected Premier
30. For details, please see Full text of Supreme Court order in Panama Papers case, Dawn, July 28, 2017:
https://www.dawn.com/news/1348209
31. For details, please see: 'With Nawaz's ouster, Pakistan Military's chokehold over parliament tightens,' The Wire, Mohammad Taqi, July 31,
2017, accessed on August 01, 2017 at: https://thewire.in/163101/nawaz-sharif-pakistan-military/
32. Interviews conducted for the Study
33. Pakistan's civil-military imbalance. The bad in Abbottabad: The Economist, July 11, 2013:
https://www.economist.com/blogs/banyan/2013/07/pakistan-s-civil-military-imbalance
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9 January 2017 Visit to Kingdom of COAS met with the King of Saudi Arabia, Deputy
Saudi Arabia Crown Prince and Defence Minister.
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Table 2: Call-ons & Interactions of COAS with Visiting Foreign Dignitaries and Ambassadors
in Pakistan
No. Date Call Ons/Interactions
1 November 24, 2017 Turkish Ambassador to Pakistan met the COAS at the GHQ to bid farewell to the
COAS at the end of his tenure in Pakistan.
2 November 21, 2017 Assistant Foreign Minister and Special Envoy on Korean Peninsula Affairs of
China and newly appointed Chinese Ambassador to Pakistan, called on the COAS
at the GHQ.
3 November 17, 2017 Special Envoy on Afghan Affairs, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of People's Republic
of China met with the COAS.
4 November 09, 2017 US Ambassador to Pakistan met with the COAS, at the GHQ.
5 October 13, 2017 Ambassador of Kingdom of Saudi Arabia called on the COAS at the GHQ.
6 October 12, 2017 A U.S. delegation comprising Deputy Assistant to the President and National
Security Council Senior Director for South Asia, Acting Assistant Secretary of
State and US Ambassador to Pakistan called on COAS at the GHQ.
7 September 26, 2017 Ambassador of China to Pakistan met the COAS at the GHQ.
8 September 22, 2017 British High Commissioner to Pakistan called on the COAS at the GHQ.
9 September 21, 2017 German Ambassador to Pakistan called on the COAS at the GHQ.
10 September 20, 2017 Afghan Ambassador to Pakistan called on the COAS at the GHQ.
12 August 25, 2017 Afghan Media Delegation met with the COAS
14 August 09, 2017 Saudi Deputy Defence Minister, while on a visit to Pakistan, called on the COAS.
16 July 13, 2017 Canadian High Commissioner to Pakistan called on the COAS at the GHQ.
18 July 02, 2017 Delegation of US Senate (Armed Services Committee) called on the COAS at the
GHQ. The delegation was taken to South Waziristan, and briefed about the security
situation.
19 June 25, 2017 Chinese Foreign Minister and his delegation called on COAS.
20 June 12, 2017 British High Commissioner to Pakistan called on the COAS at the GHQ.
21 June 06, 2017 Russian Ambassador to Pakistan met the COAS.
22 June 05, 2017 Ambassador of Japan called on COAS.
23 May 22, 2017 US Ambassador to Pakistan called on the COAS at the GHQ.
24 May 04, 2017 German Special Representative for Pakistan-Afghanistan met the COAS .
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Table 2: Call-ons & Interactions of COAS with Visiting Foreign Dignitaries and Ambassadors
in Pakistan
No. Date Call Ons/Interactions
25 May 03, 2017 Iran's Foreign Minister met with the COAS at the GHQ.
27 April 14, 2017 Afghanistan's Ambassador to Pakistan met the COAS at the GHQ.
29 March 27, 2017 Minister of Defence and Military Veterans Affairs South Africa called on the COAS
at the GHQ.
30 March 06, 2017 Ambassador of Germany to Pakistan called on the CJCSC at GHQ.
35 January 20, 2017 Ambassador of Kingdom of Saudi Arabia called on the COAS at the GHQ.
36 January 18, 2017 Ambassador of United Arab Emirates (UAE) met the COAS.
37 January 15, 2017 COAS made a telephone call to Afghan President to condole the loss of life in
terror attacks in Afghanistan.
38 January 13, 2017 Chinese Ambassador to Pakistan called on the COAS at the GHQ.
39 January 06, 2017 British High Commissioner to Pakistan called on the COAS at the GHQ.
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5. For example, during April 2014, the Federal Minister for Defence, Khawaja Muhammad Asif, MNA ridiculed Gen. (Retd.) Pervez
Musharraf by saying that the latter puffed up his chest because he used to be wearing a life jacket. The Federal Minister for Railways,
Khawaja Saad Rafique, MNA also said that the former ruler committed the 'mother of crimes' by abrogating the Constitution time and
again. During the period, a speech made by the Federal Minister for Defence, Khawaja Muhammad Asif, MNA also went viral on the
internet and on TV channels in which he directed scathing criticism at the Military and alluded to their failures in all the wars. For details,
please see the heading titled Mercury rising in Civil-Military relations, on page 02 of the PILDAT publication Monitor on Civil-Military
Relations in Pakistan, April 01, 2014-April 30, 2014, which can be accessed at:
http://www.pildat.org/publications/publication/CMR/MonitoronCivil-MilitaryRelationsinPakistan_April012014_April302014.pdf
6. For details, please see the heading Indictment of Gen. (Retd.) Pervez Musharraf, on page 03, of the PILDAT publication titled Monitor on
Civil-Military Relations in Pakista, March 01, 2014-March31, 2014, which can be accessed at:
http://www.pildat.org/Publications/publication/CMR/MonitorOnCivil-MilitaryRelationsinPakistan_March012014_March312014.pdf
7. For details, please see the PILDAT publication titled Monitor on Civil-Military Relations in Pakistan, April 2014, which can be accessed at:
http://www.pildat.org/publications/publication/CMR/MonitoronCivil-MilitaryRelationsinPakistan_April012014_April302014.pdf
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Mr. Javed Hashmi accused Mr. Imran Khan of following a “scripted plan” on the behest
of the Military. 10
The ISI chief, Lt. Gen. Zaheer-ul-Islam was replaced with Maj. Gen. Rizwan Akhtar. 11
The appointment of the new DG ISI was significant at a time when the Army was
accused of involvement in the political crisis of the twin sit-ins seeking to overthrow the
incumbent PML-N government. The ISI chief, Lt. Gen. Zaheer-ul-Islam, was considered
to be pushing for the Premier's ouster as Government sources claimed they had evidence
of the ISI “backing Imran to get rid of Nawaz.” 12
05. January 2015 The formation of Military Courts, paved by the Parliament passing the 21st
Constitutional Amendment, 2015 (that had a sunset clause of two years and later
reconstituted for another two years in January 2017) after the Peshawar Tragedy, signied
yet another institutional imbalance for Pakistan's civil-military relations as all political
parties agreed to the constitution of military courts after the military indicated its support
for such a move.
Following the amendment, formation of the Provincial Apex Committees, without any
constitutional or legal basis13 have been a peculiar by-product of the NAP in the centre
and provinces, giving military commanders a commanding seat at the executive table.
Important decisions regarding the provinces' internal security emanated from the Apex
Committees
06. April 2015 The Federal Minister for Interior, Chaudhary Nisar Ali Khan, MNA, in his remarks of
April 13, 2015, acknowledged the presence of 'an irritant' in civil-military relations but
was condent that these would be overcome.
07. May 2015 Lt. Gen. Naveed Mukhtar, Commander V Corp (Karachi) delivered an extraordinary
speech in May 2015 openly criticising the elected Sindh Government. Considering that
Lt. Gen. Naveed Mukhtar's speech represents a well-considered institutional view of the
Military, he said “police and administration should be free from political interference” in
Sindh along with the resolve to “bring the Karachi Operation to its logical conclusion.”
Corp Commander expressed concerns regarding the distribution of development funds by
the Sindh Government by saying that “parallel governments and centres of power must
8. For details, please see Army calls for restraint, dialogue on August 20, 2014: http://nation.com.pk/20-Aug-2014/army-calls-for-restraint-
dialogue
9. For details, please see SC dismisses all petitions seeking PM Nawaz's disqualification, Dawn, December 09, 2014, as accessed on May 10,
2015 at: http://www.dawn.com/news/1149778
10. For details, please see Javed Hashmi announces resignation from PTI, Dawn, October 1, 2014: https://www.dawn.com/news/1135523
11. For details, please see Lt. Gen. Rizwan Akhtar to take reigns of the ISI today, the Express Tribune, November 08, 2014, as accessed on
June 08, 2015 at: http://tribune.com.pk/story/787606/lt-gen-rizwan-akhtar-to-take-reins-of-isi-today
12. For details, please see Pakistan Army Chief Holds Off Generals Seeking PM's Ouster, Reuters, September 05, 2014 at Voice of America:
http://www.voanews.com/content/reu-pakistan-army-debate-prime-minister-nawaz-sharif-ouster-protests/2439957.html
13. The ISPR issued a Press Release regarding the formation of Apex Committees on January 09, 2015 may be accessed at:
https://www.ispr.gov.pk/front/main.asp?o=t-press_release&date=2015/1/3
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14. For details, please see the PILDAT publication titled Monitor on Civil-Military Relations in Pakistan, May 2015, which can be accessed at:
http://www.pildat.org/Publications/publication/CMR/MonitorOnCivil-MilitaryRelationsinPakistan_May012015_May312015.pdf
15. The ISPR statement read as follows: “While appreciating progress of ongoing operation and Intelligence Based Operations (IBOs), their
achievements and effects, COAS underlined the need for matching/complimentary governance initiatives for long-term gains of operation
and enduring peace across the country. Progress of National Action Plan's implementation, finalization of FATA Reforms, and concluding
all ongoing JITs at priority were highlighted as issues which could undermine the effects of operations.” Complete statement can be
accessed at: https://www.ispr.gov.pk/front/main.asp?o=t-press_release&date=2015/11/10
16. The exclusive Dawn Story of October 06, 2016 titled Exclusive: Act against militants or face international isolation, civilians tell military
which was denied both by Government and the Military became a major controversy. The story was said to be based on conversations with
Dawn of individuals present in the crucial meetings (that) week. In the leaked meeting, a verbal confrontation between Chief Minister
Shahbaz Sharif and then DG ISI Lt. Gen. Rizwan Akhtar was narrated in which Chief Minister claimed that security establishment works
behind the scenes to set certain groups free whenever action is taken against them. In the end, Prime Minister Sharif directed Lt. Gen.
Akhtar to 'tour the provinces at the direction of the prime minister, issue fresh orders to ISI sector commanders and meet with provincial
apex committees to chalk out specific actions that need to be taken in various provinces' and Lt. Gen. Akhtar 'readily agreed.'
17. Tweet also released in the form of a press release that can be accessed at: https://www.ispr.gov.pk/front/main.asp?o=t-
press_release&id=3952&cat=army
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The Corps Commanders' Conference however supported the inclusion stating that
'Institution through its members in JIT shall play its due role in a legal and transparent
manner fulfilling confidence reposed by the Apex Court of Pakistan.'21
16. June 2017 Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was asked as a witness to appear before the JIT while he
appeared on June 15.
18. July 28, 2017 Supreme Court of Pakistan disqualied Mr. Nawaz Sharif for being 'not honest' under
Article 62(1)(f) of the Constitution. 22
18. A copy of the notification can be viewed in the news report, Interior Ministry notification echoes ISPR stance, Dawn Leaks matter 'settled,'
May 10, 2017, which can be accessed at: https://www.geo.tv/latest/141238-Interior-Ministry-notification-echoes-ISPR-stance-Dawn-leaks-
matter-settled
19. For details, please see: http://www.awaztoday.pk/News-Talk-Shows/163349/Raheel-Sharif-Ne-Extension-Lenay-Ki-Koshish-Ki-Thi-
Mohammad-Malick-Reveals.aspx
20. The interview was aired on November 27, 2016 on Geo Television by Mr. Saleem Safi. The complete interview can be see at:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dJokqIrueDY
21. ISPR Press Release can be accessed at: https://www.ispr.gov.pk/front/main.asp?o=t-press_release&cat=army&date=2017/4/24
22. Nawaz Sharif steps down as PM after SC's disqualification verdict – Dawn, July 28, 2017
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The disturbing facilitation by the Army can be best summed up using the words of
Islamabad High Court Judge, Justice Shaukat Aziz Siddiqui, who termed it “alarming,”
that a serving military ofcer signed [the agreement] as guarantor (In fact, the exact word
in the agreement was bawisatat or 'through'), and that the COAS and his team were
thanked separately in the agreement for helping reach the agreement. “Prima facie, [the]
role assumed by the top leadership of army is besides the Constitution and law of land.
Armed forces, being part of the executive, cannot travel beyond its mandate bestowed
upon it by the organic law of the country, i.e., the Constitution.” Chastising the Army for
their role, the Judge said “Army officers eager to participate in politics should first return
their guns to the State, take retirement and then join politics.”
Chief of Army Staff reportedly declined to involve the troops to end the 19 day long sit in
at the Faizabad interchange. In a meeting with Prime Minister, he opposed the Army's
use of force against its own people since the population's trust in the institution of the
Army “can't be compromised for little gains.” 27
Earlier, the advice by the Chief of Army Staff, Gen. Qamar Javed Bajwa, to the Prime
Minister Shahd Khaqan Abbasi through a telephonic conversation was made public
precisely through a tweet by the DG ISPR as the Government carried out an operation on
the directives of the Islamabad High Court on November 25. The COAS - “suggested to
handle the Islamabad dharna peacefully to avoid violence from both sides as it is not in
national interest” said the DG ISPR's tweet which gave the impression as if the Army has
a role above and beyond the executive of the State and that it equated both the State, and
the protesters holding the State hostage. Similar advice and the tweet were earlier
directed at the elected Government during the PTI-PAT dharna that held the capital
hostage in 2014 by an erstwhile DG ISPR during the term of another COAS who advised
“all stakeholders to resolve prevailing impasse through meaningful dialogue in larger
national and public interest.” 28
Announcing the end of the dharna in a Press Conference on November 27, 2017, Mr.
Khadim Hussain Rizvi highlighted the role the Chief of Army Staff played to resolve the
issue. He said, “Mohtaram General Qamar Javed Bajwa Sahab ne apne khasoosi
numaiinde hamare pass bheje. Hum ne kaha kay hum ne hakumat se baat nahin karni. Ye
hamari qatil hai. Hamare beesiyon karkunaan ko unhon ne bilawaja shaheed kiya. Aur
mulk kay halaat taizi se kharab hone ki taraf ja rahe thay tou General Sahib ne zaati
dilchaspi li, aur apni team bheji, kay hum iss main zamin bantey hain. Aap k mutalibaat
hum purey karwatey hain. Unn ki taraf se Mohtaram Major General Faiz Hameed
(Director (Internal), ISI) tashreef laey, aur hamara muahida unn kay sath hua. Zahid
Hamid ka istifa hamarey Shuhada kay khoon ki qeemat nahin hai. Ye tou Khatm-e-
Nabuwwat ka jo masla tha, us ki waja se iss ka istifa aaya… Baqi hum aur bhi
mutalibaat kar sakte thay. Iss waqt hum General Sahab ko jo bhi kehtey, unhon ne maan
jana tha. Lekin logon ney kehna tha kay ye tou hakumat uthane ke liye aye hain. Hum ne
27. An overview of the crisis that forced the government to capitulate, Dawn, November 27, 2017: https://www.dawn.com/news/1373200
28. For details, please see Army calls for restraint, dialogue on August 20, 2014: http://nation.com.pk/20-Aug-2014/army-calls-for-restraint-
dialogue
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The agreement brokered by the Army and signed by the Federal Government, specically
thanks the COAS and his team for their facilitation.
25. December Defence Minister only a facilitator, not boss of Pakistani defence organization: On
2017 December 30, Federal Minister of Defence, Engr. Khurram Dastgir Khan, MNA, made
highly signicant pronouncements on civil-military relations and the role of Minister of
Defence. Talking to Mr. Saleem Sa in his talk show Jirga, Mr. Khan said that there is
indeed 'tanao' or tension in civil military relations in Pakistan. He also said that Defence
Minister is not the boss or in-charge of Defence Organization, as is the diktat of the
Constitution; that Defence Minister is merely a facilitator at best and most of the time
even marginalised at that while Prime Minister directly deals with leadership of the
Armed Forces. Some of the key excerpts paraphrased below from his interview are:
When asked what is the minor difference of opinion on foreign relations between the
civilian Government and the Armed Forces, he said that they are absolutely on the same
page as far as relations with the US are concerned but on Afghanistan there are minor
issues. He rather profoundly said that “ham bar bar yeh clarity chahtey hain Afwaj-e-
Pakistan sey keh jo kuch bhi Afghanistan mein ho raha hai, us ka koi ta'aluq Pakistan sey
nahin hona chahiyey.”
29. Press Conference of Mr. Khadim Hussain Rizvi, November 27, 2017, Islamabad Dharna ENDS Announcement, YOUTUBE, November 27,
2017, as accessed on December 04, 2017 at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0cn_RJ1efNE
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the ISI who have their own line of communication to civilian bureaucracy does not bring to the table any
the DG ISI and COAS – a communication which is not well-considered policy options. In an informed policy
necessarily shared with the civilian elected leaders discussion, civilians do not stand ground as the policy
while telegraphs of ambassadors are marked to COAS options proposed by them are developed without
and DG ISI as well. This disconnect was also thorough homework. “There is no policy vigour on the
documented in the Abbottabad Commission report that civilian side,” lament military experts. Though Nawaz
talked of the similar “disconnect between the civilian Sharif has a vision and policy on relations with India, it
and intelligence administration,” in particular between suffers from same weak grounds. The Government
the country's government and its top spy agency, the capitulated on the question of banning the Jamaat-ud-
military-run Inter-Services Intelligence directorate Dawa (JuD) and Hizb ut-Tahrir (HuT); only Military
(ISI). 35 defended the banned organisations because even the
United Nations as well as the United States
Some, however, also believe that it is the responsibility distinguishes between terrorists and freedom fighters,”
of elected Prime Ministers to carry every institution opined military experts. The military is willing to listen
along. The stature of the office of Premier demands that if there are cogent arguments in an institutionalised
Prime Minister leads the country with harmony with all forum of dialogue. Both sides may present their views
State Institutions and not create unnecessary but they do not talk in the National Security Committee
dissonance. Pakistan is categorised as a Security State (NSC); they merely talk at each other and hence
by many and therefore security establishment will differences of opinion are expressed in open forums.
always need to be consulted. If the security Contrary to the popular belief, military is a very
establishment has a doctrine about regional relations, democratic institution; it promotes policy debates even
there is no harm in taking that into considerations. up to the level of the meetings of the formation
History of decision making in Pakistan has also proved commanders who, in the case of a disagreement, go
time and again that political parties must make even by voting on an agenda, said one Military expert.
decisions for overall stability and sustainability of
democracy. Political decisions based on narrow “We are not un-parh (illiterate) in the military and there
personal interests have ultimately harmed prospects is a lot of emphasis on education,” said military
and sustainability of democracy in Pakistan. experts. In comparison, politicians believe that it is
their munshi's (roughly equivalent to a personal
Military indeed has a doctrine on foreign policy, assistant or secretary) job to read and write for them and
especially on relations with India, especially the not theirs. That attitude is unworkable towards a
Kashmir issue, trade with India and Afghanistan, sustainable democratic governance rooted in well-
believed both civil and military experts. However, developed policies. For instance, military is very well
Military is also stuck in policies developed in 1980s aware that development and defence spending have to
and requires to update those with changing scenarios, go hand in hand or we face a scenario that of USSR or
opined military experts. The civil side, including what we experienced in East Pakistan. On Afghanistan,
the concept of 'strategic depth' is to ensure a peaceful
NS Govt. has been weakened western border which stems from the perspective that if
we have hot borders on both eastern and western fronts,
since June 2013 by the Military, the entire Army will be engaged with only frontier
believed experts. First such effort corps remaining to deal with other emergencies which
is not desirable. Therefore, a peaceful, stable and
was PTI and PAT dharna in friendly Afghanistan is in the interest of Pakistan.
2014. Everyone in Govt. believed Military insists that Afghanistan Government should
include Pashtuns as a key part of Afghanistan
martial law was in the offing and population. Vis-à-vis India, military understands that
ministers had even packed their we can not match Indian spending on budget and there
has to be another way to fight a war and defeat the cold-
offices. It was so humiliating start doctrine. While military may rely on non-State
that elected PM was orchestrated actors, they do not constitute more than ½% of military
strategy, said military experts.
to be put under a siege
35. Pakistan's civil-military imbalance. The bad in Abbottabad: The Economist, July 11, 2013:
https://www.economist.com/blogs/banyan/2013/07/pakistan-s-civil-military-imbalance
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Conclusions
There are indeed full-blown, out-of-control, critical issues and irritants in civil-military relations as experienced today in
Pakistan. Where military overreach in policy spheres is unprecedented, it tries to justify that on the reason that politicians
and elected governments are corrupt, ill-organised and have no capacity for the required, knowledgeable thought
process that can develop cogent policy options for the welfare of the State and citizens. This perceived weakness of the
civilian political leadership by the military also leaves the country's security, as well as its 'ideological security' in the
lurch. Military simply has to step in to save the day. However, it wants to preferably do so from the sidelines and not by
taking reigns of power directly.
Political leadership especially the civilian governments share the responsibility as well as blame for receding civilian
authority because in the face of a military used to its ascendant ways, political leadership has failed to strengthen national
institutions and has often preferred political expediency over merit. Successive civilian elected governments have been
remiss in institutionalizing national security management through an ingrained consultative process on vital national
strategic issues. In part, this has also strengthened the military perception that elected governments are neither serious
nor methodical in making well-considered decisions on vital national security issues.
However, the Military leadership can not continue to believe that the final onus of deciding 'national interest' rests on
them. For democratic governance to take root in the country, Military can not insist on its interpretation of the national
interest relating to any issue including regional and foreign relations and the security policy. PILDAT believes that
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Military needs to recognize that the elected Government is the final arbiter on national interest matters. The people of
Pakistan have mandated them to do so. Although the Military leadership may have its views on national security, and it
should present its views as effectively as it can at all appropriate fora, the mandate for the final decision resides
exclusively with the Elected Governments. Even if the Elected Government makes any mistakes in this regard, these
should be recognised as the risks associated with any decision-making. After all, military governments too have not
been immune to making serious mistakes in the past.
Similarly, PILDAT believes that elected governments are not elected so as to work as monarchies and have to follow
institutionalised consultative system of decision-making. Cabinets, both at the Federal and Provincial levels, need to be
empowered to make all major decisions in an informed manner. The system of weekly cabinet meetings should be
strictly followed and decision-making by circulation should not be adopted. Members of the cabinet should be
encouraged to express their views freely while an issue is discussed.
Political parties, whether or not in power, can also not be absolved of the blame. No meaningful consultation appeared
to be taking place on matters of national security within political parties. Decision-making process in almost all parties
is so arbitrary and whimsical that it inspires little confidence in their decision-making.
Much the same inability is evident in the Parliament and its relevant Committees to develop the requisite oversight of
the executive in general and defence and security sector in particular. Recent examples of the capitulation of the elected
Government to the Faizabad protestors finds its roots in almost complete failure of all political parties in not being
mindful of the sensitivity of the subject while en masse agreeing on amending the Elections Bill 2017 relating to a
candidate's belief in the finality of the prophethood of Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) and replacing the
Khatm-e-Nabuwwat oath with the words “I believe” in place of “I solemnly swear.”
From the constitutional perspective, rule of law has to govern the State and citizens. In the face of such stark and glaring
gulfs in the perceptions of the civil and the military, the State has to develop widespread consensus in institutions in
critical foreign policy and strategic areas. Political Parties have to prepare themselves by creating within them
structures on policy development.
Constitution of Pakistan designates the elected Federal Government to have control and command over the Armed
Forces. However, the intent of the Constitution is not followed in practice when the sitting Defence Minister claims
merely to be a “facilitator” and not the boss or in-charge of Defence Organization. The first logical step, therefore, is to
strengthen democratic oversight of defence. PILDAT proposes following recommendations:
1. Democratic control on Defence can only be established through an effective Ministry of Defence (MoD). The
Ministry needs to be the principle authority in all matters of policy, finance and budget of the defence sector
2. Federal Minister of Defence must be a part of all meetings of any service chief and the Prime Minister unless an
extra-ordinary situation warrants otherwise
3. MoD should be manned, in the main, by professional career bureaucrats except where the nature or duties of the post
mandate that it should be filled by a serving officer of the armed forces
4. Ministry of Defence, Services Headquarters, Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee and National Security Committee
should develop close coordination in terms of policy input and strategic thinking
5. While the State has been battling with a number of national security issues over the years, there is a critical need to
address these issues in a holistic manner through preparing a well-coordinated and comprehensive national security
and defence policy of Pakistan. Once the policy is final and made public, a periodic Defence and Security Review of
Pakistan must be prepared and made public based on the national security and defence policy of Pakistan.
6. Defence Council' should be activated and strengthened by regular meetings (at least once a quarter) of the Defence
Council chaired by the Federal Minister of Defence to co-ordinate the defence, foreign and finance policies of
Pakistan, and to approve major works including induction of new weapon systems proposed by the Joint Chiefs of
Staff Committee. The Defence Council is provided for in the Rules of Business of the federal government.
7. A spokesperson of the Ministry of Defence should be appointed to speak on behalf of the Ministry on all defence and
security affairs including those relating to the Armed Forces of Pakistan. A military spokesman may join too when
operational details of the military are the subject.
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8. MoD must review and oversee industrial, business & commercial interests of the Armed Forces and bring these in
line with the rules and practices especially relating to transparency and accountability in other spheres of
Government
9. MoD must prepare proposals to strengthen the higher defence organisation. While the PML-N Government
deserves credit for putting in place the required structure of National Security Committee, NSC is only a part of the
higher defence organisation (HDO) structure of Pakistan, which largely, has not been reformed since 1976. Detailed
recommendations are contained in PILDAT paper titled Restructuring Higher Defence Organisation in Pakistan.
10. All Defence Agreements/MOUs should be presented to and ratified by the cabinet. In selective cases, the ratification
by the parliament may also be considered.
Perhaps the most telling statement indicating the need for an institutional dialogue has been made by Federal Minister of
Defence, Mr. Khurram Dastgir Khan, MNA, when he said that “We [PML-N] have learnt that individually good
relations between Services Chiefs and PM do not solve the issues in civil-military relations. There have to be good inter-
institutional relations.”
A real dialogue between civil and military has to be promoted through existing institutional structures chief among
which is the National Security Committee (NSC). PILDAT believes an inter-institutional Dialogue is indeed required.
Its not just required because Pakistan's Supreme Court has disqualified another premier from holding office through the
working of a JIT including serving military officers from ISI & MI, but it has long been required due to a continuing lack
of constitutional equation between institutions. Such a dialogue, however, can not be a one-off, time-barred event. It has
to be a continuing dialogue that brings to table all stakeholders that are genuinely intent on resolving the crucial
challenges and engage in understanding perspectives instead of talking at each other.
a. NSC Meetings dedicated to strategic Civil-Military Issues: Civil-Military Dialogue on long term strategic
issues like the Key strategic foreign relations and long-term security perspective is extremely important to
understand each others' perspective and to develop a unified national position. Since Understanding divergent
perspectives and reaching a common ground can not be accomplished in one or a few meetings. This requires
consistent, regular and long-term engagement. At least one meeting in a month (preferably) or two months be
devoted to these strategic subjects alone. There may be other NSC meetings to deal with routine operational
matters but one meeting each 30 or 60 days should be dedicated to strategic issues.
b. Research and Planning Infrastructure at NSC: NSC meetings, especially on strategic questions, need to
have high quality research input. Various Civil and Military institutions may have their own research inputs
but NSC needs to have its own infrastructure to collate the available research and carryout its own original
research, where needed, in order to assist NSC in informed decision-making. When the NSC (originally as
Cabinet Committee on National Security) was formed back in 2014, an independent secretariat and two
subsidiary bodies, the Planning Committee and an Advisory Board were also to be established along with it.
However, it has not come into our knowledge how the two subsidiary bodies are functioning and whether they
are operational at all. It would be in the best interest of the country to operationalize them to assist the NSC.
Ministry of Defence may look at the possibility of further facilitating and streamlining such dialogues in collaboration
with NDU management.
Mechanism of Dialogue
a. The dialogue has to be initiated with all stakeholders agreeing to resolve the malaise of institutional disconnect
harming Pakistan. Interlocutors and stakeholders must agree on the agenda and timeline of the dialogue
b. Inter-institutional dialogue must not be used as an opportunity of pointing fingers. A fruitful dialogue forum
can not be used as a means to humiliate, humble or criticise any institution but as a forum to listen to and
understand each others' perspectives and find a way forward that harnesses those perspectives for the ultimate
benefit to the country and the citizens.
c. Perhaps by nature, politicians require publicity and media for every initiative. A dialogue of this nature,
however, must not be open for publicity. Dialogue must be held away from the gaze of media and must follow
strictly the rules of non-attribution
Proposed Agenda
The most crucial questions that constitute the agenda of the dialogue are as follows:
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Pakistan Institute of Legislative
Development And Transparency
Islamabad Office: P. O. Box 278, F-8, Postal Code: 44220, Islamabad, Pakistan
Lahore Office: P. O. Box 11098, L.C.C.H.S, Postal Code: 54792, Lahore, Pakistan
E-mail: [email protected] | Website: www.pildat.org