Essays On 31.12.2022 - by Ratnakar Sir
Essays On 31.12.2022 - by Ratnakar Sir
Essays On 31.12.2022 - by Ratnakar Sir
“The thing about social media is that it is anonymous, so it can be much more vitriolic and
extreme than normal media and yet it is there for everyone to see. It is kind of like electronic
graffiti. The political process is accelerated and intense in a way that I don’t believe it ever
really has been before”
-Tony Abbott
Social media comprises internet and mobile phone based tools for sharing and discussing
information. It blends technology, telecommunications, and social interaction and
provides a platform to communicate through words, pictures, films, and music. Social
media includes web- based and mobile technologies used to turn communication into
interactive dialogue.
It is a very powerful means of exercising one's freedom of speech and expression. Of late,
there is a rampant use of social media by politicians and political parties as the reach of
this form of media increases monumentally.
A decade back Sashi Tharoor was the only top politician to have a Twitter account but
now having a visible presence in social media became mandatory for politicians.
It's indeed a fact that social media is being effectively used to popularise the ideals of the
political party, sway the opinion of the masses and attack the political opponents
effectively.
The 2014 general elections are regarded as the first social media elections and had kicked
off a social media revolution in Indian politics.
It is widely accepted that Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was the first national party that
succeeded in using the digital media. The party has developed an effective IT wing which
works tirelessly to spread the narrative of its leaders. It is believed that the BJP operates
around three lakh WhatsApp groups and several Twitter handles.
Ratnakar Sir Essays
The Congress party followed suit and for the 2019 general elections its social media
spending increased tenfold. Even the Communist parties which have once opposed
computerization have begun training their cadres to use digital media.
The sine qua non of democracy is the active participation of people in civic affairs. Many
thinkers like JS Mill, Hannah Arendt opine that active participation of people in politics
is the essential condition for a successful democracy.
However, participating in political activities in a big country like India is difficult but the
advent of social media is providing a platform for effective participation of people in civic
affairs.
According to the Global Digital Report by Kepios, the number of social media users in
India in January 2022 is 467 million which is 33.4 percent of its population. Social media
users increased by 19 million (4.2%) between 2021 and 2022. Facebook users are 329.7
million, youtube 467 million, Instagram users 230.3 million, Twitter users 23.60 million.
With such a reach, a political party can connect with about 40% of India's population.
A 2019 CSDS-Lokniti survey and Konrad Adenauer Stiftung survey indicates that one in
every three Indians on social media consumes political content daily or regularly.
1. It is beyond doubt that social media increased the participation of people in politics.
2. In the past the majority of Indians were passive democrats but now a larger percentage are
aware of political developments thanks to the different platforms that are available by just
a couple of clicks.
3. The outreach of the government is also increasing through different social media
campaigns. The government relied on this medium to create effective awareness about
Covid-19.
4. Social media also brought the people and their representatives closer. There were examples
of how former foreign minister Sushma Swaraj and Telangana IT minister KTR reacted
quickly to the appeals posted on Twitter.
5. Social media offers low cost, quick data collection and analysis with less effort.
6. Social media provides a platform for people to raise their voice against the political party
in power and enable that party to solve the issue.
7. Earlier the common man was only a consumer of news but now he has become a
manufacturer of news.
8. The Arab Spring is an example of how social media can cause political revolutions and
even in India there were examples of how people are lobbying for a cause through social
media.
1. Social media has proven to be a double edged sword. It has become an easy medium to
spread fake news, false data and provoke the sentiments of the people.
2. Some political parties are using social media to spread hatred towards some communities.
These have sometimes sparked religious and social tensions in different regions.
3. According to Google Transparency Report, political parties in the last two years have spent
around 6000 crore just on election ads and most of it is on social media.
In a country where freedom of speech and expression is hailed as one of the noblest
rights, social media should be encouraged but steps should be taken to streamline it.
Recently, the government issued an order bringing online news portals and over the
top (OTT) content under the regulatory purview of the Information and Broadcasting (I &
B) Ministry. Information Technology Rules 2021 has brought in detailed guidelines for
digital content on both digital media and OTT platforms giving overriding powers to the
government to step in.
The ECI has issued detailed guidelines regarding social media in October 2013. It
has also brought the social media sites under the purview of pre-certification. The
Commission has instructed that candidates and political parties shall include all
expenditure on campaigning, including expenditure on advertisements on social media
into their election expenditure account.
A special social media expert has been added in media certification and monitoring
committee to monitor social media and report violations.
Conclusion
So far only a third of the voters are using social media but the number is fast rising.
It has become effective political communications. Measures should be taken by civil
society to create awareness about the pros and cons of social media. Of late a few websites
have become popular by exposing the false propaganda made by political parties with the
help of proper data. This a welcome sign for cleaning up the dirt that is spreading through
social media.
In fact, platforms like Meta, Twitter, Instagram, Whatsapp should employ proper
mechanisms to filter the data. However, proper precautions should be taken to protect
the right of free expression and punish promoters of false information.
Federalism is a system of dual government with the centre and states sharing powers in
a more or less independent manner. The concept as such means division of powers. The
Indian constitution envisages for full-fledged cooperation between the centre and states
while sharing powers and each being independent in its own domain.
The Supreme Court opined that Federalism is a part of the basic structure of the
Constitution. In the SR Bommai vs Union of India case, the Apex Court said that states
are not mere appendages of the Union and the latter should ensure that the powers of
the states are not trampled with.
Features of federalism
1. Federalism varies from country to country. While in USA the states enjoy a lot of autonomy,
in countries like India they often depend on the centre.
2. According to KC Wheare the nature of Indian Constitution is quasi-federal in nature. The
SC too held in the Sat Pal vs State of Punjab case that the Indian constitution is more quasi-
federal than federal or unitary.
3. Article 1 of the constitution describes India as a Union of States, the ethos and aspirations
of our forefathers have been to ensure a federal type of polity in the country. That’s the
reason why powers are distributed between the centre and states.
4. Though the constitution also mandates the Union to attain powers during emergencies
turning the federal structure into Unitary, it is clear that it wants during normal times to
have a federal polity.
5. It specifies the structure, organisation, powers and functions of both the Central and state
governments and prescribes the limits within which they must operate. Thus, it avoids the
misunderstandings and disagreements between the two.
6. Despite a clear division of subjects between the centre and the states, it’s a fact that powers
are tilted in favour of the centre.
7. The respective legislative powers of states and Centre are traceable to Articles 245 to 254 of
the Indian Constitution.
8. The Seventh Schedule of the Constitution contains three lists that distribute power between
the Centre and states (Article 246). On 98 subjects in the Union List, the Parliament has
exclusive power to legislate. On 59 subjects of the State List, the states alone can legislate.
On the subjects of the Concurrent List (52), both the Centre and states can legislate.
9. However, in case of a conflict, the law made by Parliament prevails (Article 254).
10. Usually in federations, residuary powers are given to the states but the Indian constitution
gave residuary powers to the centre.
11. Though India is a federal state yet we have an integrated judiciary and bureaucracy.
12. There is single citizenship unlike dual citizenship in countries like the USA.
13. Appointment of governor is another unique feature of Indian federalism.
14. Unlike in the American Senate there is no equality of representation for the state in the
Rajya Sabha.
15. The Constitution establishes an independent judiciary headed by the Supreme Court to
settle the disputes between the Centre and the states or between the states
1. The office of the governor is allegedly being used by the Centre to disturb the state
governments. The governor is often accused of interfering in the administration of the state.
2. States have no proper control over the all-India services. The ultimate control over all-India
services is with the centre.
3. The tax structure is in favour of the centre. Most of the time the states were made to depend
on the centre for revenues. Of late, we are witnessing how the states are fighting with the
centre for their share of GST revenues.
4. 6. Expanding the non-divisible pool of taxes in the form of cess in petrol tax and instituting
the agriculture infrastructure and development cess have resulted in a situation where the
union continues to exclusively benefit from tax collection.
5. In 2020-21 the share of the Union government in the total contribution of the petroleum
sector was 68% which left only 32% to the states. A few years back the share was about
50:50.
6. The increasing central dominance in fiscal policies is irking the states. A number of steps
taken by the Union government are undermining the principles of fiscal federalism.
7. States are complaining about increasing monetary shares in Centrally sponsored schemes.
8. Imposition of demonetisation without adequate consultation with the states. For example
outsourcing of statutory functions under Smart Cities Mission.
9. The unilateral decisions taken by the Centre without consulting the states during Covid-
19 undermined the spirit of federalism.
10. Several important bills like farm laws, Government of National capital territory amendment
act, 2021, National Education policy 2020, Indian Marine Fisheries bill 2021, Draft
Electricity (Amendment) Bill 2020 were passed without discussing with the states. These
may impact the autonomy of the states.
Cooperative federalism i.e cooperation between the centre and states is what the
forefathers of the constitution wanted. Cooperation will lead to quick solution of issues
and greater confidence building.
It can solve the long pending grievances of the state. The inter-state council met
after a gap of 12 years to discuss various issues. The opinion of the state in policy making
will go a long way in solving some of the tricky issues. The governing council of NITI Aayog
reflects the spirit of cooperative federalism. The formation of the GST council and
unanimous decisions taken are reflection of cooperative federalism
Conclusion
“It is useless for me to say that those who maintain the doctrine that men have a right
to command and women are under an obligation to obey, or that men are fit for government
and women unfit, are on the affirmative side of the question, and that they are bound to
show positive evidence for the assertions, or submit to their rejection,” JS Mill
Indian politics has always been a male bastion. Despite being 50% of the population,
women strength in Indian legislatures is hardly 10%. Women politicians are often
discouraged and demotivated by misogynistic attitudes and being told that they do not
belong here.
Twenty-six years after it was first introduced in Parliament, reservation for the fair sex
remained an unfulfilled promise.
Women reservation bills were introduced in 1996, 1998, 1999 and 2008. The 2008 bill
was passed by the Rajya Sabha saying that the reservation would cease to exist 15 years
after it was implemented. The bill then needed to be passed by Lok Sabha and ratified by
half of India's legislative assemblies but it lapsed due to lack of political consensus.
It's ironic that almost all parties support women reservations in principle but resistance
from within continues.
The BJP too had women's reservation in its 2014 manifesto but in the past decade no
meaningful debate took place regarding this issue.
1. Given the slow pace at which the number of women in politics is growing, different policy
measures have been introduced in different countries to reach gender balance in political
institutions. Quota represents one such mechanism to increase, and safeguard women's
presence in legislatures.
2. Empirical studies confirm skewed gender representation in politics and legislation.
According to an Inter-Parliamentary Union study, India ranks 149th out of 193 countries
in terms of female representation in the lower house.
3. Because of the prevalence of patriarchal tendencies and rampant sexism in political
parties, an institutional process for ensuring the representation of women is critical.
4. According to the Global Gender Gap Report 2021, India has declined on the political
empowerment index by 13.5 percentage points and a decline in the number of women
ministers from 23.1% in 2019 to 9.1% in 2021.
5. There is only one woman chief minister for 28 Indian states.
6. Several surveys indicated that women representatives from Panchayat Raj have worked
commendably and many of them would want to work on the larger scale if they don't face
challenges in the political structure.
7. A study by the United Nations University World Institute for Development Economics
Research (UNU-WIDER) has found the following:
8. Women legislators in India raised their constituencies’ economic performance by about 1.8
percentage points per year more compared to their male counterparts.
9. Increasingly the concern with the under-representation of women in political institutions
is seen as a byproduct of gendered spaces and opportunity structures.
10. Women's participation is seen not only as central to the functioning of democracy but also
for women's ability to struggle for their rights and challenge the ideologies and hierarchies
which keep them subordinated.
Article 14-18 of the Indian constitution envisages that it is the responsibility of the
government to achieve equality in the country. Moreover, affirmative action for women
has legal and constitutional support, despite some dissenting voices. The Bombay High
Court in 1953 upheld the validity of certain provisions of the Bombay Boroughs Act 1925
which had provided for the reservation of seats for women in the elections to Jalagaon
municipality.
In 1961, Patna High Court also took a similar position. The court said that 15 (3) of the
Constitution stood in its present form any special right conferred upon women in the
special circumstances could not be struck down as going against clause 15 (1).
In a letter to chief ministers in 1952 Nehru said, "I have noticed with great regret how few
women have been selected. I think we are very much to be blamed.... Our laws are man-
made, our society is dominated by men and so most of us take a very lop-sided view of
this matter. We cannot be objective because we have grown up in certain grooves of
thought and action. But the future of India will probably depend ultimately more upon the
women than the men".
Since then, much water has flown down the bridge but sadly there was hardly any change
in women's representation. In the first Lok Sabha out of 489 members there were 14
women; now of the 543 we have 78 in the 17th Lok Sabha. It's only a marginal
improvement given the fact that women had made significant progress in several sectors.
Women's reservation has always been championed by all progressive elements, men and
women. Those arguing for reservation support it on the grounds of both the historic
injustice and inequalities suffered by women as well as women's moral superiority in
providing clean politics.
Echoes of these arguments were also heard during the Parliamentary debates on the 64th
and 65th in 1989 and 73rd and 74th constitutional amendment bills in 1991. Those
against the quota called it inherently undemocratic while those supporting it argued that
the continued under representation of women is a failure of liberal democracy and the
promise of equality of status and opportunity.
The historic 73rd and 74th amendments gave an opportunity for women to shape the
agenda at the local level. The overwhelming response by women to these measures and
the entry of nearly one million women into PRIs encouraged the women's movement to
make a similar demand for reservation of 1/3rd seats in Parliament and state assemblies
before 1996.
Sadly despite a few insincere attempts women reservations became a far cry. The
protagonists of women's reservation argue that the male dominated political system
refuses to provide space for women. The quota will lead to social mobilisation of women.
Conclusion: Plato was the first greatest philosopher who pitched for women in public
sphere. He said that mankind cannot waste half of the workforce. One should realise
that women are arguing for parity and not charity. Reservation should be seen as a vehicle
for social justice.
It is high time we stop the mere tokenism extended in the name of politics of
representation and inclusion and ensure the actual and equal representation of women.