Pablo Escobar - Wikipedia
Pablo Escobar - Wikipedia
Pablo Escobar - Wikipedia
Pablo Emilio Escobar Gaviria (/ˈɛskəbɑːr/; Spanish: [ˈpaβlo eskoˈβaɾ]; 1 December 1949 – 2
December 1993) was a Colombian drug lord, narcoterrorist, and politician, who was the founder
and sole leader of the Medellín Cartel. Dubbed "the king of cocaine", Escobar was one of the
wealthiest criminals in history, having amassed an estimated net worth of US$30 billion by the
time of his death—equivalent to $70 billion as of 2022—while his drug cartel monopolized the
cocaine trade into the United States in the 1980s and early 1990s.[1][2]
Born in Rionegro and raised in Medellín, Escobar studied briefly at Universidad Autónoma
Latinoamericana of Medellín, but left without graduating; he instead began engaging in criminal
activity, selling illegal cigarettes and fake lottery tickets, as well as participating in motor vehicle
theft. In the early 1970s, he began to work for various drug smugglers, often kidnapping and
holding people for ransom.
In 1976, Escobar founded the Medellín Cartel, which distributed powder cocaine, and
established the first smuggling routes from Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador, through Colombia and
eventually into the United States. Escobar's infiltration into the U.S. created exponential demand
for cocaine and by the 1980s it was estimated Escobar led monthly shipments of 70 to 80 tons
of cocaine into the country from Colombia. As a result, he quickly became one of the richest
people in the world,[1][3] but constantly battled rival cartels domestically and abroad, leading to
massacres and the murders of police officers, judges, locals, and prominent politicians.[4]
In the 1982 Colombian parliamentary election, Escobar was elected as an alternate member of
the Chamber of Representatives as part of the Liberal Party. Through this, he was responsible
for community projects such as the construction of houses and football fields, which gained him
popularity among the locals of the towns that he frequented. However, Escobar's political
ambitions were thwarted by the Colombian
and U.S. governments, who routinely pushed
for his arrest, with Escobar widely believed to Pablo Escobar
have orchestrated the Avianca Flight 203 and
DAS Building bombings in retaliation.
Died 2
December
1993
The city of Medellín, where Escobar (aged 44)
grew up and began his criminal career
Conviction(s) Illegal
Rise to prominence
Soon, the demand for cocaine greatly increased in the United States, which led to Escobar
organizing more smuggling shipments, routes, and distribution networks in South Florida,
California, Puerto Rico, and other parts of the country. He and cartel co-founder Carlos Lehder
worked together to develop a new trans-shipment point in the Bahamas, an island called
Norman's Cay about 350 km (220 mi) southeast of the Florida coast. Escobar and Robert Vesco
purchased most of the land on the island, which included a 1-kilometre (3,300 ft) airstrip, a
harbor, a hotel, houses, boats, and aircraft, and they built a refrigerated warehouse to store the
cocaine. According to his brother, Escobar did not purchase Norman's Cay; it was instead a sole
venture of Lehder's. From 1978 to 1982, this was used as a central smuggling route for the
Medellín Cartel. With the enormous profits generated by this route, Escobar was soon able to
purchase 20 square kilometres (7.7 sq mi) of land in Antioquia for several million dollars, on
which he built the Hacienda Nápoles. The luxury house he created contained a zoo, a lake, a
sculpture garden, a private bullring, and other amenities for his family and the cartel.[20]
Escobar at the height of his power
Escobar was also involved in philanthropy in Colombia and paid handsomely for the staff of his
cocaine lab. Escobar spent millions developing some of Medellín's poorest neighborhoods. He
built housing complexes, parks, football stadiums, hospitals, schools, and churches.[21][22]
Escobar also entered politics in the 1980s and participated in and supported the formation of
the Liberal Party of Colombia. In 1982, he successfully entered the Colombian Congress.
Although only an alternate, he was automatically granted parliamentary immunity and the right
to a diplomatic passport under Colombian law. At the same time, Escobar was gradually
becoming a public figure, and because of his charitable work, he was known as "Robin Hood
Paisa." He alleged once in an interview that his fortune came from a bicycle rental company he
founded when he was 16 years old.[23]
In Congress, the new Minister of Justice, Rodrigo Lara-Bonilla, had become Escobar's opponent,
accusing Escobar of criminal activity from the very first day of Congress. Escobar's arrest in
1976 was investigated by Lara-Bonilla's subordinates. A few months later, Liberal leader Luis
Carlos Galán expelled Escobar from the party. Although Escobar fought back, he announced his
retirement from politics in January 1984. Three months later, Lara-Bonilla was murdered.[24]
The Colombian judiciary had been a target of Escobar throughout the mid-1980s. While bribing
and murdering several judges, in the fall of 1985, the wanted Escobar requested the Colombian
government to allow his conditional surrender without extradition to the United States. The
proposal was initially answered in the negative, and Escobar subsequently founded and
implicitly supported the Los Extraditable Organization, which aims to fight extradition policy. The
Los Extraditable Organization was subsequently accused of participating in an effort to prevent
the Colombian Supreme Court from studying the constitutionality of Colombia's extradition
treaty with the United States. In support of the 6 November 1985, far-left guerrilla movement that
attacked the Colombian Judiciary Building and killed half of the justices of the Supreme Court. In
late 1986, Colombia's Supreme Court declared the previous extradition treaty illegal due to being
signed by a presidential delegation, not the president. Escobar's victory over the judiciary was
short-lived, with new president Virgilio Barco Vargas having quickly renewed his agreement with
the United States.[25][26]
Escobar still held a grudge against Luis Carlos Galán for kicking him out of politics, so Galán
was assassinated on 18 August 1989 at Escobar's orders. Escobar then planted a bomb on
Avianca Flight 203 in an attempt to assassinate Galán's successor, César Gaviria Trujillo, who
missed the plane and survived. All 107 people were killed in the blast. Because two Americans
were also killed in the bombing, the U.S. government began to intervene directly.[27][28]
La Catedral prison
After the assassination of Luis Carlos Galán, the administration of César Gaviria moved against
Escobar and the drug cartels. Eventually, the government negotiated with Escobar and
convinced him to surrender and cease all criminal activity in exchange for a reduced sentence
and preferential treatment during his captivity. Declaring an end to a series of previous violent
acts meant to pressure authorities and public opinion, Escobar surrendered to Colombian
authorities in 1991. Before he gave himself up, the extradition of Colombian citizens to the
United States had been prohibited by the newly approved Colombian Constitution of 1991. This
act was controversial, as it was suspected that Escobar and other drug lords had influenced
members of the Constituent Assembly in passing the law. Escobar was confined in what
became his own luxurious private prison, La Catedral, which featured a football pitch, a giant
dollhouse, a bar, a Jacuzzi, and a waterfall. Accounts of Escobar's continued criminal activities
while in prison began to surface in the media, which prompted the government to attempt to
move him to a more conventional jail on 22 July 1992. Escobar's influence allowed him to
discover the plan in advance and make a successful escape, spending the remainder of his life
evading the police.[29][30]
Death
Escobar faced threats from the Colombian police, the U.S. government and his rival, the Cali
Cartel. On 2 December 1993, Escobar was found in a house in a middle-class residential area of
Medellín by Colombian special forces using technology provided by the United States. Police
tried to arrest Escobar, but the situation quickly escalated to an exchange of gunfire. Escobar
was shot and killed while trying to escape from the roof. He was hit by bullets in the torso and
feet, and a bullet which struck him in the head, killing him. This sparked debate about whether he
killed himself or whether he was shot and killed.[11]
Aftermath of his death
Soon after Escobar's death and the subsequent fragmentation of the Medellín Cartel, the
cocaine market became dominated by the rival Cali Cartel until the mid-1990s when its leaders
were either killed or captured by the Colombian government. The Robin Hood image that
Escobar had cultivated maintained a lasting influence in Medellín. Many there, especially many
of the city's poor whom Escobar had aided while he was alive, mourned his death, and over
25,000 people attended his funeral. Some of them consider him a saint and pray to him for
receiving divine help. Escobar was buried at the Monte Sacro Cemetery.[31]
On 18 July 2006, Vallejo was taken to the United States on a special flight of the Drug
Enforcement Administration (DEA), for "safety and security reasons" due to her cooperation in
high-profile criminal cases.[34][35] On 24 July, a video in which Vallejo had accused Santofimio of
instigating Escobar to eliminate presidential candidate Galán was aired by RCN Television of
Colombia. The video was seen by 14 million people, and was instrumental for the reopened case
of Galán's assassination. On 31 August 2011 Santofimio was sentenced to 24 years in prison for
his role in the crime.[36][37]
Role in the Palace of Justice siege
Among Escobar's biographers, only Vallejo has given a detailed explanation of his role in the
1985 Palace of Justice siege. The journalist stated that Escobar had financed the operation,
which was committed by M-19; but she blamed the army for the killings of more than 100
people, including 11 Supreme Court magistrates, M-19 members, and employees of the
cafeteria. Her statements prompted the reopening of the case in 2008; Vallejo was asked to
testify, and many of the events she had described in her book and testimonial were confirmed by
Colombia's Commission of Truth.[38][39] These events led to further investigation into the siege
that resulted with the conviction of a high-ranking former colonel and a former general, later
sentenced to 30 and 35 years in prison, respectively, for the forced disappearance of the
detained after the siege.[40][41] Vallejo would subsequently testify in Galán's assassination.[42] In
her book, Amando a Pablo, odiando a Escobar (Loving Pablo, Hating Escobar), she had accused
several politicians, including Colombian presidents Alfonso López Michelsen, Ernesto Samper
and Álvaro Uribe of having links to drug cartels.[43]
Relatives
Escobar's widow (María Henao, now María Isabel Santos Caballero), son (Juan Pablo, now
Sebastián Marroquín Santos) and daughter (Manuela) fled Colombia in 1995 after failing to find
a country that would grant them asylum.[44] Despite Escobar's numerous and continual
infidelities, Maria remained supportive of her husband. Members of the Cali Cartel even replayed
their recordings of her conversations with Pablo for their wives to demonstrate how a woman
should behave.[45] This attitude proved to be the reason the cartel did not kill her and her children
after Pablo's death, although the group demanded (and received) millions of dollars in
reparations for Escobar's war against them. Henao even successfully negotiated for her son's
life by personally guaranteeing he would not seek revenge against the cartel or participate in the
drug trade.[46]
After escaping first to Mozambique, then to Brazil, the family settled in Argentina.[47] Living
under her assumed name, Henao became a successful real estate entrepreneur until one of her
business associates discovered her true identity, and Henao absconded with her earnings. Local
media were alerted, and after being exposed as Escobar's widow, Henao was imprisoned for
eighteen months while her finances were investigated. Ultimately, authorities were unable to link
her funds to illegal activity, and she was released.[48] According to her son, Henao fell in love with
Escobar "because of his naughty smile [and] the way he looked at [her]. [He] was affectionate
and sweet. A great lover. I fell in love with his desire to help people and his compassion for their
hardship. We [would] drive to places where he dreamed of building schools for the poor. From
[the] beginning, he was always a gentleman."[49] María Victoria Henao de Escobar, with her new
identity as María Isabel Santos Caballero, continues to live in Buenos Aires with her son and
daughter.[50] On 5 June 2018, the Argentine federal judge Nestor Barral accused her and her son,
Sebastián Marroquín Santos, of money laundering with two Colombian drug traffickers.[51][52][53]
The judge ordered the seizing of assets for about $1m each.[54]
Escobar's sister, Luz Maria Escobar, also made multiple gestures in attempts to make amends
for the drug baron's crimes. These include making public statements in the press, leaving letters
on the graves of his victims, and, on the 20th anniversary of his death, organizing a public
memorial for his victims.[57] Escobar's body was exhumed on 28 October 2006 at the request of
some of his relatives in order to take a DNA sample to confirm the alleged paternity of an
illegitimate child and remove all doubt about the identity of the body that had been buried next to
his parents for 12 years.[58] A video of the exhumation was broadcast by RCN, angering
Marroquín, who accused his uncle, Roberto Escobar, and cousin, Nicolas Escobar, of being
"merchants of death" by allowing the video to air.[59]
Hacienda Nápoles
After Escobar's death, the ranch, zoo and citadel at Hacienda Nápoles were given by the
government to low-income families under a law called Extinción de Dominio (Domain Extinction).
The property has been converted into a theme park surrounded by four luxury hotels overlooking
the zoo.[60]
Escobar Inc
In 2014, Roberto Escobar founded Escobar Inc with Olof K. Gustafsson and registered
Successor-In-Interest rights for his brother Pablo Escobar in California, United States.[61]
Hippos
Escobar kept four hippos in a private menagerie at Hacienda Nápoles. They were deemed too
difficult to seize and move after Escobar's death, and hence left on the untended estate. By 2007,
the animals had multiplied to 16 and had taken to roaming the area for food in the nearby
Magdalena River.[62][63] In 2009, two adults and one calf escaped the herd and, after attacking
humans and killing cattle, one of the adults (called "Pepe") was killed by hunters under
authorization of the local authorities.[63] As of early 2014, 40 hippos have been reported to exist
in Puerto Triunfo, Antioquia Department, from the original four belonging to Escobar.[64] Without
management the population size is likely to more than double in the next decade.[65]
The National Geographic Channel produced a documentary about them titled Cocaine Hippos.[66]
A report published in a Yale student magazine noted that local environmentalists are
campaigning to protect the animals, although there is no clear plan for what will happen to
them.[67] In 2018, National Geographic published another article on the hippos which found
disagreement among environmentalists on whether they were having a positive or negative
impact, but that conservationists and locals – particularly those in the tourism industry – were
mostly in support of their continued presence.[68]
By October 2021, the Colombian government had started a program of chemically sterilizing the
animals.[69]
Apartment demolition
On 22 February 2019, at 11:53 AM local time, Medellín authorities demolished the six-story
Edificio Mónaco apartment complex in the El Poblado neighborhood where, according to retired
Colombian general Rosso José Serrano, Escobar planned some of his most brazen attacks. The
building was initially built for Escobar's wife but was gutted by a Cali Cartel car bomb in 1988
and had remained unoccupied ever since, becoming an attraction to foreign tourists seeking out
Escobar's physical legacy. Mayor Federico Gutierrez had been pushing to raze the building and
erect in its place a park honoring the thousands of cartel victims, including four presidential
candidates and some 500 police officers. Colombian President Ivan Duque said the demolition
"means that history is not going to be written in terms of the perpetrators, but by recognizing the
victims," hoping the demolition would showcase that the city had evolved significantly and had
more to offer than the legacy left by the cartels.[70]
Personal life
In 2007, the journalist Virginia Vallejo published her memoir Amando a Pablo, odiando a Escobar
(Loving Pablo, Hating Escobar), in which she describes her romantic relationship with Escobar
and the links of her lover with several presidents, Caribbean dictators, and high-profile
politicians.[72] Her book inspired the movie Loving Pablo (2017).[73]
A drug distributor, Griselda Blanco, is also reported to have conducted a clandestine, but
passionate, relationship with Escobar; several items in her diary link him with the nicknames
"Coque de Mi Rey" (My Coke King) and "Polla Blanca" (White Cock).[74]
Properties
After becoming wealthy, Escobar created or bought numerous residences and safe houses, with
the Hacienda Nápoles gaining significant notoriety. The luxury house contained a colonial house,
a sculpture park, and a complete zoo with animals from various continents, including elephants,
exotic birds, giraffes, and hippopotamuses. Escobar had also planned to construct a Greek-style
citadel near it, and though construction of the citadel was started, it was never finished.[60]
Escobar also owned a home in the US under his own name: a 6,500 square foot (604 m2), pink,
waterfront mansion situated at 5860 North Bay Road in Miami Beach, Florida. The four-bedroom
estate, built in 1948 on Biscayne Bay, was seized by the US federal government in the 1980s.
Later, the dilapidated property was owned by Christian de Berdouare, proprietor of the Chicken
Kitchen fast-food chain, who had bought it in 2014. De Berdouare would later hire a
documentary film crew and professional treasure hunters to search the edifice before and after
demolition, for anything related to Escobar or his cartel. They would find unusual holes in floors
and walls, as well as a safe that was stolen from its hole in the marble flooring before it could be
properly examined.[75]
Escobar also owned a huge Caribbean getaway on Isla Grande, the largest of the cluster of the
27 coral cluster islands comprising Islas del Rosario, located about 35 km (22 mi) from
Cartagena. The compound, now half-demolished and overtaken by vegetation and wild animals,
featured a mansion, apartments, courtyards, a large swimming pool, a helicopter landing pad,
reinforced windows, tiled floors, and a large but unfinished building to the side of the
mansion.[76]
In popular culture
Books
Escobar has been the subject of several books, including the following:
Films
Two major feature films on Escobar, Escobar (2009) and Killing Pablo (2011), were announced in
2007.[83] Details about them, and additional films about Escobar, are listed below.
Music
References
External links
Media related to Pablo Escobar at Wikimedia Commons
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