A Piece Retrospect of The Cold War: An Introspect of The Angola Crisis

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American Journal Of Multidisciplinary Research & Review (AJMRR) April-2024

American Journal of Multidisciplinary Research & Review (AJMRR)


Volume-03, Issue-04,
PP-01-06
www.ajmrr.com

Research Paper Open Access

A Piece Retrospect of the Cold War: An introspect of the Angola


Crisis
Dr Saibu, Israel Abayomi,
Department of History and International Studies, Faculty of Humanities, Social and Management Sciences, Anchor
University Lagos Nigeria. Tel: 2348029504334.

ABSTRACT: The paper examines the intrigues and dynamics correlating the Cold War with the Angolan War. It
further interrogates the interests of nations in this war. The paper relied on secondary sources. Secondary sources
included literatures such as books and newspapers. The documentary data were subjected to internal and external
criticism for authentication and then to textual and contextual analysis. The researcher interrogated the interests of
some nations

Key words: Cold war, Crisis, Independence, Interest

I. Introduction
Adu Funmilayo stated that a crisis does not necessarily lead to conflicted situations; she emphasized that
crises can occur with or without violence. According to her definition, a crisis involves an argument between two or
more groups. Crises are characterized by a breakdown of law and order, and if they escalate with violence, they
transform into conflicts (Adu, 2023). According to Charles Perrow, a crisis can be described as a rare and
unexpected event that occurs suddenly and escalates rapidly, posing a significant threat to the normal functioning of
an organization and its stakeholders (Perrow, 1984). Such events are low in probability, catching the organization
off guard and demanding immediate attention and response. The crisis may challenge established routines and
protocols, necessitating adaptive and creative approaches to address the emergent situation effectively (Zumstein,
1990). The impact of the crisis extends beyond the confines of routine management, calling for quick decisions and
actions to mitigate its consequences and restore stability. As articulated by Miriam Zumstein, a sociology scholar, a
crisis represents a pivotal moment in the development of individuals, organizations, or even societies at large
(Zumstein, 1990). It serves as a turning point, prompting a transformative shift in the prevailing status quo. During a
crisis, the established norms and practices come under scrutiny, creating opportunities for profound changes and
revaluations (Burkland, 2000). These critical junctures may arise due to various triggers, such as economic
downturns, social upheavals, or technological disruptions (Hopkins, 2000). The decisions made during such crises
carry significant consequences, shaping the future trajectory of the involved entities and determining their ability to
adapt and thrive in a rapidly changing environment.
According to Andrew Hopkins, a risk management scholar, a crisis manifests as a period of intense
difficulty, trouble, or danger, characterized by the necessity for making critical decisions and taking decisive actions
(Hopkins, 2000). This high-stress situation demands immediate attention and effective responses to address the
challenges at hand (James, 1999). Crises often involve uncertainties and complex issues, requiring well-informed
risk assessments and strategic planning to manage potential negative outcomes. The effectiveness of crisis
management lies in the ability to swiftly identify and understand the sources of the crisis, proactively engage with
stakeholders, and implement appropriate measures to mitigate the adverse impacts and restore stability. As defined
by Thomas Birkl and, a public policy scholar, a crisis represents a situation that surpasses the capacity of
individuals, organizations, or societies to handle using standard operating procedures and customary methods
(Burkland, 2000). Crises are exceptional events that demand extraordinary measures and interventions. When
confronted with these extraordinary circumstances, established routines and traditional policies may prove

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American Journal Of Multidisciplinary Research & Review (AJMRR) April-2024

inadequate, requiring the adoption of novel strategies and policy responses. Effective crisis management involves
the collaboration of various stakeholders, including government agencies, non-governmental organizations, and
community members, to tackle the challenges collectively and foster resilience in the face of adversity.
As stated by James Pennebaker, a psychology scholar, a crisis can trigger a state of psychological and emotional
disruption characterized by feelings of uncertainty, fear, and loss of control (James, 1999). The intense emotional
impact of a crisis can affect individuals and communities, leading to increased stress levels and heightened
vulnerability. Coping with the psychological effects of a crisis becomes crucial for maintaining mental well-being
and ensuring sound decision-making during challenging circumstances. Crisis intervention and support systems play
a vital role in providing psychological assistance and promoting resilience, allowing individuals and communities to
navigate the crisis and its aftermath with greater strength and adaptability. Also Ediagbonya, Michael defined crisis
as a specific, unexpected and non routine event or series of events that create high levels of uncertainty and
simultaneously present an organization with both opportunities for and threats to its high priority goals (Ediagbonya,
2023).
The experience of Crises can cause physical and emotional trauma, both for soldiers and civilians. This
trauma can have long-term effects on individuals and societies, including mental health issues and social disruptions
(Solnit, 2009). Wars have often led to the destruction of cultural heritage sites, including museums, libraries, and
historical monuments. This destruction can lead to the loss of important cultural artifacts and can have long-term
effects on a society's identity and cultural heritage. Crises have often driven advancements in technology, including
medical technology, transportation, and communication. While these advancements have had positive impacts, they
have also been used in future conflicts, leading to more destructive and deadly wars.
Various countries around the world have experienced different political crises, each with its unique set of
challenges and implications. In Belarus, a political crisis unfolded in 2020 following a disputed presidential election,
leading to widespread protests against President Alexander Lukashenko's rule and demands for electoral
transparency. Venezuela has been grappling with a prolonged political and economic crisis, resulting in
hyperinflation, scarcity of basic necessities, and a mass exodus of its citizens seeking better opportunities abroad. In
Hong Kong, massive protests erupted in 2019 over a proposed extradition bill, evolving into a broader pro-
democracy movement advocating for greater autonomy and civil liberties. Sudan faced a political crisis that
culminated in a military coup in 2019, with citizens demanding the ousting of long-time President Omar al-Bashir
and a transition to civilian-led governance. Myanmar experienced a military coup in February 2021, triggering
nationwide protests and resistance against the military's actions and a subsequent violent crackdown. Ukraine has
been embroiled in a political crisis since 2014, marked by the annexation of Crimea by Russia and the ongoing
conflict in eastern Ukraine. Lebanon has faced an economic and political crisis characterized by hyperinflation,
currency devaluation, and shortages of essential goods, leading to widespread protests against government
corruption and mismanagement. Political crises are multi-faceted, often involving intricate socio-economic and
historical factors, and they continue to have significant impacts on global affairs and human rights. It's crucial to
keep abreast of current events and reliable sources to understand the evolving nature of these crises and their
implications for affected populations and international relations.
The Angola Crisis was a protracted armed conflict that occurred in Angola from 1975 to 2002 (Abimbola,
2009). It was characterized by a complex web of political, economic, and social factors, including the struggle for
power between various political factions, regional and international interests, and ideological differences. The crisis
began shortly after Angola gained independence from Portugal in 1975, as different factions fought for control of
the country (Ihonvbere, 1993). During the course of the conflict, several countries, including South Africa, Cuba,
and the United States, became involved in Angola (Britannica, 2020). Nigeria, as a prominent African nation, also
played a significant role in the crisis. Nigeria's involvement in the Angola Crisis was driven by its commitment to
promoting peace and stability in Africa and its desire to prevent the spread of communism in the region (Abimbola,
2009). Nigeria's involvement in the Angola Crisis was multi-faceted, encompassing military, diplomatic, and
humanitarian efforts. Nigeria deployed troops to Angola to support the government in Luanda and participated in
peacekeeping missions to monitor ceasefires and provide security for humanitarian aid convoys (Gerald, 2018).
Nigeria also played an active role in the diplomatic efforts to resolve the crisis, mediating between the different
parties and facilitating negotiations between the government and rebel groups. Nigeria's involvement in the Angola
Crisis had both positive and negative impacts. On the one hand, Nigeria's efforts helped to stabilize the situation in
Angola and contributed to the eventual resolution of the conflict. On the other hand, Nigeria's involvement in the
conflict was also criticized for being motivated by self-interest and for exacerbating the conflict. Overall, the role of

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American Journal Of Multidisciplinary Research & Review (AJMRR) April-2024

Nigeria in the Angola Crisis remains a significant case study in African conflict resolution, offering insights into the
complexities of African conflicts and the challenges of promoting peace and stability on the continent.
The main aim of this study is to provide a comprehensive analysis and a snippet into events during the Cold War and
the roles of states in the Angola Crisis. To achieve this aim, the study will pursue the following specific objectives:
1. To examine the political and strategic interests that motivated Nations in the Angola Crisis and to assess the
extent to which these interests were aligned with the goals of conflict resolution and peacekeeping;
2. to analyze the nature and extent of the Cold War policies and intrigues in the Angola Crisis, including the
deployment of troops and the provision of military aid to various factions, and to evaluate the impact of
these interventions on the conflict;
It is remarkable that succeeding presidents in both the USA and USSR consistently pursued the cold war; in
the case of Vietnam, three US Presidents dealt with the matter before it was rested in 1973. Vietnam also
demonstrated how the cold war could push the USA into drawing in a neutral neighbour, Cambodia, into the
desperate project of routing the Viet Cong. Peace talks convened in Paris eventually arranged a ceasefire in January
1973, this was after US constant bombardment of North Vietnam and all-out US involvement failed to stop the Viet
Cong and amidst scandals of US troops meddling with local women, the murder of civilians and other
embarrassment of a small developing nation successfully withstanding a superpower. The American failure in
Vietnam and Cambodia yielded both nations together with Laos over to the Eastern block where China and USSR
jostled for influence in their affairs.
It was ironic that the USA, which exerted so much pressure around the Soviet backyard in Indo China, lost
a prime location like neighbouring Cuba to Soviet influence. When Fidel Castro overthrew the Batista dictatorship
in Cuba in 1956, he publicly declared allegiance to Marxism-Leninism, and made association with communist
states. In 1962, an American spy-plane spotted Russian missiles being moved into position on the Island, which has
contiguous waters with the USA. President Kennedy demanded their removal and imposed a blockade of Cuba to
prevent further landings. Soviet President Kruschev in turn demanded the withdrawal of American missiles from
Turkey to seal a bargain. After days of tension the Soviet Union withdrew the missiles. The Cuban missile crisis was
the tensest moment of the cold war when the two superpowers came closest to open military confrontation. But after
its resolution, the superpowers installed a new telephone link called the “Hot Line” to forestall future emergencies as
both superpowers then realized the imperative of mutual deterrence from war.
Many scholars point to the 1955 visit of Russian leaders, Kruschev and Bulganin to Geneva for a summit
conference with President Ike Eisenhowever, Prime Minister Eden of Britain and French Premier Faure to talk
disarmament as the beginning of the thaw in the cold war. The Americans called this stage of the cold war détente
while USSR called it “peaceful co-existence”. Overall, friendship was being cultivated. Despite more frequent visits
of Soviet leaders to the West, (Britain in 1956 and America in 1956), diplomatic bickering continued between the
Superpowers, especially when Russia resented the fly-over of American U-2 spy- planes over Soviet territory and
American agitation over the Cuban Missile crisis.
But otherwise, the 1960‟s witnessed progress in disarmament talks, superpowers assistance to developing nations to
woo them. China forged links with Pakistan, and helped Zambia and Tanzania with interest-free loan and skilled
assistance to build the Zam Tan Railway in 1970. China also gave Tanzania the Friendship Textile Mill, all in the
face of white racist supremacy. Russia helped Egypt to finance the Aswan Dam. The West seemed content to just
consolidate their relations with developing nations using mainly post-colonial diplomatic instruments. Yakubu
Gowon, former Nigeria‟s President, in 1971 expressed that “Africa must be free from ideological influences which
have no cultural basis in the content itself” (Duyile & Aremu, 2018). Olusegun Obasanjo (another Nigerian leader)
on the 12th of September, 1977 opined that the slow, unsteady and rather tortuous so called ideological path of
transforming a nation into the theoretical and utopian society is clearly not the most expedient for Nigeria… (Duyile
& Aremu, 2018)‟ Nigeria‟s case is painful its sea has no foliage for cover (Duyile, The Sea Factor in Nigeria's
National Security, 2015). In the Nigerian Civil War, foreign technical expertise was readily provided by the British
before the Nigerian Civil War, and the Russians during the war, supported the Nigerian Navy in planning and
execution of maintenance activities (Duyile, From the Biafra War to the Liberian Crisis: Historicizing the
Contribution of the Nigerian Navy, 2020). The problems of Biafra further increased when the Nigerian Navy
acquired ships from the Soviet Union during the war (Duyile, Nature and Impact of Involvement of the Navy in the
Nigerian Civil War, 1967 -70, 2016). Alexei Kosygin assured Nigeria of Russia‟s support (Duyile, Nature and
Impact of Involvement of the Navy in the Nigerian Civil War, 1967 -70, 2016). It must be added that after the war
Nigeria was the 50th exporter of goods to the United States (Duyile, Infrastructural Development in Nigeria, 1960-
2015, 2020). The scope of this study is limited to the role of nations in the Angola Crisis from 1975 to 2002. 1975
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was a significant year in the history of Angola as it marked the country's independence from Portugal after a
protracted struggle for self-rule. The independence of Angola was followed by a civil war that lasted for over 27
years and claimed the lives of hundreds of thousands of people. During this period, several foreign powers,
including the United States and the Soviet Union, supported various factions in the conflict, exacerbating the
violence and prolonging the crisis. 2002 marked the end of the civil war in Angola, with the signing of the Luanda
Accord that provided a framework for political and economic reforms and national reconciliation. The resolution of
the conflict was a significant milestone for Angola and the wider region, as it paved the way for stability,
development, and cooperation.
The period between 1975 and 2002 was therefore critical in the history of Angola and the wider region,
with significant political, economic, and social changes taking place. Nigeria played an important role in the Angola
Crisis during this period, providing military, diplomatic, and humanitarian support to various factions in the conflict.

II. Historical Antecedents


Angola, a country in south-western Africa, has a population of approximately 31 million people and covers
an area of 1.25 million square kilometers. Its history dates back to pre-colonial times, with various ethnic groups,
including the Kongo, Ovimbundu, and Mbundu, inhabiting the region and engaging in trade and diplomatic relations
with neighboring kingdoms such as the Lunda and Lozi. In 1482, the Portuguese arrived in Angola and established
a colonial presence along the coast. They later expanded their control inland, exploiting the region's resources,
including gold, diamonds, and other minerals, and enforcing forced labour on the local populations.
Angola's struggle for independence began in the early 1960s, with the emergence of groups like the Popular
Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA), and the
National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA). fighting against Portuguese colonial rule. Angola
gained independence in 1975, with the MPLA assuming power, but the country was subsequently engulfed in a civil
war that lasted for over two decades. The conflict was fuelled by external support, with the Soviet Union and Cuba
backing the MPLA, and the United States and South Africa supporting UNITA. The civil war resulted in numerous
human rights abuses and caused significant devastation, leaving the country's infrastructure and economy in ruins. It
finally came to an end in 2002 with the signing of the Luanda Memorandum of Understanding between the MPLA
government and UNITA, but not before claiming an estimated 500,000 lives. Since the end of the civil war, Angola
has made progress in rebuilding its economy and infrastructure, primarily driven by its oil and gas sector. The
country has also invested in agriculture, mining, and tourism. However, it still faces challenges such as high levels
of poverty, inequality, and corruption. The government has been criticized for its human rights record and its
handling of political opposition and dissent.
The Angola Crisis was a long and complicated conflict that lasted from 1975 to 2002. The crisis can be
attributed to a variety of causes, including the country's colonial history, the Cold War, and regional conflicts. This
section will explore the primary causes of the Angola Crisis. One fundamental cause of the Angola Crisis was its
colonial history. Portugal colonized Angola in the late 15th century, exploiting its resources to support its economy
while neglecting the country's development. This fuelled resentment among the population, leading to demands for
independence. In 1961, a civil war erupted between the Portuguese colonial government and nationalist movements
as Angolans sought to break free from colonial rule. Portugal's slow response to these demands further escalated
tensions, laying the groundwork for the prolonged and complex conflict that followed. The Cold War significantly
contributed to the Angola Crisis. The United States and the Soviet Union vied for influence globally, and Angola's
significant natural resources made it a strategic focal point. The Soviet Union supported the Marxist-oriented
MPLA, which declared independence in November 1975. In response, the United States backed two anti-communist
factions, FNLA and UNITA, which declared independence in August and November of the same year, respectively.
This rivalry intensified the conflict in Angola, as both superpowers sought to advance their ideological interests in
the region. The MPLA, FNLA, and UNITA rivalry led to a devastating civil war, with international involvement.
The Soviet Union aided the MPLA, and the United States supported FNLA and UNITA. Neighboring countries, like
Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo), backed UNITA, while Cuba sent troops to support the MPLA. This
foreign intervention exacerbated the conflict and prolonged the war's destructive impact on Angola. Regional
conflicts in Southern Africa further fuelled the Angola Crisis. Many neighboring countries were striving for
independence or defending their sovereignty, and Angola became embroiled in these struggles. The MPLA
government received support from Cuba, aiming to spread Marxist ideology in the region.

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III. Parties involved in the crisis


The Angolan Civil War involved a complex web of domestic and international actors with various political,
economic, and military interests. The three main parties involved in the conflict were the People's Movement for the
Liberation of Angola (MPLA), the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), and the National
Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA). The MPLA was a Marxist-Leninist political party that led Angola to
independence in 1975 and established a one-party state. The party was supported by the Soviet Union and Cuba,
which provided military and economic aid throughout the conflict.
UNITA, on the other hand, was a right-wing anti-communist movement that emerged in the 1960s and was
supported by the United States and South Africa. The group initially fought against Portuguese colonial rule but
later became embroiled in the civil war. The FNLA, which was initially supported by the United States and China,
was another anti-communist movement that sought independence for Angola. However, the group was weakened by
infighting and did not play a significant role in the conflict.
Apart from these domestic actors, the conflict also drew in several international players. The Soviet Union
and Cuba supported the MPLA, while the United States and South Africa supported UNITA. The neighbouring
countries of Zambia, Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo), and Namibia were also involved in the
conflict, with Zambia and Namibia supporting the MPLA, while Zaire supported UNITA.
The Angolan Civil War, a complex and multifaceted conflict, witnessed the involvement of several nations,
each driven by distinct and often contrasting interests that intricately contributed to the evolving dynamics of the
crisis. Among these nations, South Africa emerged with a paramount concern: preventing the expansion of
communism within its sphere of influence. With the MPLA's Marxist-Leninist orientation posing a direct
ideological challenge to South Africa's staunch anti-communist policies, the nation found itself compelled to support
UNITA, an anti-communist movement, as a strategic counterbalance. This calculated move was aimed at curbing
the MPLA's ideological influence and stemming the tide of potential socialist governments that might arise along its
vulnerable borders.
China's role in the conflict was deeply rooted in its fervent anti-imperialist ideology, an ideology that
fuelled its determination to challenge the dominance of the Soviet Union and its allies. The Chinese initially backed
the FNLA and later shifted support to the MPLA, driven by a strategic goal of nurturing revolutionary movements
that were in sync with its own communist principles. This served a dual purpose: establishing China as a patron of
emerging post-colonial nations seeking self-determination and bolstering its global standing as a champion of anti-
imperialist struggles. Meanwhile, Zambia's participation in the Angolan Civil War was underpinned by regional
stability and economic considerations. With a shared border, Zambia held a vested interest in a peaceful and
cooperative relationship with its northern neighbor. By supporting the MPLA, Zambia aimed to foster harmonious
relations and potentially access a trade route through Angola to the sea. This strategic alignment held the promise of
enhancing economic opportunities while fortifying the stability of its border regions.
In the Democratic Republic of Congo (formerly Zaire), the involvement was a manifestation of its leader
Mobutu Sese Seko's aspirations to consolidate power and shield his regime from perceived socialist threats.
Embracing an anti-communist stance, Zaire lent its support to UNITA as a means to thwart the expansion of Marxist
ideologies within its vicinity. This alignment, guided by pragmatic geopolitical considerations, aligned with
Mobutu's overarching goal of safeguarding his regime's stability and autonomy.
Cuba's interest, however, diverged significantly from the others, driven by its revolutionary fervor and
solidarity with leftist movements worldwide. By backing the MPLA, Cuba sought to advance its revolutionary
agenda and extend its influence into Africa. This move was not merely strategic but deeply ideological, aimed at
challenging the dominance of Western powers, promoting anti-imperialist struggles, and fostering unity among
revolutionary forces. In this intricate interplay of interests, the Angolan Civil War serves as a vivid example of how
the convergence and collision of geopolitical considerations, ideological principles, regional dynamics, and
economic prospects can collectively shape the trajectory of a conflict. The motivations of South Africa, China,
Zambia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Cuba, though varied, intricately woven together to compose a
tapestry of influences that left an indelible mark on the course of the war.

IV. Concluding Remarks


The Angola Crisis, which lasted for over 27 years, was one of the most devastating conflicts in Africa. The
conflict resulted in the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives and the displacement of millions of people. The Cold
war powers played a significant role in the Angola Crisis, aggravating the crisis that led so many Angolans into their
graves. The intrigues and dynamics of the Cold War trampled on the Angolan for independence. It established a
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goriness that shouldn‟t have happened. For twenty seven years Angolan territories were devastated, only to be told
that they should accept an ideology inimical to their belief and views.

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