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PERSPECTIVES: AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY, 2ND

EDITION
CONTENTS
4
LANGUAGE
Linda Light, California State University, Long Beach

[email protected]
Learning Objectives
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Explain Fieldwork: Methods
relationship in Cultural
between Anthropology
human language and culture.
Next: Subsistence
https://pressbooks.pub/perspectives/chapter/language/ 1/34
Identify the universal features of human languages and the design features that make
them unique.
Describe the structures of language: phonemes, morphemes, syntax, semantics, and

pragmatics.
Assess the relationship between language variations and ethnic or cultural identity.
Explain how language is affected by social class, ethnicity, gender and other aspects of
identity.
Evaluate the reasons why languages change and efforts that can be made to preserve
endangered languages.
THE IMPORTANCE OF HUMAN LANGUAGE TO HUMAN CULTURE
Students in my cultural anthropology classes are required to memorize a six-point thumbnail

definition of culture, which includes all of the features most anthropologists agree are key to its
essence. Then, I refer back to the definition as we arrive at each relevant unit in the course. Here
it is—with the key features in bold type.
Culture is:
1. An integrated system of mental elements (beliefs, values, worldview, attitudes, norms),

the behaviors motivated by those mental elements, and the material items created by
those behaviors;
2. A system shared by the members of the society;
3. 100 percent learned, not innate;
4. Based on symbolic systems, the most important of which is language;
5. Humankind’s most important adaptive mechanism, and

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6. Dynamic, constantly changing.
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This definition serves to underscore the crucial importance of language to all human cultures.
In fact, human language can be considered a culture’s most important feature since complex hu-
man culture could not exist without language and language could not exist without culture. They
are inseparable because language encodes culture and provides the means through which culture
is shared and passed from one generation to the next. Humans think in language and do all cultur-
al activities using language. It surrounds our every waking and sleeping moments, although we do
not usually think about its importance. For that matter, humans do not think about their immer-
sion in culture either, much as fish, if they were endowed with intelligence, would not think
much about the water that surrounds them. Without language and culture, humans would be just
another great ape. Anthropologists must have skills in linguistics so they can learn the languages
and cultures of the people they study.
All human languages are symbolic systems that make use of symbols to convey meaning. A
symbol is anything that serves to refer to something else, but has a meaning that cannot be
guessed because there is no obvious connection between the symbol and its referent. This feature
of human language is called arbitrariness. For example, many cultures assign meanings to cer-
tain colors, but the meaning for a particular color may be completely different from one culture to
another. Western cultures like the United States use the color black to represent death, but in
China it is the color white that symbolizes death. White in the United States symbolizes purity
and is used for brides’ dresses, but no Chinese woman would ever wear white to her wedding. In-
stead, she usually wears red, the color of good luck. Words in languages are symbolic in the same
way. The word key in English is pronounced exactly the same as the word qui in French, meaning
“who,” and ki in Japanese, meaning “tree.” One must learn the language in order to know what
any word means.
THE BIOLOGICAL BASIS OF LANGUAGE
The human anatomy that allowed the development of language emerged six to seven million
years ago when the first human ancestors became bipedal—habitually walking on two feet. Most
other mammals are quadrupedal—they move about on four feet. This evolutionary development
freed up the forelimbs of human ancestors for other activities, such as carrying items and doing
more and more complex things with their hands. It also started a chain of anatomical adaptations.
One adaptation was a change in the way the skull was placed on the spine. The skull of
quadrupedal animals is attached to the spine at the back of the skull because the head is thrust for-
ward. With the new upright bipedal position of pre-humans, the attachment toNext:
the Subsistence
spine moved
toward the center of the base of the skull. This skeletal change in turn brought about changes in
the shape and position of the mouth and throat anatomy.
Humans have all the same organs in the mouth and
throat that the other great apes have, but the larynx,
or voice box (you may know it as the Adam’s apple),
is in a lower position in the throat in humans. This
creates a longer pharynx, or throat cavity, which
functions as a resonating and amplifying chamber for
the speech sounds emitted by the larynx. The round-
ing of the shape of the tongue and palate, or the roof
of the mouth, enables humans to make a greater vari-
ety of sounds than any great ape is capable of making
(see Figure 1).
Speech is produced by exhaling air from the lungs,
Figure 1. Human Articulatory Anatomy which passes through the larynx. The voice is created
by the vibration of the vocal folds in the larynx when
they are pulled tightly together, leaving a narrow slit for the air to pass through under pressure.
The narrower the slit, the higher the pitch of the sound produced. The sound waves in the ex-
haled air pass through the pharynx then out through the mouth and/or the nose. The different
positions and movements of the articulators—the tongue, the lips, the jaw—produce the different
speech sounds.
Along with the changes in mouth and throat anatomy that made speech possible came a gradual
enlargement and compartmentalization of the brain of human ancestors over millions of years.
The modern human brain is among the largest, in proportion to body size, of all animals. This
development was crucial to language ability because a tremendous amount of brain power is re-
quired to process, store, produce, and comprehend the complex system of any human language
and its associated culture. In addition, two areas in the left brain are specifically dedicated to the
processing of language; no other species has them. They are Broca’s area in the left frontal lobe
near the temple, and Wernicke’s area, in the temporal lobe just behind the left ear.
Language Acquisition in Childhood
Linguist Noam Chomsky proposed that all languages share the properties of what he called
Universal Grammar (UG), a basic template for all human languages, which he believed was em-
bedded in our genes, hard-wiring the brains of all human children to acquire language. Although
the Previous:
theory ofDoing
UG isFieldwork:
somewhat controversial,
Methods in CulturalitAnthropology
is a fact that all normally developing human in-
fants have an innate ability to acquire the language or languages used around them. Without any
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formal instruction, children easily acquire the sounds, words, grammatical rules, and appropriate
social functions of the language(s) that surround them. They master the basics by about age three
or four. This also applies to children, both deaf and hearing, who are exposed to signed language.
If a child is not surrounded by people who are using a language, that child will gradually lose
the ability to acquire language naturally without effort. If this deprivation continues until puberty,
the child will no longer be biologically capable of attaining native fluency in any language, al-
though they might be able to achieve a limited competency. This phenomenon has been called the
Critical Age Range Hypothesis. A number of abused children who were isolated from language
input until they were past puberty provide stark evidence to support this hypothesis. The classic
case of “Genie” is an example of this evidence.[1]
Found at the age of almost 14, Genie had been confined for all of her life to her room and, since
the age of two, had been tied to a potty chair during the day and to a crib at night with almost no
verbal interaction and only minimal attention to her physical needs. After her rescue, a linguist
worked with her intensively for about five years in an attempt to help her learn to talk, but she
never achieved language competence beyond that of a two-year old child. The hypothesis also ap-
plies to the acquisition of a second language. A person who starts the study of another language
after puberty will have to exert a great deal of effort and will rarely achieve native fluency, espe-
cially in pronunciation. There is plenty of evidence for this in the U.S. educational system. You
might very well have had this same experience. It makes you wonder why our schools rarely offer
foreign language classes before the junior high school level.
The Gesture Call System and Non-Verbal Human Communication
All animals communicate and many animals make meaningful sounds. Others use visual signs,
such as facial expressions, color changes, body postures and movements, light (fireflies), or elec-
tricity (some eels). Many use the sense of smell and the sense of touch. Most animals use a combi-
nation of two or more of these systems in their communication, but their systems are closed sys-
tems in that they cannot create new meanings or messages. Human communication is an open
system that can easily create new meanings and messages. Most animal communication systems
are basically innate; they do not have to learn them, but some species’ systems entail a certain
amount of learning. For example, songbirds have the innate ability to produce the typical songs of
their species, but most of them must be taught how to do it by older birds.
Great apes and other primates have relatively complex systems of communication that use
varying combinations of sound, body language, scent, facial expression, and touch. Their systems
have therefore been referred to as a gesture-call system. Humans share a number of forms of this
gesture-call, or non-verbal
Previous: Doing Fieldwork:system with
Methods the great
in Cultural apes. Spoken language undoubtedly evolved em-
Anthropology
bedded within it. All human cultures have not only verbal languages, but also non-verbal systems
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that are consistent with their verbal

languages and cultures and vary
from one culture to another. We
will discuss the three most impor-
tant human non-verbal communi-
cation systems.
Kinesics
Figure 2. Chimpanzees and other great apes use gesture-call communication
systems.
Kinesics is the term used to des-

ignate all forms of human body language, including gestures, body position and movement, facial
expressions, and eye contact. Although all humans can potentially perform these in the same way,
different cultures may have different rules about how to use them. For example, eye contact for
Americans is highly valued as a way to show we are paying attention and as a means of showing
respect. But for the Japanese, eye contact is usually inappropriate, especially between two people
of different social statuses. The lower status person must look down and avoid eye contact to
show respect for the higher status person.
Facial expressions can convey a host of messages, usually related to the person’s attitude or
emotional state. Hand gestures may convey unconscious messages, or constitute deliberate mes-
sages that can replace or emphasize verbal ones.
Proxemics
Proxemics is the study of the social use of space, specifically the distance an individual tries to
maintain around himself in interactions with others. The size of the “space bubble” depends on a
number of social factors, including the relationship between the two people, their relative status,
their gender and age, their current attitude toward each other, and above all their culture. In some
cultures, such as in Brazil, people typically interact in a relatively close physical space, usually
along with a lot of touching. Other cultures, like the Japanese, prefer to maintain a greater dis-
tance with a minimum amount of touching or none at all. If one person stands too far away from
the other according to cultural standards, it might convey the message of emotional distance. If a
person invades the culturally recognized space bubble of another, it could mean a threat. Or, it
might show a desire for a closer relationship. It all depends on who is involved.
Paralanguage
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Paralanguage refers to those characteristics of speech beyond the actual words spoken. These
include the features that are inherent to all speech: pitch, loudness, and tempo or duration of the
sounds. Varying pitch can convey any number of messages: a question, sarcasm, defiance, surprise,
confidence or lack of it, impatience, and many other often subtle connotations. An utterance that
is shouted at close range usually conveys an emotional element, such as anger or urgency. A word
or syllable that is held for an undue amount of time can intensify the impact of that word. For ex-
ample, compare “It’s beautiful” versus It’s beauuuuu-tiful!” Often the latter type of expression is
further emphasized by extra loudness of the syllable, and perhaps higher pitch; all can serve to
make a part of the utterance more important. Other paralinguistic features that often accompany
speech might be a chuckle, a sigh or sob, deliberate throat clearing, and many other non-verbal
sounds like “hm,” “oh,” “ah,” and “um.”
Most non-verbal behaviors are unconsciously performed and not noticed unless someone vio-
lates the cultural standards for them. In fact, a deliberate violation itself can convey meaning. Oth-
er non-verbal behaviors are done consciously like the U.S. gestures that indicate approval, such as
thumbs up, or making a circle with your thumb and forefinger—“OK.” Other examples are wav-
ing at someone or putting a forefinger to your lips to quiet another person. Many of these deliber-
ate gestures have different meanings (or no meaning at all) in other cultures. For example, the
gestures of approval in U.S. culture mentioned above may be obscene or negative gestures in an-
other culture.
Try this: As an experiment in the power of non-verbal communication, try violating one of the cultural rules for
proxemics or eye contact with a person you know. Choosing your “guinea pigs” carefully (they might get mad at
you!), try standing or sitting a little closer or farther away from them than you usually would for a period of time,
until they notice (and they will notice). Or, you could choose to give them a bit too much eye contact, or too lit-
tle, while you are conversing with them. Note how they react to your behavior and how long it takes them to
notice.
HUMAN LANGUAGE COMPARED WITH THE COMMUNICATION

SYSTEMS OF OTHER SPECIES
Human language is qualitatively and quantitatively different from the communication systems
of all other species of animals. Linguists have long tried to create a working definition that distin-
guishes it from non-human communication systems. Linguist Charles Hockett’s solution was to
create a hierarchical
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Doing Fieldwork: he called
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in Cultural features, or descriptive characteristics, of the
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communication systems of all species, including that of humans.[2] Those features of human lan-
guage not shared with any other species illustrate exactly how it differs from all other species.
Hockett’s Design Features
The communication systems of all species share the following features:
1. A mode of communication by which messages are transmitted through a system of signs,

using one or more sensory systems to transmit and interpret, such as vocal-auditory, visual,
tactile, or kinesic;
2. Semanticity: the signs carry meaning for the users, and
3. Pragmatic function: all signs serve a useful purpose in the life of the users, from survival
functions to influencing others’ behavior.
Some communication systems (including humans) also exhibit the following features:
4. Interchangeability: the ability of individuals within a species to both send and receive mes-
sages. One species that lacks this feature is the honeybee. Only a female “worker bee” can per-
form the dance that conveys to her hive-mates the location of a newly discovered food source.
Another example is the mockingbird whose songs are performed only by the males to attract
a mate and mark his territory.
5. Cultural transmission: the need for some aspects of the system to be learned through in-
teraction with others, rather than being 100 percent innate or genetically programmed. The
mockingbird learns its songs from other birds, or even from other sounds in its environment
that appeal to it.
6. Arbitrariness: the form of a sign is not inherently or logically related to its meaning; signs
are symbols. It could be said that the movements in the honeybees’ dance are arbitrary since
anyone who is not a honeybee could not interpret their meaning.
Only true human language also has the following characteristics:
7. Discreteness: every human language is made up of a small number of meaningless discrete

sounds. That is, the sounds can be isolated from each other, for purposes of study by linguists,
or to be represented in a writing system.
8. Duality of patterning (two levels of combination): at the first level of patterning, these
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meaningless discrete sounds, called phonemes, are combined to form words and parts of
words that carry meaning, or morphemes. In the second level of patterning, morphemes are
recombined to form an infinite possible number of longer messages such as phrases and sen-
tences according to a set of rules called syntax. It is this level of combination that is entirely
lacking in the communication abilities of all other animals and makes human language an
open system while all other animal systems are closed.
9. Displacement: the ability to communicate about things that are outside of the here and
now made possible by the features of discreteness and duality of patterning. While other
species are limited to communicating about their immediate time and place, we can talk about
any time in the future or past, about any place in the universe, or even fictional places.
10. Productivity/creativity: the ability to produce and understand messages that have nev-
er been expressed before or to express new ideas. People do not speak according to prepared
scripts, as if they were in a movie or a play; they create their utterances spontaneously, ac-
cording to the rules of their language. It also makes possible the creation of new words and
even the ability to lie.
A number of great apes, including gorillas, chimpanzees, bonobos and orangutans, have been
taught human sign languages with all of the human design features. In each case, the apes have
been able to communicate as humans do to an extent, but their linguistic abilities are reduced by
the limited cognitive abilities that accompany their smaller brains.
UNIVERSALS OF LANGUAGE
Languages we do not speak or understand may sound like meaningless babble to us, but all the
human languages that have ever been studied by linguists are amazingly similar. They all share a
number of characteristics, which linguists call language universals. These language universals can
be considered properties of the Universal Grammar that Chomsky proposed. Here is a list of some
of the major ones.
1. All human cultures have a human language and use it to communicate.
2. All human languages change over time, a reflection of the fact that all cultures are also con-
stantly changing.
3.Previous:
All languages are systematic,
Doing Fieldwork: rule
Methods driven, Anthropology
in Cultural and equally complex overall, and equally capable of
expressing any idea that the speaker wishes to convey. There are no primitive languages.
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4. All languages are symbolic systems.
5. All languages have a basic word order of elements, like subject, verb, and object, with
variations.
6. All languages have similar basic grammatical categories such as nouns and verbs.
7. Every spoken language is made up of discrete sounds that can be categorized as vowels or
consonants.
8. The underlying structure of all languages is characterized by the feature duality of pattern-
ing, which permits any speaker to utter any message they need or wish to convey, and any
speaker of the same language to understand the message.
DESCRIPTIVE LINGUISTICS: STRUCTURES OF LANGUAGE
The study of the structures of language is called descriptive linguistics. Descriptive linguists
discover and describe the phonemes of a language, research called phonology. They study the
lexicon (the vocabulary) of a language and how the morphemes are used to create new words, or
morphology. They analyze the rules by which speakers create phrases and sentences, or the
study of syntax. And they look at how these features all combine to convey meaning in certain so-
cial contexts, fields of study called semantics and pragmatics.
The Sounds of Language: Phonemes
A phoneme is defined as the minimal unit of sound that can make a difference in meaning if
substituted for another sound in a word that is otherwise identical. The phoneme itself does not
carry meaning. For example, in English if the sound we associate with the letter “p” is substituted
for the sound of the letter “b” in the word bit, the word’s meaning is changed because now it is pit,
a different word with an entirely different meaning. The human articulatory anatomy is capable
of producing many hundreds of sounds, but no language has more than about 100 phonemes.
English has about 36 or 37 phonemes, including about eleven vowels, depending on dialect.
Hawaiian has only five vowels and about eight consonants. No two languages have the same exact
set of phonemes.
Linguists use a written system called the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) to represent
the Previous:
sounds ofDoing
a language. Unlike
Fieldwork: the in
Methods letters of our
Cultural alphabet that spell English words, each IPA
Anthropology
symbol always represents only one sound no matter the language. For example, the letter “a” in
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English can represent the different vowel sounds in such words as cat, make, papa, law, etc., but
the IPA symbol /a/ always and only represents the vowel sound of papa or pop.
The Units That Carry Meaning: Morphemes
A morpheme is a minimal unit of meaning in a language; a morpheme cannot be broken

down into any smaller units that still relate to the original meaning. It may be a word that can
stand alone, called an unbound morpheme (dog, happy, go, educate). Or it could be any part of a
word that carries meaning that cannot stand alone but must be attached to another morpheme,
bound morphemes. They may be placed at the beginning of the root word, such as un– (“not,” as
in unhappy), or re– (“again,” as in rearrange). Or, they may follow the root, as in -ly (makes an ad-
jective into an adverb: quickly from quick), -s (for plural, possessive, or a verb ending) in English.
Some languages, like Chinese, have very few if any bound morphemes. Others, like Swahili have
so many that nouns and verbs cannot stand alone as separate words; they must have one or more
other bound morphemes attached to them.
The Structure of Phrases and Sentences: Syntax
Rules of syntax tell the speaker how to put morphemes together grammatically and meaning-
fully. There are two main types of syntactic rules: rules that govern word order, and rules that di-
rect the use of certain morphemes that perform a grammatical function. For example, the order of
words in the English sentence “The cat chased the dog” cannot be changed around or its meaning
would change: “The dog chased the cat” (something entirely different) or “Dog cat the chased the”
(something meaningless). English relies on word order much more than many other languages do
because it has so few morphemes that can do the same type of work.
For example, in our sentence above, the phrase “the cat” must go first in the sentence, because
that is how English indicates the subject of the sentence, the one that does the action of the verb.
The phrase “the dog” must go after the verb, indicating that it is the dog that received the action
of the verb, or is its object. Other syntactic rules tell us that we must put “the” before its noun, and
“–ed” at the end of the verb to indicate past tense. In Russian, the same sentence has fewer restric-
tions on word order because it has bound morphemes that are attached to the nouns to indicate
which one is the subject and which is the object of the verb. So the sentence koshka [chased]
sobaku, which means “the cat chased the dog,” has the same meaning no matter how we order the
words, because the –a on the end of koshka means the cat is the subject, and the –u on the end of
sobaku meansDoing
Previous: the dog is the Methods
Fieldwork: object. Ifinwe switched
Cultural the endings and said koshku [chased] sobaka,
Anthropology
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now it means the dog did the chasing, even though we haven’t changed the order of the words.
Notice, too, that Russian does not have a word for “the.”
Conveying Meaning in Language: Semantics and Pragmatics
The whole purpose of language is to communicate meaning about the world around us so the
study of meaning is of great interest to linguists and anthropologists alike. The field of semantics
focuses on the study of the meanings of words and other morphemes as well as how the meanings
of phrases and sentences derive from them. Recently linguists have been enjoying examining the
multitude of meanings and uses of the word “like” among American youth, made famous through
the film Valley Girl in 1983. Although it started as a feature of California English, it has spread all
across the country, and even to many young second-language speakers of English. It’s, like, totally
awesome dude!
The study of pragmatics looks at the social and cultural aspects of meaning and how the con-
text of an interaction affects it. One aspect of pragmatics is the speech act. Any time we speak we
are performing an act, but what we are actually trying to accomplish with that utterance may not
be interpretable through the dictionary meanings of the words themselves. For example, if you
are at the dinner table and say, “Can you pass the salt?” you are probably not asking if the other
person is capable of giving you the salt. Often the more polite an utterance, the less direct it will
be syntactically. For example, rather than using the imperative syntactic form and saying “Give
me a cup of coffee,” it is considered more polite to use the question form and say “Would you
please give me a cup of coffee?”
LANGUAGE VARIATION: SOCIOLINGUISTICS
Languages Versus Dialects
The number of languages spoken around the world is somewhat difficult to pin down, but we
usually see a figure between 6,000 and 7,000. Why are they so hard to count? The term language
is commonly used to refer to the idealized “standard” of a variety of speech with a name, such as
English, Turkish, Swedish, Swahili, or Urdu. One language is usually considered to be incompre-
hensible to speakers of another one. The word dialect is often applied to a subordinate variety of
a language and the common assumption is that we can understand someone who speaks another
dialect of our own language.
These terms are not really very useful to describe actual language variation. For example, many
of the hundreds of “dialects” spoken in China are very different from each other andSubsistence
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tually comprehensible to speakers of other Chinese “dialects.” The Chinese government promotes
the idea that all of them are simply variants of the “Chinese language” because it helps to promote
national solidarity and loyalty among Chinese people to their country and reduce regional fac-
tionalism. In contrast, the languages of Sweden, Denmark, and Norway are considered separate
languages, but actually if a Swede, a Dane, and a Norwegian were to have a conversation together,
each could use their own language and understand most of what the others say. Does this make
them dialects or languages? The Serbian and Croatian languages are considered by their speakers
to be separate languages due to distinct political and religious cultural identities. They even em-
ploy different writing systems to emphasize difference, but they are essentially the same and easily
understandable to each other.
So in the words of linguist John McWhorter, actually “dialects is all there is.”[3] What he means
by this is that a continuum of language variation is geographically distributed across populations
in much the same way that human physical variation is, with the degree of difference between any
two varieties increasing across increasing distances. This is the case even across national bound-
aries. Catalan, the language of northeastern Spain, is closer to the languages of southern France,
Provençal and Occitan than any one is to its associated national language, Spanish or French. One
language variety blends with the next geographically like the colors of the rainbow. However, the
historical influence of colonizing states has affected that natural distribution. Thus, there is no
natural “language” with variations called “dialects.” Usually one variety of a language is considered
the “standard,” but this choice is based on the social and political prestige of the group that speaks
that variety; it has no inherent superiority over the other variants called its “dialects.” The way
people speak is an indicator of who they are, where they come from, and what social groups they
identify with, as well as what particular situation they find themselves in, and what they want to
accomplish with a specific interaction.
How Does Language Variation Develop?
Why do people from different regions in the United States speak so differently? Why do they
speak differently from the people of England? A number of factors have influenced the develop-
ment of English dialects, and they are typical causes of dialect variation in other languages as well.
Settlement patterns: The first English settlers to North America brought their own dialects
with them. Settlers from different parts of the British Isles spoke different dialects (they still do),
and they tended to cluster together in their new homeland. The present-day dialects typical of
people in various areas of the United States, such as New England, Virginia, New Jersey, and Del-
aware, still reflect these original settlement sites, although they certainly have changed from their
original forms.
Migration routes: After they first settled in the United States, some people migrated further
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west, establishing dialect boundaries as they traveled and settled in new places.
Geographical factors: Rivers, mountains, lakes and islands affected migration routes and set-
tlement locations, as well as the relative isolation of the settlements. People in the Appalachian
mountains and on certain islands off the Atlantic coast were relatively isolated from other speak-
ers for many years and still speak dialects that sound very archaic compared with the mainstream.
Language contact: Interactions with other language groups, such as Native Americans,
French, Spanish, Germans, and African-Americans, along paths of migration and settlement re-
sulted in mutual borrowing of vocabulary, pronunciation, and some syntax.
Have you ever heard of “Spanglish”? It is a form of Spanish spoken near the borders of the
United States that is characterized by a number of words adopted from English and incorporated
into the phonological, morphological and syntactic systems of Spanish. For example, the Spanish
sentence Voy a estationar mi camioneta, or “I’m going to park my truck” becomes in Spanglish Voy a
parquear mi troca. Many other languages have such English-flavored versions, including Franglais
and Chinglish. Some countries, especially France, actively try to prevent the incursion of other
languages (especially English) into their language, but the effort is always futile. People will use
whatever words serve their purposes, even when the “language police” disapprove. Some
Franglais words that have invaded in spite of the authorities protestations include the recently ac-
quired binge-drinking, beach, e-book, and drop-out, while older ones include le weekend and stop.
Region and occupation: Rural farming people may continue to use archaic expressions com-
pared with urban people, who have much more contact with contemporary life styles and diverse
speech communities.
Social class: Social status differences cut across all regional variations of English. These differ-
ences reflect the education and income level of speakers.
Group reference: Other categories of group identity, including ethnicity, national origin of
ancestors, age, and gender can be symbolized by the way we speak, indicating in-group versus
out-group identity. We talk like other members of our groups, however we define that group, as a
means of maintaining social solidarity with other group members. This can include occupational
or interest-group jargon, such as medical or computer terms, or surfer talk, as well as pronuncia-
tion and syntactic variations. Failure to make linguistic accommodation to those we are speaking
to may be interpreted as a kind of symbolic group rejection even if that dialect might be relatively
stigmatized as a marker of a disrespected minority group. Most people are able to use more than
one style of speech, also called register, so that they can adjust depending on who they are inter-
acting with: their family and friends, their boss, a teacher, or other members of the community.
Linguistic processes: New developments that promote the simplification of pronunciation or
syntactic changes to clarify meaning can also contribute to language change.
These factors do not work in isolation. Any language variation is the result of a number of so-
cial,Previous:
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factors in
that mightAnthropology
Cultural affect individual performances collectively and
therefore dialect change in a particular speech community is a process that is continual.
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Try This: Which of these terms do you use, pop versus soda versus coke? Pail versus bucket? Do you say “vayse”
or “vahze” for the vessel you put flowers in? Where are you from? Can you find out where each term or pronun-
ciation is typically used? Can you find other regional differences like these?
What Is a “Standard” Variety of a Language?
The standard of any language is simply one of many variants that has been given special pres-
tige in the community because it is spoken by the people who have the greatest amount of pres-
tige, power, and (usually) wealth. In the case of English its development has been in part the re-
sult of the invention of the printing press in the sixteenth-century and the subsequent increase in
printed versions of the language. This then stimulated more than a hundred years of deliberate
efforts by grammarians to standardize spelling and grammatical rules. Their decisions invariably
favored the dialect spoken by the aristocracy. Some of their other decisions were rather arbitrarily
determined by standards more appropriate to Latin, or even mathematics. For example, as it is in
many other languages, it was typical among the common people of the time (and it still is among
the present-day working classes and in casual speech), to use multiple negative particles in a sen-
tence, like “I don’t have no money.” Those eighteenth-century grammarians said we must use ei-
ther don’t or no, but not both, that is, “I don’t have any money” or “I have no money.” They based
this on a mathematical rule that says that two negatives make a positive. (When multiplying two
signed negative numbers, such as -5 times -2, the result is 10.) These grammarians claimed that if
we used the double negative, we would really be saying the positive, or “I have money.” Obviously,
anyone who utters that double-negative sentence is not trying to say that they have money, but
the rule still applies for standard English to this day.
Non-standard varieties of English, also known as vernaculars, are usually distinguished from
the standard by their inclusion of such stigmatized forms as multiple negatives, the use of the verb
form ain’t (which was originally the normal contraction of am not, as in “I ain’t,” comparable to
“you aren’t,” or “she isn’t”); pronunciation of words like this and that as dis and dat; pronunciation
of final “–ing” as “–in;” and any other feature that grammarians have decreed as “improper”
English.
The standard of any language is a rather artificial, idealized form of language, the language of
education. One must learn its rules in school because it is not anyone’s true first language. Every-
one speaks a dialect, although some dialects are closer to the standard than others. Those that are
regarded with the least prestige and respect in society are associated with the groups of people
who have the least amount of social prestige. People with the highest levels of education have
greater access to the standard, but even they usually revert to their first dialect as the appropriate
register in the context of an informal situation with friends and family. In other words, no lan-
guage variety is inherently better or worse than any other one. It is due to social attitudes
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people label some varieties as “better” or “proper,” and others as “incorrect” or “bad.” Recall Lan-
guage Universal 3: “All languages are systematic, rule driven, and equally complex overall, and
equally capable of expressing any idea that the speaker wishes to convey.”
In 1972 sociolinguist William Labov did an interesting study in which he looked at the pronun-
ciation of the sound /r/ in the speech of New Yorkers in two different department stores. Many
people from that area drop the /r/ sound in words like fourth and floor (fawth, floah), but this pro-
nunciation is primarily associated with lower social classes and is not a feature of the approved
standard for English, even in New York City. In two different contexts, an upscale store and a dis-
count store, Labov asked customers what floor a certain item could be found on, already knowing
it was the fourth floor. He then asked them to repeat their answer, as though he hadn’t heard it
correctly. He compared the first with the second answers by the same person, and he compared
the answers in the expensive store versus the cheaper store. He found 1) that the responders in the
two stores differed overall in their pronunciation of this sound, and 2) that the same person may
differ between situations of less and more self-consciousness (first versus second answer). That is,
people in the upscale store tended to pronounce the /r/, and responders in both stores tended to
produce the standard pronunciation more in their second answers in an effort to sound “higher
class.” These results showed that the pronunciation or deletion of /r/ in New York correlates with
both social status and context.[4]
There is nothing inherently better or worse in either pronunciation; it depends entirely on the
social norms of the community. The same /r/ deletion that is stigmatized in New York City is the
prestigious, standard form in England, used by the upper class and announcers for the BBC. The
pronunciation of the /r/ sound in England is stigmatized because it is used by lower-status people
in some industrial cities.
It is important to note that almost everyone has access to a number of different language varia-
tions and registers. They know that one variety is appropriate to use with some people in some
situations, and others should be used with other people or in other situations. The use of several
language varieties in a particular interaction is known as code-switching.
Try This: To understand the importance of using the appropriate register in a given context, the next time you
are with a close friend or family member try using the register, or style of speech, that you might use with your
professor or a respected member of the clergy. What is your friend’s reaction? I do not recommend trying the re-
verse experiment, using a casual vernacular register with such a respected person (unless they are also a close
friend). Why not?
Linguistic Relativity: The Whorf Hypothesis
In the 1920s, Benjamin Whorf was a graduate student studying with linguistNext:
Edward Sapir at
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Yale University in New Haven, Connecticut. Sapir, considered the father of American linguistic
anthropology, was responsible for documenting and recording the languages and cultures of many
Native American tribes, which were disappearing at an alarming rate. This was due primarily to
the deliberate efforts of the United States government to force Native Americans to assimilate
into the Euro-American culture. Sapir and his predecessors were well aware of the close relation-
ship between culture and language because each culture is reflected in and influences its language.
Anthropologists need to learn the language of the culture they are studying in order to under-
stand the world view of its speakers. Whorf believed that the reverse is also true, that a language
affects culture as well, by actually influencing how its speakers think. His hypothesis proposes that
the words and the structures of a language influence how its speakers think about the world, how
they behave, and ultimately the culture itself. (See our definition of culture above.) Simply stated,
Whorf believed that human beings see the world the way they do because the specific languages
they speak influence them to do so. He developed this idea through both his work with Sapir and
his work as a chemical engineer for the Hartford Insurance Company investigating the causes of
fires.
One of his cases while working for the insurance company was a fire at a business where there
were a number of gasoline drums. Those that contained gasoline were surrounded by signs warn-
ing employees to be cautious around them and to avoid smoking near them. The workers were
always careful around those drums. On the other hand, empty gasoline drums were stored in an-
other area, but employees were more careless there. Someone tossed a cigarette or lighted match
into one of the “empty” drums, it went up in flames, and started a fire that burned the business to
the ground. Whorf theorized that the meaning of the word empty implied to the worker that
“nothing” was there to be cautious about so the worker behaved accordingly. Unfortunately, an
“empty” gasoline drum may still contain fumes, which are more flammable than the liquid itself.
Whorf’s studies at Yale involved working with Native American languages, including Hopi.
The Hopi language is quite different from English, in many ways. For example, let’s look at how
the Hopi language deals with time. Western languages (and cultures) view time as a flowing river
in which we are being carried continuously away from a past, through the present, and into a fu-
ture. Our verb systems reflect that concept with specific tenses for past, present, and future. We
think of this concept of time as universal, that all humans see it the same way. A Hopi speaker has
very different ideas and the structure of their language both reflects and shapes the way they think
about time. The Hopi language has no present, past, or future tense. Instead, it divides the world
into what Whorf called the manifested and unmanifest domains. The manifested domain deals
with the physical universe, including the present, the immediate past and future; the verb system
uses the same basic structure for all of them. The unmanifest domain involves the remote past
and the future, as well as the world of desires, thought, and life forces. The set of verb forms deal-
ing Previous:
with thisDoing
domain are consistent
Fieldwork: Methods for all of these
in Cultural areas, and are different from the manifested
Anthropology
ones. Also, there are no words for hours, minutes, or days of the week.
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Native Hopi speakers often had great difficulty adapting to life in the English speaking world
when it came to being “on time” for work or other events. It is simply not how they had been
conditioned to behave with respect to time in their Hopi world, which followed the phases of the
moon and the movements of the sun. In a book about the Abenaki who lived in Vermont in the
mid-1800s, Trudy Ann Parker described their concept of time, which very much resembled that
of the Hopi and many of the other Native American tribes. “They called one full day a sleep, and a
year was called a winter. Each month was referred to as a moon and always began with a new
moon. An Indian day wasn’t divided into minutes or hours. It had four time periods—sunrise,
noon, sunset, and midnight. Each season was determined by the budding or leafing of plants, the
spawning of fish or the rutting time for animals. Most Indians thought the white race had been
running around like scared rabbits ever since the invention of the clock.”[5]
The lexicon, or vocabulary, of a language is an inventory of the items a culture talks about and
has categorized in order to make sense of the world and deal with it effectively. For example,
modern life is dictated for many by the need to travel by some kind of vehicle—cars, trucks, SUVs,
trains, buses, etc. We therefore have thousands of words to talk about them, including types of
vehicles, models, brands, or parts.
The most important aspects of each culture are similarly reflected in the lexicon of its language.
Among the societies living in the islands of Oceania in the Pacific, fish have great economic and
cultural importance. This is reflected in the rich vocabulary that describes all aspects of the fish
and the environments that islanders depend on for survival. For example, in Palau there are about
1,000 fish species and Palauan fishermen knew, long before biologists existed, details about the
anatomy, behavior, growth patterns and habitat of most of them—in many cases far more than
modern biologists know even today. Much of fish behavior is related to the tides and the phases of
the moon. Throughout Oceania, the names given to certain days of the lunar months reflect the
likelihood of successful fishing. For example, in the Caroline Islands, the name for the night be-
fore the new moon is otolol, which means “to swarm.” The name indicates that the best fishing
days cluster around the new moon. In Hawaiì and Tahiti two sets of days have names containing
the particle òle or òre; one occurs in the first quarter of the moon and the other in the third quar-
ter. The same name is given to the prevailing wind during those phases. The words mean “noth-
ing,” because those days were considered bad for fishing as well as planting.
Parts of Whorf’s hypothesis, known as linguistic relativity, were controversial from the be-
ginning, and still are among some linguists. Yet Whorf’s ideas now form the basis for an entire
sub-field of cultural anthropology: cognitive or psychological anthropology. A number of studies
have been done that support Whorf’s ideas. Linguist George Lakoff’s work looks at the pervasive
existence of metaphors in everyday speech that can be said to predispose a speaker’s world view
and attitudes on a variety of human experiences.[6]
APrevious:
metaphor is an
Doing expression
Fieldwork: in which
Methods one kind
in Cultural of thing is understood and experienced in
Anthropology
terms of another entirely unrelated thing; the metaphors in a language can reveal aspects of the
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culture of its speakers. Take, for example, the concept of an argument. In logic and philosophy, an
argument is a discussion involving differing points of view, or a debate. But the conceptual
metaphor in American culture can be stated as ARGUMENT IS WAR. This metaphor is reflected
in many expressions of the everyday language of American speakers: I won the argument. He shot
down every point I made. They attacked every argument we made. Your point is right on target. I
had a fight with my boyfriend last night. In other words, we use words appropriate for discussing
war when we talk about arguments, which are certainly not real war. But we actually think of ar-
guments as a verbal battle that often involve anger, and even violence, which then structures how
we argue.
To illustrate that this concept of argument is not universal, Lakoff suggests imagining a culture
where an argument is not something to be won or lost, with no strategies for attacking or defend-
ing, but rather as a dance where the dancers’ goal is to perform in an artful, pleasing way. No
anger or violence would occur or even be relevant to speakers of this language, because the
metaphor for that culture would be ARGUMENT IS DANCE.
LANGUAGE IN ITS SOCIAL SETTINGS: LANGUAGE AND IDENTITY
The way we speak can be seen as a marker of who we are and with whom we identify. We talk
like the other people around us, where we live, our social class, our region of the country, our
ethnicity, and even our gender. These categories are not homogeneous. All New Yorkers do not
talk exactly the same; all women do not speak according to stereotypes: all African-Americans do
not speak an African-American dialect. No one speaks the same way in all situations and contexts,
but there are some consistencies in speaking styles that are associated with many of these
categories.
Social Class
As discussed above, people can indicate social class by the way they speak. The closer to the
standard version their dialect is, the more they are seen as a member of a higher social class be-
cause the dialect reflects a higher level of education. In American culture, social class is defined
primarily by income and net worth, and it is difficult (but not impossible) to acquire wealth with-
out a high level of education. However, the speech of people in the higher social classes also varies
with the region of the country where they live, because there is no single standard of American
English, especially with respect to pronunciation. An educated Texan will sound different from an
educated Bostonian, but they will use the standard version of English from their own region. The
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lower the social class of a community, the more their language variety will differ from both the
standard and from the vernaculars of other regions.
Ethnicity
An ethnicity, or ethnic group, is a group of people who identify with each other based on some
combination of shared cultural heritage, ancestry, history, country of origin, language, or dialec-
t.In the United States such groups are frequently referred to as “races,” but there is no such thing
as biological race, and this misconception has historically led to racism and discrimination. Be-
cause of the social implications and biological inaccuracy of the term “race,” it is often more accu-
rate and appropriate to use the terms ethnicity or ethnic group. A language variety is often associ-
ated with an ethnic group when its members use language as a marker of solidarity. They may also
use it to distinguish themselves from a larger, sometimes oppressive, language group when they
are a minority population.
A familiar example of an oppressed ethnic group with a distinctive dialect is African-
Americans. They have a unique history among minorities in the United States, with their cen-
turies-long experience as captive slaves and subsequent decades under Jim Crow laws. (These laws
restricted their rights after their emancipation from slavery.) With the Civil Rights Acts of 1964
and 1968 and other laws, African-Americans gained legal rights to access public places and hous-
ing, but it is not possible to eliminate racism and discrimination only by passing laws; both still
exist among the white majority. It is no longer “politically correct” to openly express racism, but it
is much less frowned upon to express negative attitudes about African-American Vernacular Eng-
lish (AAVE). Typically, it is not the language itself that these attitudes are targeting; it is the peo-
ple who speak it.
As with any language variety, AAVE is a complex, rule-driven, grammatically consistent lan-
guage variety, a dialect of American English with a distinctive history. A widely accepted hypothe-
sis of the origins of AAVE is as follows. When Africans were captured and brought to the Ameri-
cas, they brought their own languages with them. But some of them already spoke a version of
English called a pidgin. A pidgin is a language that springs up out of a situation in which people
who do not share a language must spend extended amounts of time together, usually in a working
environment. Pidgins are the only exception to the Language Universal number 3 (all languages
are systematic, rule driven, and equally complex overall, and equally capable of expressing any
idea that the speaker wishes to convey).
There are no primitive languages, but a pidgin is a simplified language form, cobbled together
based mainly on one core language, in this case English, using a small number of phonemes, sim-
plified syntactic
Previous: rules,
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Fieldwork: minimalinlexicon
CulturalofAnthropology
words borrowed from the other languages in-
volved. A pidgin has no native speakers; it is used primarily in the environment in which it was
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created. An English-based pidgin was used as a common language in many areas of West Africa by
traders interacting with people of numerous language groups up and down the major rivers.
Some of the captive Africans could speak this pidgin, and it spread among them after the slaves
arrived in North America and were exposed daily to English speakers. Eventually, the use of the
pidgin expanded to the point that it developed into the original forms of what has been called a
Black English plantation creole. A creole is a language that develops from a pidgin when it be-
comes so widely used that children acquire it as one of their first languages. In this situation it be-
comes a more fully complex language consistent with Universal number 3.
All African-Americans do not speak AAVE, and people other than African-Americans also
speak it. Anyone who grows up in an area where their friends speak it may be a speaker of AAVE
like the rapper Eminem, a white man who grew up in an African-American neighborhood in De-
troit. Present-day AAVE is not homogeneous; there are many regional and class variations. Most
variations have several features in common, for instance, two phonological features: the dropped
/r/ typical of some New York dialects, and the pronunciation of the “th” sound of words like this
and that as a /d/ sound, dis and dat. Most of the features of AAVE are also present in many other
English dialects, but those dialects are not as severely stigmatized as AAVE is. It is interesting, but
not surprising, that AAVE and southern dialects of white English share many features. During the
centuries of slavery in the south, African-American slaves outnumbered whites on most planta-
tions. Which group do you think had the most influence on the other group’s speech? The
African-American community itself is divided about the acceptability of AAVE. It is probably be-
cause of the historical oppression of African-Americans as a group that the dialect has survived to
this day, in resistance to the majority white society’s disapproval.
Language and Gender
In any culture that has differences in gender role expectations—and all cultures do—there are
differences in how people talk based on their sex and gender identity. These differences have
nothing to do with biology. Children are taught from birth how to behave appropriately as a male
or a female in their culture, and different cultures have different standards of behavior. It must be
noted that not all men and women in a society meet these standards, but when they do not they
may pay a social price. Some societies are fairly tolerant of violations of their standards of gen-
dered behavior, but others are less so.
In the United States, men are generally expected to speak in a low, rather monotone pitch; it is
seen as masculine. If they do not sound sufficiently masculine, American men are likely to be neg-
atively labeled as effeminate. Women, on the other hand, are freer to use their entire pitch range,
which they often
Previous: Doingdo when expressing
Fieldwork: Methods inemotion, especially excitement. When a woman is a televi-
Cultural Anthropology
sion news announcer, she will modulate the pitch of her voice to a sound more typical of a man in
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order to be perceived as more credible. Women tend to use minimal responses in a conversa-
tion more than men. These are the vocal indications that one is listening to a speaker, such as m-
hm, yeah, I see, wow, and so forth. They tend to face their conversation partners more and use
more eye contact than men. This is one reason women often complain that men do not listen to
them.
Deborah Tannen, a professor of linguistics at Georgetown University in Washington, D.C., has
done research for many years on language and gender. Her basic finding is that in conversation
women tend to use styles that are relatively cooperative, to emphasize an equal relationship, while
men seem to talk in a more competitive way in order to establish their positions in a hierarchy.
She emphasizes that both men and women may be cooperative and competitive in different ways.
[7]
Other societies have very different standards for gendered speech styles. In Madagascar, men
use a very flowery style of talk, using proverbs, metaphors and riddles to indirectly make a point
and to avoid direct confrontation. The women on the other hand speak bluntly and say directly
what is on their minds. Both admire men’s speech and think of women’s speech as inferior. When
a man wants to convey a negative message to someone, he will ask his wife to do it for him. In ad-
dition, women control the marketplaces where tourists bargain for prices because it is impossible
to bargain with a man who will not speak directly. It is for this reason that Malagasy women are
relatively independent economically.
In Japan, women were traditionally expected to be subservient to men and speak using a “femi-
nine” style, appropriate for their position as wife and mother, but the Japanese culture has been
changing in recent decades so more and more women are joining the work force and achieving
positions of relative power. Such women must find ways of speaking to maintain their feminine
identities and at the same time express their authority in interactions with men, a challenging bal-
ancing act. Women in the United States do as well, to a certain extent. Even Margaret Thatcher,
prime minister of England, took speech therapy lessons to “feminize” her language use while
maintaining an expression of authority.
The Deaf Culture and Signed Languages
Deaf people constitute a linguistic minority in many societies worldwide based on their com-
mon experience of life. This often results in their identification with a local Deaf culture. Such a
culture may include shared beliefs, attitudes, values, norms, and values, like any other culture, and
it is invariably marked by communication through the use of a sign language. It is not enough to
be physically deaf (spelled with a lower case “d”) to belong to a Deaf culture (written with a capital
“D”).Previous:
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one does not even
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Identification with a Deaf culture is a personal
choice. It can include family members of deaf people or anyone else who associates with deaf peo-
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ple, as long as the community accepts them. Especially important, members of Deaf culture are
expected to be competent communicators in the sign language of the culture. In fact, there have
been profoundly deaf people who were not accepted into the local Deaf community because they
could not sign. In some deaf schools, at least in the United States, the practice has been to teach
deaf children how to lip read and speak orally, and to prevent them from using a signed system.
They were expected to blend in with the hearing community as much as possible. This is called
the oralist approach to education, but it is considered by members of the Deaf community to be
a threat to the existence of their culture. For the same reason, the development of cochlear im-
plants, which can restore hearing for some deaf children, has been controversial in U.S. Deaf
communities. The members often have a positive attitude toward their deafness and do not con-
sider it to be a disability. To them, regaining hearing represents disloyalty to the group and a de-
sire to leave it.
According to the World Federation of the Deaf, there are over 200 distinct sign languages in
the world, which are not mutually comprehensible. They are all considered by linguists to be true
languages, consistent with linguistic definitions of all human languages. They differ only in the
fact that they are based on a gestural-visual rather than a vocal-auditory sensory mode. Each is a
true language with basic units comparable to phonemes but composed of hand positions, shapes,
and movements, plus some facial expressions. Each has its own unique set of morphemes and
grammatical rules. American Sign Language (ASL), too, is a true language separate from English;
it is not English on the hands. Like all other signed languages, it is possible to sign with a word-
for-word translation from English, using finger spelling for some words, which is helpful in
teaching the deaf to read, but they prefer their own language, ASL, for ordinary interactions. Of
course, Deaf culture identity intersects with other kinds of cultural identity, like nationality, eth-
nicity, gender, class, and sexual orientation, so each Deaf culture is not only small but very
diverse.
LANGUAGE CHANGE: HISTORICAL LINGUISTICS
Recall the language universal stating that all languages change over time. In fact, it is not possi-
ble to keep them from doing so. How and why does this happen? The study of how languages
change is known as historical linguistics. The processes, both historical and linguistic, that
cause language change can affect all of its systems: phonological, morphological, lexical, syntactic,
and semantic.
Historical linguists have placed most of the languages of the world into taxonomies, groups of
languages classified together based on words that have the same or similar meanings. Language
Previous: create
taxonomies Doing Fieldwork:
something Methods in Cultural
like a family treeAnthropology
of languages. For example, words in the Romance
family of languages, called sister languages, show great similarities to each other because
Next: they
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have all derived from the same “mother” language, Latin (the language of Rome). In turn, Latin is
considered a “sister” language to Sanskrit (once spoken in India and now the mother language of
many of India’s modern languages, and still the language of the Hindu religion) and classical
Greek. Their “mother” language is called “Indo-European,” which is also the mother (or grand-
mother!) language of almost all the rest of European languages.
Let’s briefly examine the history of the English language as an example of these processes of
change. England was originally populated by Celtic peoples, the ancestors of today’s Irish, Scots,
and Welsh. The Romans invaded the islands in the first-century AD, bringing their Latin lan-
guage with them. This was the edge of their empire; their presence there was not as strong as it
was on the European mainland. When the Roman Empire was defeated in about 500 AD by Ger-
manic speaking tribes from northern Europe (the “barbarians”), a number of those related Ger-
manic languages came to be spoken in various parts of what would become England. These in-
cluded the languages of the Angles and the Saxons, whose names form the origin of the term An-
glo-Saxon and of the name of England itself—Angle-land. At this point, the languages spoken in
England included those Germanic languages, which gradually merged as various dialects of Eng-
lish, with a small influence from the Celtic languages, some Latin from the Romans, and a large
influence from Viking invaders. This form of English, generally referred to as Old English, lasted
for about 500 years. In 1066 AD, England was invaded by William the Conqueror from Nor-
mandy, France. New French rulers brought the French language. French is a Latin-based lan-
guage, and it is by far the greatest source of the Latin-based words in English today; almost 10,000
French words were adopted into the English of the time period. This was the beginning of
Middle English, which lasted another 500 years or so.
The change to Modern English had two main causes. One was the invention of the printing
press in the fifteenth-century, which resulted in a deliberate effort to standardize the various di-
alects of English, mostly in favor of the dialect spoken by the elite. The other source of change,
during the fifteenth and sixteenth-centuries, was a major shift in the pronunciation of many of
the vowels. Middle English words like hus and ut came to be pronounced house and out. Many
other vowel sounds also changed in a similar manner.
None of the early forms of English are easily recognizable as English to modern speakers. Here
is an example of the first two lines of the Lord’s Prayer in Old English, from 995 AD, before the
Norman Invasion:
Fæder ūre, ðū ðē eart on heofonum,

Sī ðīn nama gehālgod.
Here are the same two lines in Middle English, English spoken from 1066 AD until about 1500
AD. These are taken from the Wycliffe Bible in 1389 AD:
Our fadir that art in heuenes,
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halwid be thi name. [8]
The following late Middle English/early Modern English version from the 1526 AD Tyndale
Bible, shows some of the results of grammarians’ efforts to standardize spelling and vocabulary
for wider distribution of the printed word due to the invention of the printing press:
O oure father which arte in heven,

halowed be thy name.
And finally, this example is from the King James Version of the Bible, 1611 AD, in the early Mod-
ern English language of Shakespeare. It is almost the same archaic form that modern Christians
use.
Our father which art in heauen,

hallowed be thy name.
Over the centuries since the beginning of Modern English, it has been further affected by expo-
sure to other languages and dialects worldwide. This exposure brought about new words and
changed meanings of old words. More changes to the sound systems resulted from phonological
processes that may or may not be attributable to the influence of other languages. Many other
changes, especially in recent decades, have been brought about by cultural and technological
changes that require new vocabulary to deal with them.
Try This: Just think of all the words we use today that have either changed their primary meanings, or are com-
pletely new: mouse and mouse pad, google, app, computer (which used to be a person who computes!), texting,
cool, cell, gay. How many more can you think of?
GLOBALIZATION AND LANGUAGE
Globalization is the spread of people, their cultures and languages, products, money, ideas, and
information around the world. Globalization is nothing new; it has been happening throughout
the existence of humans, but for the last 500 years it has been increasing in its scope and pace, pri-
marily due to improvements in transportation and communication. Beginning in the fifteenth-
century, English explorers started spreading their language to colonies in all parts of the world.
English is now one of the three or four most widely spoken languages. It has official status in at
least 60 countries, and it is widely spoken in many others. Other colonizers also spread their lan-
guages, especially Spanish, French, Portuguese, Arabic, and Russian. Like English, each has its re-
Next: Subsistence
gional variants. One effect of colonization has often been the suppression of local languages in
favor of the language of the more powerful colonizers.
In the past half century, globalization has been dominated by the spread of North American
popular culture and language to other countries. Today it is difficult to find a country that does
not have American music, movies and television programs, or Coca Cola and McDonald’s, or
many other artifacts of life in the United States, and the English terms that go with them.
In addition, people are moving from rural areas to cities in their own countries, or they are mi-
grating to other countries in unprecedented numbers. Many have moved because they are
refugees fleeing violence, or they found it increasingly difficult to survive economically in their
own countries. This mass movement of people has led to the on-going extinction of large num-
bers of the world’s languages as people abandon their home regions and language in order to as-
similate into their new homes.
Language Shift, Language Maintenance, and Language Death
Of the approximately 6,000 languages still surviving today, about half the world’s more than
seven billion people speak only ten. These include Mandarin Chinese, two languages from India,
Spanish, English, Arabic, Portuguese, Russian, Japanese, and German. Many of the rest of the
world’s languages are spoken by a few thousand people, or even just a few hundred, and most of
them are threatened with extinction, called language death. It has been predicted that by the end
of this century up to 90 percent of the languages spoken today will be gone. The rapid disappear-
ance of so many languages is of great concern to linguists and anthropologists alike. When a lan-
guage is lost, its associated culture and unique set of knowledge and worldview are lost with it
forever. Remember Whorf’s hypothesis. An interesting website shows short videos of the last
speakers of several endangered languages, including one speaking an African “click language.”
Some minority languages are not threatened with extinction, even those that are spoken by a
relatively small number of people. Others, spoken by many thousands, may be doomed. What de-
termines which survive and which do not? Smaller languages that are associated with a specific
country are likely to survive. Others that are spoken across many national boundaries are also less
threatened, such as Quechua, an indigenous language spoken throughout much of South America,
including Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Chile, Bolivia, and Argentina. The great majority of the
world’s languages are spoken by people with minority status in their countries. After all, there are
only about 193 countries in the world, and over 6,000 languages are spoken in them. You can do
the math.
The survival of the language of a given speech community is ultimately based on the accumula-
tionPrevious:
of individual
Doing decisions
Fieldwork: by its speakers
Methods to continue
in Cultural using it or to abandon it. The abandon-
Anthropology
ment of a language in favor of a new one is called language shift. These decisions are usually in-
Next: Subsistence
fluenced by the society’s prevailing attitudes. In the case of a minority speech community that is
surrounded by a more powerful majority, an individual might keep or abandon the native lan-
guage depending on a complex array of factors. The most important factors will be the attitudes
of the minority people toward themselves and their language, and the attitude of the majority to-
ward the minority.
Language represents a marker of identity, an emblem of group membership and solidarity, but
that marker may have a downside as well. If the majority look down on the minority as inferior in
some way and discriminates against them, some members of the minority group may internalize
that attitude and try to blend in with the majority by adopting the majority’s culture and language.
Others might more highly value their identity as a member of that stigmatized group, in spite of
the discrimination by the majority, and continue to speak their language as a symbol of resistance
against the more powerful group. One language that is a minority language when spoken in the
United States and that shows no sign of dying out either there or in the world at large, is Spanish.
It is the primary language in many countries and in the United States it is by far the largest minor-
ity language.
A former student of mine, James Kim (pic-
tured in Figure 3 as a child with his brother),
illustrates some of the common dilemmas a
child of immigrants might go through as he
loses his first language. Although he was born
in California, he spoke only Korean for the
first six years of his life. Then he went to
school, where he was the only Korean child in
Figure 3. James Kim with his brother. his class. He quickly learned English, the lan-
guage of instruction and the language of his
classmates. Under peer pressure, he began refusing to speak Korean, even to his parents, who
spoke little English. His parents tried to encourage him to keep his Korean language and culture
by sending him to Korean school on Saturdays, but soon he refused to attend. As a college stu-
dent, James began to regret the loss of the language of his parents, not to mention his relationship
with them. He tried to take a college class in Korean, but it was too difficult and time consuming.
After consulting with me, he created a six-minute radio piece, called “First Language Attrition:
Why My Parents and I Don’t Speak the Same Language,” while he was an intern at a National
Public Radio station. He interviewed his parents in the piece and was embarrassed to realize he
needed an interpreter.[9] Since that time, he has started taking Korean lessons again, and he took
his first trip to Korea with his family during the summer of 2014. He was very excited about the
prospect of reconnecting with his culture, with his first language, and especially with his parents.
The Korean
Previous: language
Doing as aMethods
Fieldwork: whole isininCultural
no danger of extinction, but many Korean speaking com-
Anthropology
munities of immigrants in the United States, like other minority language groups in many coun-
Next: Subsistence
tries, are having difficulty maintaining their language and culture. Those who are the most suc-
cessful live in large, geographically coherent neighborhoods; they maintain closer ties to their
homeland by frequent visits, telephone, and email contact with relatives. There may also be a
steady stream of new immigrants from the home country. This is the case with most Spanish
speaking communities in the United States, but it is less so with the Korean community.[10]
Another example of an oppressed minority group that has struggled with language and culture
loss is Native Americans. Many were completely wiped out by the European colonizers, some by
deliberate genocide but the great majority (up to 90 percent) by the diseases that the white explor-
ers brought with them, against which the Native Americans had no immunity. In the twentieth-
century, the American government stopped trying to kill Native Americans but instead tried to
assimilate them into the white majority culture. It did this in part by forcing Native American
children to go to boarding schools where they were required to cut their hair, practice Christiani-
ty, and speak only English. When they were allowed to go back home years later, they had lost
their languages and their culture, but had not become culturally “white” either. The status of Na-
tive Americans in the nineteenth and twentieth-centuries as a scorned minority prompted many
to hide their ethnic identities even from their own children. In this way, the many hundreds of
original Native American languages in the United States have dwindled to less than 140 spoken
today, according to UNESCO. More than half of those could disappear in the next few years, since
many are spoken by only a handful of older members of their tribes. However, a number of Native
American tribes have recently been making efforts to revive their languages and cultures, with
the help of linguists and often by using texts and old recordings made by early linguists like Ed-
ward Sapir.
Revitalization of Indigenous Languages
A fascinating example of a tribal language revitalization program is that of the Wampanoag

tribe in Massachusetts. The Wampanoag were the Native Americans who met the Puritans when
they landed at Plymouth Rock, helped them survive the first winter, and who were with them at
the first Thanksgiving. The contemporary descendants of that historic tribe still live in Mass-
achusetts, but bringing back their language was not something Wampanoag people had ever
thought possible because no one had spoken it for more than a century.
A young Wampanoag woman named Jessie Little Doe Baird (pictured in Figure 4 with her
daughter Mae) was inspired by a series of dreams in which her ancestors spoke to her in their lan-
guage, which she of course did not understand. She eventually earned a master’s degree in Algo-
nquian linguistics at Massachusetts Institute of Technology in Boston and launched a project to
bring her language
Previous: back from
Doing Fieldwork: the dead.
Methods This process
in Cultural was made possible by the existence of a large
Anthropology
collection of documents, including copies of the King James Bible, written phonetically in
Next: Subsistence
Wampanoag during the seventeenth and

eighteenth-centuries. She also worked
with speakers of languages related to the
Algonquian family to help in the recon-
struction of the language. The community
has established a school to teach the lan-
guage to the children and promote its use
among the entire community. Her daugh-
ter Mae is among the first new native
Figure 4. Jessie Little Doe Baird with daughter Mae. Photo courtesy speakers of Wampanoag.[11]
of Cultural Survival and Make Peace Productions
How Is the Digital Age Changing

Communication?
The invention of the printing press in the fifteenth-century was just the beginning of techno-
logical transformations that made the spread of information in European languages and ideas pos-
sible across time and space using the printed word. Recent advances in travel and digital technol-
ogy are rapidly transforming communication; now we can be in contact with almost anyone, any-
where, in seconds. However, it could be said that the new age of instantaneous access to every-
thing and everyone is actually continuing a social divide that started with the printing press.
In the fifteenth-century, few people could read and write, so only the tiny educated minority
were in a position to benefit from printing. Today, only those who have computers and the skills
to use them, the educated and relatively wealthy, have access to this brave new world of commu-
nication. Some schools have adopted computers and tablets for their students, but these schools
are more often found in wealthier neighborhoods. Thus, technology is continuing to contribute
to the growing gap between the economic haves and the have-nots.
There is also a digital generation gap between the young, who have grown up with computers,
and the older generations, who have had to learn to use computers as adults. These two genera-
tions have been referred to as digital natives and digital immigrants.[12] The difference between
the two groups can be compared to that of children versus adults learning a new language; learn-
ing is accomplished much more easily by the young.
Computers, and especially social media, have made it possible for millions of people to connect
with each other for purposes of political activism, including “Occupy Wall Street” in the United
States and the “Arab Spring” in the Middle East. Some anthropologists have introduced comput-
ers and cell phones to the people they studied in remote areas, and in this way they were able to
stayPrevious:
in contact after
Doing finishingMethods
Fieldwork: their ethnographic work. Those people, in turn, were now able to
in Cultural Anthropology
have greater access to the outside world.
Next: Subsistence
Facebook and Twitter are becoming key elements in the survival of a number of endangered
indigenous languages. Facebook is now available in over 70 languages, and Twitter in about 40
languages. For example, a website has been created that seeks to preserve Anishinaabemowin, an
endangered Native American language from Michigan. The language has 8,000-10,000 speakers,
but most of the native speakers are over 70 years old, which means the language is threatened
with extinction. Modern social media are an ideal medium to help encourage young people to
communicate in their language to keep it alive.[13] Clearly, language and communication through
modern technology are in the forefront of a rapidly changing world, for better or for worse. It’s
anybody’s guess what will happen next.
Discussion Questions
How do you think modern communication technologies like cell phones and comput-
ers are changing how people communicate? Is the change positive or negative?
How is language related to social and economic inequality? Do you think that attitudes
about language varieties have affected you and/or your family?
How has the use of specific terms in the news helped to shape public opinion? For ex-
ample, what are the different implications of the terms terrorist versus freedom fight-
er? Downsizing versus firing staff at a company? Euphemistic terms used in reference
to war include friendly fire, pacification, collateral damage? Can you think of other
examples?
Think about the different styles you use when speaking to your siblings and parents,
your friends, your significant other, your professors, your grandparents. What are
some of the specific differences among these styles? What do these differences indicate
about the power relationships between you and others?
GLOSSARY
Arbitrariness: the relationship between a symbol and its referent (meaning), in which there is
no obvious connection between them.
Bound morpheme: a unit of meaning that cannot stand alone; it must be attached to another
morpheme.
Closed system: a form of communication that cannot create new meanings or messages; it can
only convey pre-programmed (innate) messages. Next: Subsistence
Code-switching: using two or more language varieties in a particular interaction.

Creole: a language that develops from a pidgin when the pidgin becomes so widely used that chil-
dren acquire it as one of their first languages. Creoles are more fully complex than creoles.
Critical age range hypothesis: research suggesting that a child will gradually lose the ability to
acquire language naturally and without effort if he or she is not exposed to other people speaking
a language until past the age of puberty. This applies to the acquisition of a second language as
well.
Cultural transmission: the need for some aspects of the system to be learned; a feature of some
species’ communication systems.
Design features: descriptive characteristics of the communication systems of all species, includ-
ing that of humans, proposed by linguist Charles Hockett to serve as a definition of human lan-
guage.
Dialect: a variety of speech. The term is often applied to a subordinate variety of a language.
Speakers of two dialects of the same language do not necessarily always understand each other.
Discreteness: a feature of human speech that they can be isolated from others.
Displacement: the ability to communicate about things that are outside of the here and now.
Duality of patterning: at the first level of patterning, meaningless discrete sounds of speech are
combined to form words and parts of words that carry meaning. In the second level of patterning,
those units of meaning are recombined to form an infinite possible number of longer messages
such as phrases and sentences.
Gesture-call system: a system of non-verbal communication using varying combinations of
sound, body language, scent, facial expression, and touch, typical of great apes and other primates,
as well as humans.
Historical linguistics: the study of how languages change.
Interchangeability: the ability of all individuals of the species to both send and receive mes-
sages; a feature of some species’ communication systems.
Kinesics: the study of all forms of human body language.
Language: an idealized form of speech, usually referred to as the standard variety.
Language death: the total extinction of a language.
Language shift: when a community stops using their old language and adopts a new one.
Language universals: characteristics shared by all linguists.
Larynx: the voice box, containing the vocal bands that produce the voice.
Lexicon: the vocabulary of a language.
Linguistic relativity: the idea that the structures and words of a language influence how its
speakers think, how they behave, and ultimately the culture itself (also known as the Whorf Hy-
pothesis).
Middle English:
Previous: Doing the form of
Fieldwork: the English
Methods language
in Cultural spoken from 1066 AD until about 1500 AD.
Anthropology
Minimal response: the vocal indications that one is listening to a speaker.
Next: Subsistence
Modern English: the form of the English language spoken from about 1500 AD to the present.
Morphemes: the basic meaningful units in a language.
Morphology: the study of the morphemes of language.
Old English: English language from its beginnings to about 1066 AD.
Open system: a form of communication that can create an infinite number of new messages; a
feature of human language only.
Oralist approach: an approach to the education of deaf children that emphasizes lip reading and
speaking orally while discouraging use of signed language.
Palate: the roof of the mouth.
Paralanguage: those characteristics of speech beyond the actual words spoken, such as pitch,
loudness, tempo.
Pharynx: the throat cavity, located above the larynx.
Phonemes: the basic meaningless sounds of a language.
Phonology: the study of the sounds of language.
Pidgin: a simplified language that springs up out of a situation in which people who do not share
a language must spend extended amounts of time together.
Pragmatic function: the useful purpose of a communication. Usefulness is a feature of all
species’ communication systems.
Pragmatics: how social context contributes to meaning in an interaction.
Productivity/creativity: the ability to produce and understand messages that have never been
expressed before.
Proxemics: the study of the social use of space, including the amount of space an individual tries
to maintain around himself in his interactions with others.
Register: a style of speech that varies depending on who is speaking to whom and in what con-
text.
Semanticity: the meaning of signs in a communication system; a feature of all species’ communi-
cation systems.
Semantics: how meaning is conveyed at the word and phrase level.
Speech act: the intention or goal of an utterance; the intention may be different from the dictio-
nary definitions of the words involved.
Standard: the variant of any language that has been given special prestige in the community.
Symbol: anything that serves to refer to something else.
Syntax: the rules by which a language combines morphemes into larger units.
Taxonomies: a system of classification.
Universal grammar (UG): a theory developed by linguist Noam Chomsky suggesting that a ba-
sic template for all human languages is embedded in our genes.
Unbound
Previous:morpheme: a morpheme
Doing Fieldwork: Methods inthat can stand
Cultural alone as a separate word.
Anthropology
Next: Subsistence
Vernaculars: non-standard varieties of a language, which are usually distinguished from the
standard by their inclusion of stigmatized forms.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Linda Light has been a lecturer in linguistic and cultural anthropology at Cali-
fornia State University Long Beach since 1995. During much of that period she
also taught as adjunct professor at Cypress College, Santa Ana College, Rancho
Santiago College, and Golden West College, all in Orange County, California.
She was a consultant to Coastline Community College District in the produc-
tion of thirty-five educational videos that were used in three series, including the cultural anthro-
pology series Our Diverse World. Her main areas of interest have been indigenous language loss
and maintenance, language and gender, and first language attrition in the children of immigrants.
1. You can find a documentary film about Genie via Google or YouTube under the title Genie,
Secret of the Wild Child, a NOVA production. ↵
2. Adapted here from Nick Cipollone, Steven Keiser, and Shravan Vasishth, Language Files
(Columbus: Ohio State University Press 1998), 20-23. ↵
3. John McWhorter, The Power of Babel: A Natural History of Language (New York: Times
Books, Henry Holt, 2001), 53. ↵
4. William Labov, The Social Stratification of English in New York City (Cambridge, UK: Cam-
bridge University Press, 1964). ↵
5. Trudy Ann Parker, Aunt Sarah, Woman of the Dawnland (Lancaster, NH, Dawnland Publica-
tions 1994), 56. ↵
6. George Lakoff and Mark Johnson, Metaphors We Live By (Chicago and London: The Univer-
sity of Chicago Press, 1980), 4-5. ↵
7. For more information see Deborah Tannen, Gender and Discourse (Oxford, UK: Oxford Uni-
versity Press, 1996). Or, Deborah Tannen, You Just Don’t Understand: Women and Men in Con-
versation (New York: Harper Collins, 2010). ↵
8. From Wikipedia: History of the Lord’s Prayer in English. ↵
9. You can hear the 6-minute piece at
http://www.scpr.org/programs/offramp/2012/04/05/25912/first-language-attrition-why-
my-parents-and-i-dont/ ↵
10. From François Grosjean, Life with Two Languages: An Introduction to Bilingualism (Cambridge,
Mass: Harvard University Press, 1982), chapter two. ↵
11. Filmmaker Anne Makepeace created a documentary of the story, called We Still Live Here: Âs
Nutayuneân, which PBS broadcast in 2010. You can watch the clips from the video online. ↵
Next: Subsistence
12. Terms first coined by John Palfrey and Urs Gasser, Born Digital: Understanding the First Gener-
ation of Digital Native (New York, Basic Books, 2008). ↵
13. Lydia Emmanouilidou, For Rare Languages, Social Media Provide New Hope.
http://www.npr.org/sections/alltechconsidered/2014/07/26/333732206/for-rare-lan-
guages-social-media-provide-new-hope ↵
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Perspectives: An Open Introduction to Cultural Anthropology, 2nd Edition

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5/28/24, 9:44 PM Language – Perspectives: An Open Introduction to Cultural Anthropology, 2nd Edition

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PERSPECTIVES: AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY, 2ND

Linda Light, California State University, Long Beach

Describe the structures of language: phonemes, morphemes, syntax, semantics, and

THE IMPORTANCE OF HUMAN LANGUAGE TO HUMAN CULTURE

Students in my cultural anthropology classes are required to memorize a six-point thumbnail

1. An integrated system of mental elements (beliefs, values, worldview, attitudes, norms),

2. A system shared by the members of the society;

3. 100 percent learned, not innate;

4. Based on symbolic systems, the most important of which is language;

5. Humankind’s most important adaptive mechanism, and

THE BIOLOGICAL BASIS OF LANGUAGE

Language Acquisition in Childhood

The Gesture Call System and Non-Verbal Human Communication

that are consistent with their verbal

Kinesics is the term used to des-

HUMAN LANGUAGE COMPARED WITH THE COMMUNICATION

Hockett’s Design Features

The communication systems of all species share the following features:

1. A mode of communication by which messages are transmitted through a system of signs,

2. Semanticity: the signs carry meaning for the users, and

Only true human language also has the following characteristics:

7. Discreteness: every human language is made up of a small number of meaningless discrete

1. All human cultures have a human language and use it to communicate.

4. All languages are symbolic systems.

DESCRIPTIVE LINGUISTICS: STRUCTURES OF LANGUAGE

The Sounds of Language: Phonemes

The Units That Carry Meaning: Morphemes

A morpheme is a minimal unit of meaning in a language; a morpheme cannot be broken

The Structure of Phrases and Sentences: Syntax

Conveying Meaning in Language: Semantics and Pragmatics

LANGUAGE VARIATION: SOCIOLINGUISTICS

Languages Versus Dialects

How Does Language Variation Develop?

What Is a “Standard” Variety of a Language?

Linguistic Relativity: The Whorf Hypothesis

Previous: Doing Fieldwork: Methods in Cultural Anthropology

LANGUAGE IN ITS SOCIAL SETTINGS: LANGUAGE AND IDENTITY

Language and Gender

The Deaf Culture and Signed Languages

LANGUAGE CHANGE: HISTORICAL LINGUISTICS

Fæder ūre, ðū ðē eart on heofonum,

halwid be thi name. [8]

O oure father which arte in heven,

Our father which art in heauen,

GLOBALIZATION AND LANGUAGE

Language Shift, Language Maintenance, and Language Death

Revitalization of Indigenous Languages

A fascinating example of a tribal language revitalization program is that of the Wampanoag

Wampanoag during the seventeenth and

How Is the Digital Age Changing

Code-switching: using two or more language varieties in a particular interaction.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Perspectives: An Open Introduction to Cultural Anthropology, 2nd Edition

Guides and Tutorials | Pressbooks Directory | Contact

Previous: Doing Fieldwork: Methods in Cultural Anthropology

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