Somatizationand Psychosomatic Symptoms
Somatizationand Psychosomatic Symptoms
Somatizationand Psychosomatic Symptoms
Somatiza
tion and
Psychoso
matic
Symptom
s
Somatization and Psychosomatic Symptoms
Kyung Bong Koh
Editor
Somatization and
Psychosomatic Symptoms
Editor
Kyung Bong Koh
Department of Psychiatry
Yonsei University College of Medicine
Seodaemun-gu, Seoul, Korea
v
vi Preface
Contents
ix
x Part IV Practical Approaches to
Patients and Family
Contents
Contributors
Matteo Bruscoli, M.D. Societa Italina Medicina Psichosomatica, Italy, Affi liated
to Institute of Psychosomatic Medicine, Sweden
Sung Hee Cho, Ph.D. Christian Studies Division , Baekseok University, Cheonan
, Chungnam Province , Korea
Byung-il William Choi, M.D. Division of Cardiology , Medical College of
Wisconsin , Milwaukee , WI , USA
Sae-il Chun, M.D. Department of Integrative Medicine, The Graduate School of
Integrative Medicine , CHA University, Sungnam City , Kyeonggi Province ,
Korea
Giovanni Andrea Fava, M.D. Laboratory of Psychosomatics and Clinimetrics,
Department of Psychology , University of Bologna, Bologna , Italy Department
of Psychiatry, State University of New York at Buffalo , Buffalo , NY , USA
Arnstein Finset, Ph.D. Department of Behavioural Sciences in Medicine,
Institute of Basic Medical Sciences, Faculty of Medicine, University of Oslo,
Blindern, Oslo, Norway
Gabor I. Keitner, M.D. Department of Psychiatry, Rhode Island and Miriam
Hospitals , Brown University , Providence , RI , USA
Woesook Kim, Ph.D. Clinical Psychology , College of Nursing Art and Science,
University of Hyogo , Akashi, Hyogo , Japan
Kyung Bong Koh, M.D., Ph.D. Department of Psychiatry , Yonsei University
College of Medicine, Seodaemun-gu , Seoul , Korea
Gen Komaki, M.D., Ph.D. School of Health Sciences at Fukuoka , International
University of Health and Welfare, Ohkawa, Fukuoka , Japan
Jun-Won Lee, M.D. Division of Cardiology, Department of Internal Medicine ,
Yonsei University Wonju College of Medicine, Gangwon Province , Korea
xiii
xiv Contributors
1.1 Introduction
Although retained and enlarged in the DSM-IV, somatoform disorders have been
the subject of continuing criticism by both professionals and patients [ 5 ]. Many
clinicians believe that the current terminology and classifi cation system performs
poorly in respect to the functions of diagnosis [ 5 ]. First, the terminology is
unacceptable to patients. Second, the category is inherently dualistic. Third,
somatoform disorders do not form a coherent category. Fourth, somatoform
disorders are incompatible with other cultures. Fifth, there is ambiguity in the
stated exclusion criteria. Sixth, somatoform disorders are unreliable. Seventh,
somatoform disorders lack a clearly defi ned threshold. Finally, somatoform
disorders cause confusion in disputes over medical-legal and insurance
entitlements.
are no signifi cant differences in the levels of somatic symptoms and anxiety
among the three disorders. These diagnoses were made by psychiatrists.
Therefore, somatoform disorders are similar to anxiety disorders in the severity of
somatic symptoms and depression, but both disorders are different from
depressive disorders in the levels of depression.
1.2.2 Attribution
Patients with somatoform disorder scored signifi cantly higher on the Stress
Response Inventory (SRI) anger subscale than normal controls [ 29 ]. Somatoform
disorder or anxiety disorder patients are less likely to have high levels of anger
than depressive disorder patients [ 29 ]. Somatic symptoms in anxiety disorder [
30 ] and somatoform disorder [ 31 ] patients are associated with anger
suppression, whereas somatic symp
toms in depressive disorder patients are more associated with anger expression [ 31
] (Figs. 1.1 , 1.2 , and 1.3 ). Therefore, in terms of anger levels and the relationship
between anger management style and somatic symptoms, somatoform disorders
are similar to anxiety disorders but are different from depressive disorders.
1.2.5 Alexithymia
7
Anger-In Depression Anxiety Somatic Symptoms −0.22*
Anger-Out
Bentler’s comparative fit index : 0.93 R2= 0.70
* Indicates coefficients of Pearson correlation
Fig. 1.1 The relation between anger management style, mood, and somatic symptoms in anxiety
disorders (From Koh et al. [ 30 ])
Anger-In
0.52*
Fig. 1.2 The relation between anger management style, mood, and somatic symptoms in somato
form disorders (From Koh et al. [ 30 ])
0.84 0.80
Depression Somatic Symptoms
*−0.20
*0.59
Anxiety Anger-In
Bentler’s comparative fit index : 0.93 R2= 0.65 * :
Anger-Out
Fig. 1.3 The relation between anger management style, mood, and somatic symptoms in depres
sive disorders
In patients with somatoform pain disorder, alexithymia was negatively correlated
with quality of life [ 34 ]. Patients with tension headache were signifi cantly more
alexithy mic than patients with anxiety disorders and depressive disorders [ 35 ].
However, the correlation between alexithymia and somatization has not been
established [ 32 ].
8 1.2.6 Cognitive Factors
K.B. Koh
1.2.9 Culture
There have been few studies on the comparison of immune function between
somatoform disorder patients and healthy controls. One study showed reduced lym
phocyte proliferation in patients with undifferentiated somatoform disorder com
pared with normal controls [ 58 ].
1 Identity of Somatoform Disorders…
11
When compared with normal controls, panic disorder patients were found to
have a wide range of lymphocyte proliferative response to mitogens: decreased [
59 ], normal [ 60 , 61 ], or increased [ 62 ]. However, several additional studies
observed reduced blas togenic response to the mitogens PHA [ 63 , 64 ] and PWM
[ 59 ], as well as reduced serum IL-2 production level [ 64 ] in patients with
anxiety disorders, especially panic disorder. Moreover, patients with panic
disorder had signifi cantly lower levels of CD4+ than depressive disorder patients
[ 65 ].
In patients with depressive disorders, meta-analytic approaches to the literature
showed statistically reliable decreases in T cell responses [ 66 , 67 ], although there
have been both successful and unsuccessful replication attempts.
Table 1.1 Controversial subgroups of somatoform disorders and potential new classifi cation
DSM-IV Potential new classifi cation Hypochondriasis Anxiety disorder (e.g., illness anxiety
disorder) Body dysmorphic disorder Obsessive-compulsive disorder Conversion disorder
Dissociative (conversion) disorder (ICD-10) Pain disorder Somatoform pain disorder (DSM-III)
Somatization disorder
Undifferentiated somatoform disorder Somatization disorder
Functional psychosomatic disorders Autonomic somatoform disorder (e.g., IBS, tension
headache, functional dyspepsia)
Somatoform disorder not otherwise specifi ed Nonspecifi c somatoform disorder DSM-IV
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual, 4th edition, ICD-10 International Classifi cation of Diseases,
10th revision, IBS irritable bowel syndrome
12 1.5 Conclusions
K.B. Koh
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Part II
Theoretical
Approaches to
Mind and Body
Chapter 2
Toward a Philosophy of Life to
Underpin Personhood in Medicine
2.1 Introduction
Hans Jonas has broken new ground in the history of Gnosticism [ 1 ] and
modernity [ 2 ], medical ethics [ 3 ], and philosophical biology [ 4 ]. He has been
embraced by people on the political left and others on the political right. Our
presentation draws on his interpretation of modernity and his attempt in his
philosophical biology to provide a new path out of some of the dead ends of
modernity. As Jonas knew, these concerns have a direct bearing on how we think
about medicine.
Modern medicine has enjoyed much success by drawing on those sciences
which study the most elementary components of living beings, namely, the
sciences of physics, chemistry, genetics, and others. There can be no doubt that
these basic sciences do and will play large roles in helping to explain and treat
diseases and injuries of various kinds. However, such sciences fall far short in
providing for medical practitioners, especially clinicians, a conception of the
patient as a living human self that is needed for the practical purposes of
healthcare.
O. P. Wiggins , Ph.D.
Philosophy Department , 313 Bingham Humanities Building,
University of Louisville , Louisville , KY 40292 , USA
e-mail: [email protected]
M. A. Schwartz , M.D. (*)
Departments of Humanities in Medicine and Psychiatry ,
Texas A&M Health Science Center College of Medicine,
Round Rock Campus , 3950 North A. W. Grimes Blvd , Round Rock , TX 78665 ,
USA e-mail: [email protected]
In its approach this chapter is divided into two main sections: historical
background and conditions for life. The two sections are continuous with one
another by drawing on the philosophy of living beings developed by Hans Jonas.
In historical background, we shall briefl y sketch the history of modern
conceptions of human life which lead to our present-day puzzlement. This sketch
will lead to the recognition of the mind/body problem as the persistent intellectual
framework from which we still have not succeeded in escaping. As the new
sciences of nature emerged in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, a
philosophical framework for trying to unify the ever-expanding multiplicity of
theories and concepts took shape. This framework consisted in a hierarchy of the
sciences, each higher level science being theoretically dependent upon the
concepts and laws of sciences of the lower levels. This hierarchy of the sciences,
however, gave rise to an attempt to simplify them all by proposing an all-
encompassing naturalism, the philosophy that all the sciences would (and must)
someday be reduced to physics. Reductionistic naturalism has never proven to
fully satisfy the modern mind, however, and consequently the mind/body dualism
persisted to thwart attempts to see living beings – human beings in particular – as
unifi ed wholes. Present-day efforts in medicine to make overall sense of the
patient as a person thus encounter road blocks.
2.2 Historical Background
By placing its confi dence in the ability of physics, chemistry, and other such
funda mental sciences to furnish its conceptual base, medicine adheres to an
understanding of the relations among the sciences that is at least a century and a
half old. In the middle of the nineteenth century, Auguste Comte was the fi rst
thinker to explicitly set forth an ordering of the sciences into a hierarchy that is
tacitly taken for granted today [ 5 ]. According to this hierarchy mathematics is the
most fundamental of the sciences. It is the most fundamental because it articulates
the formal relations of the elements of any science whatsoever. Founded on
mathematics and logically presup posing it is physics. Based on physics and
presupposing it is chemistry. Based on chemistry and logically rooted in it is
biology. Founded on all of these natural sci ences are the social sciences, such as
psychology and sociology. The social sciences differ from the natural sciences
because the social sciences fall into no particular rank ordering among themselves;
logically and conceptually they seem to reside on the same level. Comte claimed
that this hierarchy followed two principles: (1) a science
2 Toward a Philosophy of Life to Underpin Personhood in Medicine
21
was more basic if it was more comprehensive or more inclusive and (2) a science
was more basic if its components were simpler. Hence, to illustrate the fi rst
principle, physics was more comprehensive than chemistry because all chemical
realities are physical, but not all physical realities are chemical. And, to illustrate
the second prin
ciple, the constituents of physical realities that physics studies are simpler in their
makeup than are the constituents of chemical realities; the elements of chemistry
include elements of physics plus something more, something that renders them dis
tinctively chemical.
This conception of the hierarchical dependencies among the sciences continues
to dominate our thinking to the present day. Because the hierarchy entails that the
higher level sciences are conceptually based on the lower level ones, repeated
attempts have been made to simplify the overall picture of the universe by showing
how the higher level sciences can be reduced to the lower level ones.
Now “reductionism” in the sciences can be understood in different senses. The
way in which we understand it here is that a higher level science is reduced to a
lower level one if the higher level science can be logically derived from the con
cepts and laws of the science just below it. Ideally such a reductionism implies that
all the concepts and laws of all the sciences should be reducible to the concepts
and laws of mathematical physics.
A less stringent notion of reductionism is very prominent today. It is called
“naturalism.” It stipulates that any entity that is not physical, chemical, or biologi
cal will ultimately be logically explainable in terms of these natural sciences. In
other words, all realities that are not yet considered natural realities will be in the
future fully explained by the natural sciences. In other words, the natural sciences
will ultimately provide the concepts and laws that explain the whole of reality,
even those parts that are now studied by the social sciences and humanities.
Moreover, it is incumbent on scientists at work today to search for possible
reductionistic con nections. For example, neuroscience is today thought to hold out
the hope for a reduction of mental processes of all sorts to brain structures and
processes, a reduc tion that would ideally eliminate all need to even use the terms
“mental” or “psychological.”
Much of the resistance to such a reductionism arises from the fact that thinkers
in the social sciences and humanities persist in talking about realities and events
that seem to be irreducible. For social sciences to speak of mental processes such
as ideas, emotions, purposes, or moods is for them to use a terminology not
derived from the natural sciences. Modern-day naturalism has a response to such
an “unscientifi c” way of speaking. Talk about mental events of all sorts is thought
by naturalists to be merely a holdover from “folk psychology.” Folk psychology is
simply a prescien
tifi c, commonsensical way of speaking. As genuine science develops, it will
progressively eliminate the need to resort to such nonscientifi c terms, and in their
place we can refer to events and structures in the brain. In other words, the
vocabulary of neuroscience will entirely replace the words of everyday speech,
“folk psycho
logical” words.
22 O.P. Wiggins and M.A. Schwartz
The depositing of all words and concepts of mental events into the despised
category of “folk psychology” illustrates merely the most recent case of having to
fi nd some separate sphere for mind. Since we cannot avoid referring constantly to
mental processes, we seek to circumvent our dependence on them by drawing
strict lines of demarcation between mental events and “true reality,” that is, natural
reality. We are historically familiar with these determined attempts at strict
separation through our troubled heritage of “the mind/body problem.”
From the moment Descartes sought to defi ne the external world as res extensa,
he had to admit that it bore little resemblance to that other, equally real “reality,”
res cogitans [ 6 ]. Thus began the dualism of the two metaphysically different
realms, physical body and nonphysical mind. And, according to some
philosophers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, not only were the
physical and the mental fundamentally different but also they were completely
separate in their operations and laws. For these thinkers, mind did not determine
matter, and matter did not determine mind. On the other hand, some writers sought
to locate a point of mutual interaction – Descartes’ “pineal gland” being the most
well known – while still others recognized the hopelessness of the attempt.
Descartes also defi ned the model of pure nature that the new science of nature
would study. By defi ning the metaphysical basis of the physical realm as res
extensa, Descartes strips it of all properties except its mathematizable ones. Res
extensa means “extended thing” or “extended substance.” By categorizing physical
matter as exclusively extended, Descartes defi nes it as possessing solely
geometrical properties. No other properties belong to it. The mathematization of
reality had at fi rst to take the form of geometrization because analytical geometry
was the most advanced mathematics of Descartes’ time. In other words, what
Descartes was saying was that true nature possesses solely mathematical
properties. The laws of nature must then be formulatable as algebraic equations
and geometrical fi gures. This set the program for future natural science; one can
arrive at the ultimate truth about nature when one can conceptualize its
movements and constituents with mathematical formulae alone. All other
properties of nature were abstractly disre garded. What happens to these abstractly
discarded properties? Do they simply vanish? No, they stubbornly remain in some
form that has now, with the abstraction, been rendered mysterious. But at this
juncture the usefulness of positing a separate domain of res cogitans becomes
clear; everything that was excluded from the sphere of nature can be conveniently
deposited in the sphere of mind.
Let us cite just two examples of the abstractions that were necessary to constitute
the domain of “pure matter,” that is, matter stripped of all properties except mathe
matical ones. Our fi rst example of disregarded features is teleology and, with the
exclusion of goal-directed behavior, the discarding of teleological explanations.
All changes in nature, including alterations in biological organisms, must be
explained as the results of antecedent causal conditions. Already Francis Bacon
had branded teleological explanations as anthropomorphic fallacies: human
2 Toward a Philosophy of Life to Underpin Personhood in Medicine
23
investigators were all too prone to understand natural events in terms of the human
mind. To avoid this, scientists must carefully check this human weakness in
themselves and systematically refrain from seeing goal-directed behavior in things.
The appearance of teleology was an anthropomorphic illusion [ 7 ].
Our other example is the abstraction that systematically disregards values and
norms. The fact/value distinction was fi rmly in place at least by the time of David
Hume (1711–1776). Science was “empirical” only to the extent that it studied a
nature of pure facts [ 8 ]. At this stage, the time of the European Enlightenment,
val
ues were not banished; they were simply confi ned to other disciplines such as
moral or political philosophy.
The usefulness of this modern dualism cannot be overestimated for the early
devel opment of the natural sciences. It allowed these natural scientists to abstract
from everything mental, social, political, economic, and religious and to attend
exclusively to what remained, matter and the physical forces that determined it.
Moreover, natural scientists could apply various idealizations to this matter if
applied to the mind and its workings. The most obvious example here is the
idealization of strict causal determination. If we assert that the changes in matter
are strictly determined by antecedent causal events, we can proceed to seek out
these prior events and their law-governed relations to the ensuing changes.
However, if we apply this idealiza
tion to the investigation of mental changes, we implicitly – if not explicitly – deny
any freedom to the will. If, on the other hand, we conceive of the will as a faculty
of the mind alone, then our dualism of mind and matter allows us to place free will
in the mental realm and strict causal determinism in the physical.
Human thinkers seem, however, to remain unhappy with dualistic systems
which so sharply divide reality into metaphysically different spheres. The thinking
intellect appears to long for a monism, a single unifi ed system into which all of
reality can at least potentially fi t. And therefore as dissatisfactions grew more
troubling in the early modern period, monisms were proposed: idealism, the
monism of mind, and materialism, the monism of matter. But a monism satisfi es
fi nally only if it can absorb the other reality into itself. So idealism must explain
our persistent experi
ences of matter as somehow ultimately a mental reality itself. And similarly, mate
rialism works only if it can successfully account for the persistence of our own
subjective experiences with purely physical concepts. Each, of course, has proven
itself unable to prevail over the other. But it should be remembered that there are
versions of “naturalism” prominent today which still strenuously aspire to a
monism and seek to account for our subjective experiences as somehow or other
merely natural processes in the brain.
processes of chance mutation and natural selection that had produced all other
living beings. Hence, the human mind was incorporated back into the physical
domain, and as a consequence the mind required no other explanation than that
which natural science could now offer. Natural science was thereby seen as
universal: all of reality could be understood in the same basic scientifi c terms and
laws [ 4 ].
This universalizing of scientifi c conceptualization seemed to betoken the
victory of metaphysical materialism. If all of reality could be explained by
science, then all of reality could ultimately be explained in terms of the most basic
constituents that science had uncovered, namely, inorganic matter. Hence, we
need not speak of “mind,” “spirit,” or “soul” anymore except to demonstrate how
even these phenom
ena could be accounted for fully by a law-governed physical causality. Such a
metaphysical materialism, if it could be developed, would signal the victory of
what Gabriel Marcel has called “the spirit of abstraction” and what Alfred North
Whitehead labeled “the fallacy of misplaced concreteness” [ 11 – 13 ]. The “spirit
of abstraction” consists in mistaking parts of reality that have been intellectually
separated out from other parts of the same reality and treating the abstract parts as
actually existing as separate from the other parts. The fallacy of misplaced con
creteness goes one step further and seeks to explain all the other parts of reality as
produced or caused by this privileged part. The intellectually abstracted part is thus
treated as the most “concrete” dimension of reality from which the other
dimensions are derived. In metaphysical materialism this is precisely what has
happened; the part of reality which is inorganic, purely physical matter, the part
studied by physics, has been intellectually abstracted from the other parts of
reality and deemed the primary, fundamental, or basic part.
Hans Jonas’ approach opposes such a privileging of one part of reality and
deeming it the most “concrete” or formative part. Indeed, he opposes all forms of
reduction ism. And he does this precisely by interpreting the Darwinian
breakthrough in a different way. If, in this post-Darwinian age, we must now
account for everything living and nonliving in a unifi ed system of thought, then
we should be able to draw on everything we know about the living and nonliving
in our account of reality. In other words, the Darwinian victory reincorporates into
our understanding of living beings the entire human realm which materialism had
excluded, and it does so with the demand that we now see the living world as a
unifi ed whole. Hence, we seem to be called on to develop a theory of this unitary
whole which is life in both its mental and physical dimensions.
Still it seems we cannot heed this call. We cannot because we in the West have
inherited a centuries-long understanding of life that is dualistic, and this heritage is
not easily discarded. Just as in the past, the unacceptability of dualism has led
merely to the reduction of one side to the other, to either materialism or idealism,
so today the most popular attempt to construct a monism is naturalism which is
nothing other than materialism in a new guise.
This leaves the reality of life, most obviously human life, inconceivable except
by reducing it to one monism or the other. And it is human life, in illness and
health, which centrally concerns medicine. What medicine needs is a non-
dualistic, a post- dualistic, theory of life.
2 Toward a Philosophy of Life to Underpin Personhood in Medicine
25
Hence, the question arises of how to develop such a theory. Obviously we must
fully appreciate what the separate sciences have taught us, but we should view
them all, the natural sciences, the social sciences, and the humanities, as equally
impor tant contributions to the general theory. And yet it is the sprawling
multiplicity of these disciplines that must be overcome. Overcoming it will require
overcoming the one-sidedness and exclusivity that limits each.
What should be the starting point of our inclusive, unifi ed philosophy of life?
Beyond abstract theories, an indispensable beginning for the development of a non
dualistic philosophy of life can be found in the directly and constantly felt reality
of being alive in ourselves. This determines our starting point because here we can
claim privileged access: since we are living beings ourselves, we know what it
means to be alive from our own fi rst-hand experience. Every moment of our lives
we directly expe rience life, life in ourselves and in others. Our most intimate
experience of life is in our own individual lives. But this constant experience of
our own being alive makes it pos sible for us to make sense of the being alive of
other people and, to some extent, of animals. We move beyond abstract theories
here because we cannot imagine a datum more concrete than the experience of
ourselves in our constant living reality. Direct refl ection on this experience
reveals to us the basis of any other experience of life. And such a concrete given is
certainly more basic than any of our theorizing about life [ 14 ].
Quite independently of Jonas, the zoologist Adolf Portmann has put forward
the same idea. In order to develop a non-reductionistic view of all forms of life,
Portmann writes,
… we must, then, also emphasize – more than is usually done –what we owe to the
knowledge of our own inner life for the understanding of all animal existence. There is
also a continu ous stream of interpretation fl owing from our own experience into our
biological work with animals, a stream that can only come from that special wellspring of
our own experience. This subjectivity should not be perfunctorily deemed suspect for
being all too human, but, rather, should be made use of in a meaningful way. The vision
of life looking down from above, from the point of view of the human being is a
necessary complement to the attempt at building from beneath, to proceeding from the
simplest forms. [ 15 ]
Hence, we should be able to start from both sides – from the side of what
science can tell us about inorganic, organic, psychological, and social realities and
from the side of our own direct experience of life in ourselves and in others – and
show how these realities meet in the living being. If dualism is to be discarded,
then we must strive for a unifi ed understanding of life, an understanding that fully
appreciates both the natural processes of the organism and the inward-felt
experiences of being alive. Hence, aiming at their intersection, we shall reason
from both directions.
We do this in the confi dence that life is ultimately one reality, however
complex. Human beings are psychosomatic wholes, and therefore, a theory that
reintegrates psyche with soma can be developed as long as no component of the
whole is short changed. We shall search for features that characterize life as such,
whether “objective” or “subjective.” These features of living beings in general
emerge, in our view, as condi
tions for being alive. If the organism ceases to meet the conditions we shall outline,
it will cease to live. Hence, they might be called “necessary conditions of life.” We
shall now, drawing on Jonas, attempt to describe some of these vital conditions [ 4
, 11 ].
26 2.3 Conditions for Life
O.P. Wiggins and M.A. Schwartz
In this second part of this chapter, we employ the method sketched just above and
seek to lay out conditions for being alive that are found in both the mental and the
more physical dimensions of life. These conditions are the following: (1) the
necessity for living individuals to constantly act in order to sustain their ongoing
existence; (2) the separateness of the individual living being from its environment
while at the same time maintaining an openness to the environment and engaging
in transactions
with it; (3) the necessity for the organism to undergo constant change while always
making a sameness of self throughout this change; (4) the directedness of the organ
ism’s activity toward its own future being, hence the teleological orientation of
organic processes; (5) the origin of feelings in higher life forms. These fi ve
conditions of life can serve as a framework within a unifi ed conception of the
person which for the purposes of medicine includes both the more physical and
the more mental dimensions of patients.
The existence of every living being is sustained through metabolism. Unlike inor
ganic matter, the very being of a living entity is contingent upon its own ceaseless
activity. As a result the existence of the organism from moment to moment is its
own dynamic achievement. Inorganic matter need not actively do anything in order
to endure as the being it is, but organisms must. This inescapable need to persis
tently bring about their own continuation through their own metabolic functioning
proves that organisms are threatened beings: if they do not actively achieve and
repeatedly re-achieve their own reality, they die. Ceaselessly dependent on their
own functioning for their survival, organisms hang suspended over the abyss of
nonbeing. Hence, we can acknowledge one of the conditions that necessarily defi
ne life: always threatened by nonbeing, the organism must constantly reassert its
being through its own activity [ 2 , 4 ].
2.3.2 Enclosed Within the Self and Open to the World
important that the organism remains as the same one. To “remain as the same one”
is to maintain the same structure even in the midst of constant change of compo
nents. In order to maintain this constant change of its components, however, the
organism must to some extent be open to its environment, the ultimate source of
the components. We are now in a position to appreciate another one of the distinc
tive conditions of being alive. Living beings are both enclosed within themselves,
defi ned by the boundaries that separate them from their environment, while they
are also ceaselessly reaching out to their environment and engaging in
transactions with it. This vital feature is found even in the single cell [ 2 ], and it
continues in dif ferent forms all the way up to social institutions.
On the one hand, the cell membrane determines the cell’s boundaries: the
reality of the cell extends no farther than this membrane. And indeed these
boundaries must be maintained if the cell is to continue to be. Hence, the
membrane must main tain the separation of the cell from the rest of reality. Death
consists in the loss of this separation. This need to remain bounded and distinct
from that which is outside is observed at all levels of life. From the single cell,
through the different organs of animal bodies, to the level of human beings as
whole persons, “self” and “other” are defi nitely distinguished. This distinction
between self and other is demonstrated most clearly, of course, in the immune
system. The immune system is geared to detect what is nonself, and once this
detection of otherness occurs, the immune system actively opposes the invader.
On the other hand, the membrane is semipermeable so that the cell may
continually exchange its material with realities outside of it. Literally through its
membrane the cell metabolically carries on transactions with that which is not
itself. Indeed, this transac tion with other entities is necessary if the cell is to
maintain its existence; the cell is physically dependent upon the outside for its
continuation in being. This dependency on what is not itself in order to survive
evinces the organism’s neediness; lacking self suffi ciency, the living being must
of necessity acquire the means for its existence from its environment. However,
this unavoidable exposure to the environment, born out of need, manifests again
the riskiness of organic existence. The environment can prove harmful and even
deadly. Moreover, the unfamiliar and uncontrollable nature of the environment
poses an additional threat to the already precarious venture, that is, organic life.
Hence, the cell is enclosed within its own boundaries in order to maintain its sepa
rate and autonomous being while it is also open, constantly engaging in
transactions with outside realities and indeed even exchanging its own matter with
them.
2.3.3 Change and Sameness
stable identity through constant turnover in its material constituents, the being of
the organism is both independent of and dependent on these constituents. Some
material constituents are always necessary for the existence of the organism, hence
the dependence of the organism. But since these constituents will eventually be
exchanged for others as the organism continues to live, the organism is
independent of precisely these constituents, that is, of whichever constituents
compose it at any given time. We can therefore recognize one of the other
conditions of life in organ
isms: they are both dependent on the material components that constitute them at
any given moment and independent of any particular groupings of these compo
nents across time. These conditions of dependence and independence always defi
ne organic existence [ 2 ].
2.4 Conclusions
Medicine’s laudable attempt to orient its activities toward the patient as a person
encounters the problem that confounds all such attempts in the modern era; the
centuries-long persistence of mind/body dualism renders it extremely diffi cult to
conceive of persons as integral wholes. Obviously if such reconceiving of patients
is to serve medicine, it must incorporate what we know from present-day biology
and other natural sciences as well as what we know about persons as psychological
and spiritual beings. The way we have suggested for incorporating the two facets is
to reason from both points of view at once and to thereby uncover conditions for
life found in each. This integral view supports a medicine that is able to
comprehend the personhood of a patient as well as his or her biological being.
30 References
O.P. Wiggins and M.A. Schwartz
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Part III
Biopsychosociocultural Mechanisms
in Psychosomatic Medicine
Chapter 3
Genes, Memes, Culture, and Psychosomatic
Medicine: An Integrative Model
Hoyle Leigh
3.1 Evolution of Memes from Memory
With the development of the written word, memes found an abode outside of
brains. Now they could reside in patterns of indentations in clay, stone, and ink in
paper, and eventually as electronic signals in magnetic tapes and optical media.
Now, more memes reside outside of human brains than inside them, in printed
form in libraries and homes, in electronic media, and in digital form in computers,
CDs and DVDs, and in the cloud. The acquisition of language by Homo sapiens
was instru
mental in memes’ attaining dominance over genes for the fi rst time on planet
earth. In fact, memes in the form of moral codes have suppressed gene-derived
sexual drive in many cultures, and memes in the form of scientifi c knowledge
provides humans with the ability to control gene propagation.
dendritic connection. This is not to imply that one neuron serves only one meme.
In fact, a neuron has many connections and may be a component of a number of
different memes and memetic connections. Meme replication in the brain,
therefore, does not necessarily involve reproducing new neurons, but rather occurs
through recombination of component memes in existing neuronal groups. Such
replication may occur through meme-processing mechanisms such as cognition,
often stimulated by the entry of new memes into the brain.
Why are our brains full of thoughts? According to Blackmore [ 6 ], the answer lies
in the fact that memes are replicators, and the thoughts we have are expert
replicators that survived Darwinian selection.
While most of the memes in our brains come from outside of the brains, some
memes are created or cobbled together in new combinations within our brains in
the form of new memeplexes. Our brain is full of memes and memeplexes that we
have acquired over time. Some examples of memeplexes include the following: “I
am intel
ligent,” “good,” “evil,” “health,” “God,” “Devil,” “socialism,” and “psychosomatic
medicine.” Memeplexes may be complexes of ideas, sounds, and other perceptual
memories, for example, songs, scenes, posters, and jingles.
Humans live in niches of memes called culture. Culture consists of memes such
as language, rules, morals, religion, beliefs, traditions, and esthetics. It also
consists of matter-meme complexes like food, buildings, and edifi ces. In any
meme pool we call culture, there are prevalent or dominant memes and non-
prevalent, recessive, and/or latent memes.
Niches, by defi nition, tend to be stable habitats, and memes that form a
particular niche are those that made stable copies of themselves over time, that is,
did not change much. Memetic niche culture, therefore, tends to be conservative,
that is, resistant to change. The conservative meme pool incorporated, over time,
memetic infrastruc
tures to support the existing gene-meme social power structure, such as hereditary
caste, wealth, and access to information. Social customs, religions, rituals, and
other codes of conduct are such memeplexes that support the dominant culture.
Cultural artifacts such as books, scripture, churches, and tombs all embed such
memes.
The environment consists of memes and potential memes like a culture medium
in a Petri dish. The culture medium consists of molecules, some of them nutrients,
others toxins, and yet others inert. Some enter the organism and become part of it
or give it energy. Others may simply enter and stay without much effect. Under
certain conditions, such as an increase in the concentration of the toxic molecules,
some such molecules will penetrate the protective barrier of the organism and
cause a reac
tion in the host – perhaps an immune reaction that gets rid of the toxic molecule, or
the organism may succumb to the toxin. The shape and nature of the toxic
molecule play important roles in whether it enters the host and what happens
afterwards. So with memes. The shapes and other characteristics of the vehicles of
memes are physical in nature such as printed words, spoken words, melodies,
rhythm, scenes,
36 Fig. 3.1 Memes in environment and brain
H. Leigh
movements, facial expressions, and touch. Those memes that are endemic are the
cultural memes that enter the brain in early life.
A person is the net result of gene × meme × environment interaction that we
call development. Except in rare cases where the environment interacts directly
with genes as with environmental toxins and climate, genes interact with memes
in the brain, which may have been absorbed directly from the environment as
information or may have been induced through experiential learning. Some newly
introduced memes may confl ict with existing memes in the brain and may either
die or become dormant (unconscious). Others may combine with existing dormant
memes and activate them (Fig. 3.1 ).
While the aggregate of these memes and memeplexes constitute our
personalities, some such acquired memes are pathogens and in interaction with
genes and other “host factors” may cause mental or psychosomatic illness.
Treating such an infection may require the equivalents of either a pathogen-specifi
c antibody or a broad-spectrum antibiotic therapy. Prevention may also be
possible through appropriate immunization.
A single gene that codes for the vulnerability to multiple stress-related disorders is
the serotonin transporter gene (SERT) and its promoter region polymorphism
(5HTTLPR). SERT is highly evolutionarily conserved and regulates the entire
serotonergic system
3 Genes, Memes, Culture, and Psychosomatic Medicine...
37
3.6 Conclusions
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and traits. The American Journal of Psychiatry, 167 , 509–527.
12. Sugden, K., Arseneault, L., Harrington, H., et al. (2010). Serotonin transporter gene
moderates the development of emotional problems among children following bullying
victimization. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 49 ,
830–840.
13. Ross, S. E. (1999). “Memes” as infectious agents in psychosomatic illness. Annals of
Internal Medicine, 131 , 867–871.
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Chapter 4
Alexithymia and Somatic Symptoms
Gen Komaki
4.1 Introduction
People with high neuroticism make fewer and less effective attempts at emotional
regulation [ 21 ], and neuroticism itself is considered to be a stable dimension of
normal personality [ 22 ]. Although the concept of neurosis has been excluded
from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM), it
encompasses a vari
ety of clinical manifestations: depression, anxiety (panic, phobia), hysterical symp
toms, hypochondriasis, depersonalization, irritability, and abnormal eating
behavior [ 23 ]. Neurotic people are aware of their predisposition to experience
negative affect and are concerned about negative affect-eliciting situations, and
they prefer to avoid them. Neuroticism is a trait that involves a predisposition to
experience negative affect and that is considered to have a biological basis [ 24 ],
whereas alexithymia is a person ality trait that refl ects a defi ciency in emotional
experience [ 20 ]. Similar to the fi ndings for depression, as stated above, subjects
with high TAS-20 scores are prone to show signifi cantly more neurotic traits [ 25
]. However, whether or not a patient’s alexithymia scores are truly associated with
this personality dimension should be carefully deter mined. Scores of the “diffi
culty in identifying feelings” and “diffi culty in describing feelings” subscales of
TAS-20 showed signifi cant and positive correlations with the neuroticism scores
of both the NEO-Five-Factor Inventory (FFI) [ 26 ] and the Eysenck Personality
Questionnaire [ 2 , 26 , 27 ]. However, for the subscale that assessed “exter nally
oriented thinking,” no signifi cant association with neuroticism was shown [ 2 , 26
]. In contrast with the “diffi culty in identifying feelings” and “diffi culty in
describing feel ings” of TAS-20, “externally oriented thinking” is the cognitive
section of TAS-20 and is more accurately rated because the items related to this
subscale ask people to rate themselves on a skill or habit that they are easily aware
of [ 28 ]. Externally oriented thinking is also less infl uenced by depression or
anxiety [ 29 ]. Although some research ers have questioned if it represents a salient
feature of the alexithymia construct [ 24 , 30 ], there is a signifi cant and moderate
negative correlation between “externally oriented thinking” of TAS-20 and
“openness” of the NEO-FFI, which coincides with the results of a previous study [
2 ]. People with low openness are defi cient in imaginative ability, so it must be
remembered that alexithymic patients have diffi culty in fi nding the appropriate
words to describe their feelings. Therefore, this impairment may be due to their
impov erished fantasy life [ 3 ]. The negative association between “openness” and
“externally oriented thinking” also supports the latter as corresponding to a
passive and negative attitude toward observing, analyzing, and coping with
unknown events and confl icts. Thus, the evidence indicates a strong overlap
between the alexithymia construct and “openness to experience,” which may be
the key personality dimension [ 22 ].
Fig. 4.1 Age-related comparison of TAS-20 total score and subscales scores (mean ± SE) in men
and women. DIF diffi culty in identifying feelings, DDF diffi culty in describing feelings, EOT
externally oriented thinking. TAS-20 total score and the DIF and DDF subscale scores were
highest for teenagers, thereafter declined with age, and from the 30s did not change signifi cantly.
In contrast, EOT subscale scores showed a positive correlation with age ( p < 0.05). DIF subscale
scores were higher in women, while EOT subscale scores were higher in men ( p < 0.05) (From
Moriguchi et al. [ 26 ])
4.7 Conclusions
Whether or not somatic symptoms can be medically explained, many studies have
indicated that somatoform disorders, depression, panic symptoms, and neuroticism
are associated with alexithymia. However, critical analysis of the current methods
of assessment shows weaknesses in that alexithymia has been defi ned only by its
affective aspects, such as diffi culty in identifying and/or describing feelings, and
4 Alexithymia and Somatic Symptoms 47
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relationship to depression. Psychotherapy and Psychosomatics, 50 , 164–170. 17. Hendryx, M.
S., Haviland, M. G., & Shaw, D. G. (1991). Dimensions of alexithymia and their relationships to
anxiety and depression. Journal of Personality Assessment, 56 , 227–237. 18. Wise, T. N., Jani,
N. N., Kass, E., et al. (1988). Alexithymia: Relationship to severity of medical illness and
depression. Psychotherapy and Psychosomatics, 50 , 68–71.
19. Parker, J. D., Bagby, R. M., & Taylor, G. J. (1991). Alexithymia and depression: Distinct or
overlapping constructs? Comprehensive Psychiatry, 32 , 387–394.
20. Lumley, M. A. (2000). Alexithymia and negative emotional conditions. Journal of
Psychosomatic Research, 49 , 51–54.
21. John, O. P., & Gross, J. J. (2007). Individual differences in emotion regulation. In J. J. Gross
(Ed.), Handbook of emotion regulation . New York: Guilford Press.
22. Taylor, G. J., Bagby, R. M., & Parker, J. D. (1993). Is alexithymia a non-neurotic personality
dimension? A response to Rubino, Grasso, Sonnino & Pezzarossa. The British Journal of
Medical Psychology, 66 (part 3), 281–287. Discussion 289–294.
23. Van Praag, H. M. (1992). About the centrality of mood lowering in mood disorders. Plenary
Lecture ECNP Congress, Monte Carlo, October 1991. European Neuropsychopharmacology,
2 , 393–404.
24. Costa, P. T., & McCrae, R. R. (1992). NEO PI-R professional manual . Odessa, FL:
Psychological Assessment Resouces.
25. Mann, L. S., Wise, T. N., Trinidad, A., et al. (1994). Alexithymia, affect recognition, and the
fi ve-factor model of personality in normal subjects. Psychological Reports, 74 , 563–567. 26.
Moriguchi, Y., Maeda, M., Igarashi, T., et al. (2007). Age and gender effect on alexithymia in
large, Japanese community and clinical samples: A cross-validation study of the Toronto
Alexithymia Scale (TAS-20). Biopsychosocial Medicine , 1, 7 (online).
27. Parker, J. D., Bagby, R. M., & Taylor, G. J. (1989). Toronto Alexithymia Scale, EPQ, and
self report measures of somatic complaints. Personality and Individual Differences, 10 , 599–604.
28. Lane, R. D., Sechrest, L., Reidel, R., et al. (1996). Impaired verbal and nonverbal emotion
recognition in alexithymia. Psychosomatic Medicine, 58 , 203–210.
29. Henry, J. D., Phillips, L. H., Crawford, J. R., et al. (2006). Cognitive and psychosocial
correlates of alexithymia following traumatic brain injury. Neuropsychologia, 44 , 62–72. 30.
Bach, M., de Zwaan, M., Ackard, D., et al. (1994). Alexithymia: Relationship to personality
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31. Craig, A. D. (2004). Human feelings: Why are some more aware than others? Trends in
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32. Craig, A. D. (2009). How do you feel-now? The anterior insula and human awareness.
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33. Lumley, M. A., Stettner, L., & Wehmer, F. (1996). How are alexithymia and physical illness
linked? A review and critique of pathways. Journal of Psychosomatic Research, 41 , 505–518.
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alexithymia, and neuroticism. Journal of Psychosomatic Research, 38 , 515–521. 35. Parker, J.
D., Taylor, G. J., Bagby, R. M., et al. (1993). Alexithymia in panic disorder and simple phobia:
A comparative study. The American Journal of Psychiatry, 150 , 1105–1107. 36. Marchesi, C.,
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79 , 1149–1175.
4 Alexithymia and Somatic Symptoms 49
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Psychotherapy and Psychosomatics, 45 , 118–126.
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Japanese version of the Levels of Emotional Awareness Scale (LEAS-J). Biopsychosocial
Medicine , 5, 243 (online).
42. Nishimura, H., Komaki, G., Igarashi, T., et al. (2009). Validity issues in the assessment of
alexithymia related to the developmental stages of emotional cognition and language.
Biopsychosocial Medicine , 3, 1244 (online).
43. Komaki, G., Moriguchi, Y., Gondo, M., et al. (2009). The development of a precise inventory
for the evaluation of alexithymia in Japan: A structured interview using a modifi ed Japanese
version of the Beth Israel Hospital Psychosomatic Questionnaire (SIBIQ). In S. Fassino, G.
A. Fava, G. A. Daga, et al. (Eds.), Panminerva medica (Vol. 51(suppl. 13)). Turin: Edizioni
Minerva Medica. pp62.
44. Haviland, M. G. (1998). The validity of the California Q-set alexithymia prototype.
Psychosomatics, 39 , 536–539.
45. Haviland, M. G., Warren, W. L., & Riggs, M. L. (2000). An observer scale to measure
alexithymia. Psychosomatics, 41 , 385–392.
46. Lane, R. D., Quinlan, D. M., Schwartz, G. E., et al. (1990). The Levels of Emotional
Awareness Scale: A cognitive-developmental measure of emotion. Journal of Personality
Assessment, 55 , 124–134.
47. Wehmer, F., Brejnak, C., Lumley, M., et al. (1995). Alexithymia and physiological reactivity
to emotion-provoking visual scenes. The Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 183 , 351–357.
48. Monsen, J. T., Eilersten, D. E., Melgard, T., et al. (1996). Affects and affect consciousness:
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49. Magai, C. (2008). Long-lived emotions. A life course perspective on emotional development.
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New York: The Guilford Press.
Chapter 5
Culture and Somatic Symptoms: Hwa-byung
, a Culture-Related Anger Syndrome
5.1 Introduction
It has been argued that Koreans have a high tendency to express their
psychological or emotional problems in somatic terms, not only in psychiatric
illnesses, but also in an ordinary conversation. Kim [ 2 ] related such high
somatization tendency to old primitive concepts based on shamanism and Asian
ancient medicine. In an ordinary conversation, Koreans frequently use somatic,
especially visceral, terms in order to express their psychological or emotional
matters. For example, there is a frequently stated Korean proverb which says,
“when one’s cousin buys a piece of land, they get sick to their stomach.” In this
proverb, the major characteristics of the traditional Korean culture are refl ected,
including traditional agrarian culture, historical poverty, emotional reaction to
unfairness, and people’s utmost concern for eating (gastroin testinal function) [ 3 ].
In Korea, the greeting “Good morning” used to be “Did you eat breakfast?” Min
and Kim [ 4 ] reported that Korean depressives tended to somatize their
depression, especially in visceral symptoms including indigestion, abdominal
discomfort, heart pounding, and respiratory stuffi ness.
Within the same ethnic group, somatic symptoms can transform in quantity and
quality in relation to a cultural change over time. For example, Min and Suh [ 9 ]
reported that, during a period of 15 years between the 1950s and 1970s, the
number of admitted patients with hysterical disorder had decreased. Moreover, the
classical symptoms such as convulsion, fainting, or other motor–sensory
symptoms had decreased in patients with this disorder, whereas pain or visceral
symptoms had increased. These changes were considered related to the cultural
changes in the Korean society, from a simple agrarian undeveloped culture to a
more industrialized, educated, and sophisticated culture.
to its treatment [ 10 ]. The name hwa-byung itself is cultural: Hwa (火) in hwa-
byung means anger and fi re in Korean, and byung (病) means disease or illness;
accord ingl y, hwa-byung literally means “anger disorder” or “fi re disease.”
Self-labeled hwa-byung was reported in 4.2 % of the general population in
Korea; it was most frequently reported in middle-aged or older women of lower
socioeconomic status, who seem to have kept the Korean traditional culture [ 11 ].
When diagnoses were made according to the criteria of the DSM-III-R or
DSM-IV in patients with self-labeled hwa-byung , many of them were diagnosed
with a major depressive disorder, generalized anxiety disorder, an atypical
somatization disorder, or their comorbid state [ 11 ]. However, in a study using the
research diagnostic crite
ria for hwa-byung [ 12 ], only about 16.8 % of the patients with the so-called “neu
rotic” disorders were found to have only hwa-byung [ 13 ], suggesting the
existence of a new category of “anger” disorder [ 14 ].
Regarding the biology of hwa-byung , Lee et al. [ 15 ] reported that in a study
using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) on neural responses to
neutral, sad, and angry facial stimuli, the effect of anger suppression resulted in an
aberrant function of the brain regions related to the visual pathways. Moreover,
this func
tional impairment in the anterior cingulate cortex may contribute to the pathophysi
ology of hwa-byung .
The precipitating factors of hwa-byung were reported to be traumatic experi
ences to one’s self-esteem. The most common typical factor was domestic
violence: husbands and/or mothers-in-law committing violent acts toward
wives/daughters in- law [ 10 ]. According to the patients’ explanation, anger
reactive to the unfairness should be “suppressed” in order not to jeopardize
harmonious familial and/or social relationships [ 16 ]. However, if the anger-
provoking situation is repeated, then the suppressed anger accumulates and
becomes dense(鬱), which patients usually describe as wool-hwa (鬱火), meaning
dense hwa (anger or fi re), and fi nally resulting in hwa-byung .
Hwa-byung has been argued to be the result of incomplete suppression and
somatization of anger [ 10 ]. Defense style or coping strategies include oral con
sumption, avoidance of stimulus, externalization (projection), help-seeking
behavior, impulsiveness (acting out), pseudo-altruism, omnipotence, fatalism, self-
pity, and fantasy [ 17 ]. Roberts et al. [ 18 ] suggested that hwa-byung is charac
terized by anger, hopelessness, general health problems, and gastrointestinal
symptoms. Lee et al. [ 19 ] examined the temperament of patients with hwa-byung
and suggested that hwa-byung was positively correlated with impulsiveness, harm
avoidance, and self- transcendence; hwa-byung was negatively related with self
directedness, self-acceptance, and acceptance. Moreover, global severity of hwa
byung showed positive association with self-transcendence, its subscale being self-
forgetfulness, and anticipatory worry, but negative association with attachment
and compassion.
Hwa-byung was reported to be a chronic illness [ 20 ]. Supportive
psychotherapy, family therapy, and selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs)
are suggested as effective treatments for h wa-byung [ 20 , 21 ].
55
5 Culture and Somatic Symptoms: Hwa-byung , a Culture-Related Anger Syndrome
A Case Vignette
A 49-year-old housewife visited the outpatient clinic with the chief complaint of
pent-up anger, “ hwa ,” which was intermittently accompanied by a hot sensation,
which had to be cooled with a fan, along with a feeling of something pushing up
in her chest. The other symptoms were “many things accumulated” in the
epigastrium and respira
tory stuffi ness that used to be relieved by frequent sighs. At times, she felt so
angry and so “ uk-wool ” (a feeling of unfairness) that she almost felt like losing
control or losing her mind. Her self-diagnosis was hwa-byung . The reason for her
anger was her family situation with her husband and her mother-in-law. Her anger
began 15 years ago just after her marriage, when she realized that she had been
deceived by her husband regarding his past history. He had never been in college
and was in a much worse economic condition than what he had claimed before
marriage. Since then, she lived with an angry feeling, with a frustration related to
her hard life. Moreover, her mother-in-law had lived together with her family only
because her husband was the fi rst son. Her mother-in-law began to treat her
unfairly and, furthermore, she inter fered in her everyday private and marital life.
To keep peace in the family, the patient had to suppress her anger and hide her
hatred toward her husband and mother-in-law; she obeyed her husband and his
mother. While living with her husband, she found her husband to be a truly good
man, and that is why she kept their marriage intact until now. Nevertheless, she
gradually became irritable and nervous. She recently became more irritable and
began to beat her husband and even throw things at her children to the point that
she abused them. She said the children never understood why she was so angry.
When she recently stood up against her mother-in-law for the fi rst time in her life,
she felt “cool” (relieved) at the moment.
During the interview, she talked extensively, with sighs and tears, about how
she had suffered from a life of “ uk-wool and anger” and with “much haan .”
However, she said she did not feel depressed and had never thought about suicide.
Rather, she has tried to live enthusiastically and actively; she regularly worked as
an employee (cleaning buildings). She attempted to avoid being isolated from her
fellow workers since she believed they might think of her as a “good” person. She
revealed her painful past memory of how she had been discriminated by her
mother for being a daughter. Finally, her mother’s favoritism to sons and her
gender discrimination did not allow the patient to complete her middle school
education.
Traditional shamanism and Asian traditional medicine has provided Koreans with
concrete and physical explanation for nature, emotion, and human suffering
(disease), whereas the traditional philosophy like Confucianism has taught a way
of
57
5 Culture and Somatic Symptoms: Hwa-byung , a Culture-Related Anger Syndrome
5.4.1 Shamanism
Shamanism has provided people with an explanation of the world, life, and
disease. Traditionally in Korea, shamanism used to relate suffering or symptoms
of any diseases with physical harming of spirits who died from unfairness ( “uk-
wool” ), and thus, they became evil spirits because of their unresolved anger and
revengefulness [ 24 ].
Haan (恨) has been defi ned as a chronic mixed mood of missing, sadness, and
“everlasting woe,” [ 25 ] beyond its literal meaning [ 26 ], and is known to be a
unique traditional collective sentiment or pathos for Koreans. Similar to hwa-
byung , haan has been said to be resulting from the accumulation of suppressed
anger, feeling of unfairness ( uk-wool ), and/or even revengeful mind.
Haan has been argued to have developed in the psyche of Koreans, who have
endured repeated traumas from international violence (invasion of China,
Mongolia, Japan and, recently, communist North Korea) and domestic violence
throughout not only their nation’s history but also from their personal lives. Their
haan includes haan of poverty, haan of the weak, haan of not being educated, and
women’s haan
[ 18 , 27 , 28 ]. Accordingly, the Korean history of 5,000 years used to be referred
to as a history of haan. Accordingly, hwa-byung and haan are frequently found in
the socially weak group of people, especially among women. Haan has been
suggested as a within normal range of emotion providing positive energy for
survival or cre
ativity, while hwa-byung seems to be a personal illness, a negative or illness form
of haan [ 29 , 30 ].
Naturally, haan and hwa-byung have many common factors in clinical
correlates including etiological emotion of anger and feeling of unfairness,
precipitating factors in sociocultural context, and defense styles including
suppression and somatization [ 17 , 30 ], and clinical signs such as sighing, tears,
respiratory stuffi ness , hasoyeon, and lamenting with frequent deep sighs and
tears and eung-u-ri , a feeling of a mass in the chest (a bit vague concept
compared to the more concrete dung-u-ri in hwa-byung ).
Metaphorically, hwa-byung is like an inactive volcano, from which fi re,
smoke, and lava leak. In this metaphor, an anger attack or intermittent explosive
disorder is like an active volcano with an explosive eruption of the fl ame and
lava. Haan is like an extinct volcano; the crater became a lake which is
surrounded by a forest. The volcano may look peaceful and beautiful; yet the fl
ame under it is ready to erupt at any time [ 14 ].
It is natural that Koreans have developed social devices for solving haan,
generally referred to as “ haan-puri .” Collectively, historical haan of poverty has
been solved by working hard and educating children. Haan of the socially weak
was solved by protesting against the oppression of rulers, by sublimation through
satirizing them, through artistic activities including humorous paintings by
unknown people, or elegant ceramics making by unknown masters. Therefore, the
Korean traditional culture is called as a culture of haan .
59
5 Culture and Somatic Symptoms: Hwa-byung , a Culture-Related Anger Syndrome
5.5 Conclusions
References
1. Tseng, W. S. (2001). Handbook of cultural psychiatry . San Diego: Academic Press. 2. Kim,
K.-L. (1977). A study on somatization tendency of Koreans. New Medicine, 15 , 1440–1443.
3. Min, S. K. (1981). Psychodynamic in somatization. In Kang, S. H., et al. (Eds.), Tao and
Human Science (pp. 413–428). Seoul, Korea: Samil-dang.
4. Min, S. K., & Kim, K. H. (1988). Somatic symptoms in depression. Journal of Korean
Neuropsychiatric Association, 17 , 149–154.
5. Min, S. K., & Lee, B. W. (1997). Laterality in somatization. Psychosomatic Medicine, 59 ,
236–240.
60 S.K. Min
6. Lee, H. Y., Namgoong, K., Lee, M. H., et al. (1989). The psychiatric epidemiological study of
Kanghwa Island (III). The prevalence of major psychiatric disorders. Journal of Korean
Neuropsychiatric Association, 28 , 984–999.
7. Nakane, Y., Ohta, Y., Radford, M., et al. (1991). Comparative study of affective disorders in
three Asian Countries. II. Differences in prevalence rate and symptom presentation. Acta
Psychiatrica Scandinavica, 84 , 313–319.
8. Kim, K.-I., Li, D., & Kim, D.-H. (1999). Depressive symptoms in Koreans, Korean-Chinese
and Chinese: A transcultural study. Transcultural Psychiatry, 36 , 303–316. 9. Min, S. K., &
Suh, S. Y. (1979). A clinical study on hysterical neurosis and change of its symptom pattern for
last 16 years in Korea. Journal of Korean Neuropsychiatric Association, 18 , 75–81. 10. Min, S.
K., Lee, M. H., Kang, H. C., et al. (1987). A clinical study of hwa-byung. Journal of the Korean
Medical Association, 30 , 187–197.
11. Min, S. K., Namkoong, K., & Lee, H. Y. (1990). An epidemiological study of hwa-byung.
Journal of Korean Neuropsychiatric Association, 29 , 867–874.
12. Min, S. K., Suh, S. Y., Hur, J. S., et al. (2009). Development of the hwa-byung scale and the
research criteria of hwa-byung. Journal of Korean Neuropsychiatric Association, 48 , 77–85. 13.
Min, S. K., & Suh, S.Y. (2010). Anger syndrome, hwa-byung and its comorbidity. Journal of
Affective Disorders, 124 , 211–214.
14. Min, S. K. (2008). Clinical correlates of hwa-byung and a proposal of a new anger disorder.
Psychiatry Investigation, 5 , 125–141.
15. Lee, B. T., Paik, J. W., Kang, R. H., et al. (2008). The neural substrates of affective face
recog nition in patients with hwa-byung and healthy individuals in Korea. The World Journal
of Biological Psychiatry, 10 , 552–559.
16. Min, S. K. (1989). A study on the concept of hwa-byung. Journal of Korean
Neuropsychiatric Association, 28 , 604–615.
17. Min, S. K., Park, C. S., & Hahn, J. O. (1993). Defense mechanisms and coping strategies in
hwa-byung. Journal of Korean Neuropsychiatric Association, 32 , 506–516. 18. Roberts, M. E.,
Han, K. H., & Weed, N. C. (2006). Development of a scale to assess hwa- byung, a Korean
culture bound syndrome, using the Korean MMPI-2. Transcultural Psychiatry, 43 , 383–400.
19. Lee, J., Min, S. K., Kim, K. H., et al. (2012). Differences in temperament and character
dimen sions of personality between patients with hwa-byung, an anger syndrome, and
patients with major depressive disorder. Journal of Affective Disorders, 138 , 110–116.
20. Min, S. K. (2004). Treatment and prognosis of hwa-byung. Psychiatry Investigation, 1 , 29–
36. 21. Min, S. K., Suh, S. Y., Jeon, D. I., et al. (2009). Effects of paroxetine on symptoms of
hwa- byung. Korean Journal of Psychopharmacology, 20 , 90–97.
22. Min, S. K., & Kim, K. H. (1998). Symptoms of hwa-byung. Korean Journal of
Psychopharmacology, 37 , 1138–1145.
23. Min, S. K., Suh, S.Y., & Song, K. J. (2009). Symptoms to use for the diagnostic criteria of
hwa-byung. Psychiatry Investigation, 6 , 7–12.
24. Rhi, B. Y. (1970). The legend of won-ryung and psychology of haan. In H. K. Kim (Ed.),
Traditional society and people’s art (pp. 95–107). Seoul, Korea: Min-um Sa. 25. Kim, L (1997,
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Neuropsychiatric Association, 36 , 603–611.
Chapter 6
Molecular Mechanism of Sleep–Wake
Regulation: From Basic to Translational
Research
Yoshihiro Urade
6.1 Introduction
Sleep gives our body its needed rest, which prepares us for the next day’s
activities. In our modern society, people suffer from sleep deprivation, which
leads to an inability to concentrate, to a loss of judgment, and to an increased risk
of accidents. It is reported that 1 in 4–5 Japanese has a sleep problem and that 1 in
9 Japanese uses sleeping pills regularly. Hypnotic drugs are prescribed for
insomnia patients. The current sleeping pills developed from tranquilizers are
much safer than the ones used in the past, as the latter were developed from
anesthetic agents, which brought death in case too many pills were taken.
However, the current type of sleeping pills causes a coma in case of an overdose.
Such pills are sometimes used in crimes such as coma robbery cases.
What people demand now is some methods to adjust the sleep–wake rhythm
based on our innate sleep–wake regulatory system and sleeping pills that induce
natural sleep without any side effects. To develop such sleep aids, it is necessary
that we understand the mechanism of sleep–wake regulation. However, there is
still much mystery regarding sleep and questions to be answered, such as why we
sleep and how to gain comfortable sleep. Sleep research has only a 90-year history
and is currently being advanced due to highly interdisciplinary input based on
recent fi ndings from brain science, genetic engineering, and computer and
information– communication technology.
Y. Urade , Ph.D. (*)
Department of Molecular Behavioral Biology , Osaka Bioscience
Institute , 6-2-4, Furuedai , Suita-shi, Osaka 565-0874 , Japan
e-mail: [email protected]
Many endogenous molecules have been isolated and proposed to act as sleep-
promoting substances. Among them, PGD 2 is the most potent endogenous sleep-
promoting substance, and its sleep-induction mechanism is best characterized in
terms of pro duction and action sites, and signal transduction system, whose
characterization has been made by the use of various pharmacological tools and
gene- knockout mice for the synthases or receptors.
In the 1980s, PGD 2 was found to be the most abundant PG in the brains of rats
[ 1 ] and other mammals including humans [ 2 ], thus suggesting that it has an
important function in the central nervous system. The sleep-promoting effect of
PGD 2 was then discovered after the microinjection of nano-molar quantities of
PGD 2 into the rat brain, which causes profound enhancement of both non-rapid
eye movement (non
REM, NREM) and REM sleep [ 3 ]. Based on electrophysiological and behavioral
cri teria, PGD 2 -induced sleep is indistinguishable from physiological sleep.
During the infusion of PGD 2 , for instance, rats are easily aroused by a clap sound,
and their sleep is episodic, indicating that PGD 2 does not interfere with the basal
wakefulness crucial to the survival of the animal. The somnogenic effect of PGD 2
was later confi rmed in a nonhuman primate, when PGD 2 was infused via the
intracerebroventricular (i.c.v.) route into a rhesus monkey ( Macaca mulatta ) [ 4
]. The electroencephalogram (EEG) power spectrum of NREM sleep during the
PGD 2 infusion into monkeys was the same as that of their natural sleep at night,
but clearly different from benzodiazepine
induced sleep, which is characterized by a decrease in the theta range and the
appear ance of a rapid wave with a peak at around 20 Hz. In addition, PGD 2 was
reported to be involved in the pathogenesis of mastocytosis, a disorder
characterized by episodic production of endogenous PGD 2 , which accompanies
deep-sleep episodes [ 5 ]. Also, the PGD 2 concentration, but not that of PGE 2 or
IL-1ß, is elevated time-dependently in the CSF of patients with African sleeping
sickness, which is a disease caused by an infection with Trypanosoma [ 6 ]. These
fi ndings suggest that PGD 2 induces sleep in humans as well as in rodents and
monkeys.
To study the molecular mechanism of PGD 2 -induced sleep, we established a
sleep bioassay system using the EEG to monitor brain waves, and the electromyo
gram to monitor the muscle tension, of freely moving mice during the continuous
i.c.v. infusion of drugs (Fig. 6.1 ). We also developed SLEEPSIGN software
(Kissei Comtec Co., Ltd., Nagano, Japan) for automatic scoring of the vigilance
states of rats and mice, based on the fast Fourier transform (FFT) analysis of the
EEG [ 7 ].
When PGD 2 is infused into the lateral ventricle of wild-type mice at a rate of
50 pmol/min during a wake period at night, it induces potent NREM sleep (about
35 min/h) almost equal to the maximum level of NREM sleep during a sleep
period in the morning, but induces only a small amount of REM sleep (about 5
min/h, Fig. 6.2 ). In contrast, DP 1 -knockout mice do not respond to the PGD 2
infusion at all,
6 Molecular Mechanism of Sleep–Wake Regulation…
63
Fig. 6.4 Caffeine-induced arousal in adenosine receptor gene-manipulated mice. Caffeine (15
mg/kg, i.p.)-induced arousal in wild-type ( WT ) and A 1 receptor-knockout mice, but not in A 2A
receptor knockout ( A2AR KO ) mice (From Huang et al. [ 10 ], reprinted by permission of Nature
Publishing Group)
indicating that DP 1 receptors are required for this increase [ 8 ]. Adenosine has
also been proposed to be an endogenous sleep substance, because a number of
stable ade nosine analogues induce sleep when administered to rats and other
animal species. For example, when CGS21680, an A 2A receptor agonist, is infused
into the lateral ventri cle of wild-type mice, NREM sleep is induced dose-
dependently. Comparatively, CGS21680 is tenfold or more potent than PGD 2 , the
unstable natural ligand, in terms of the potency to induce NREM sleep. The
infusion of CGS21680 at a dose of 5 pmol/h increases NREM sleep to 35 min/h.
In contrast, N6-cyclopentyladenosine, an A 1 receptor-selective agonist, is totally
inactive even when infused at 5 nmol/h, indicating
that A 2A , but not A 1 , receptors play a major role in NREM sleep regulation.
Caffeine is a nonselective antagonist of adenosine A 1 and A 2A receptors. Caffeine
induces complete insomnia in wild-type mice (Fig. 6.4 ) for 2–3 h after an intraperi
toneal (i.p.) injection at a dose of 15 mg/kg, a dose corresponding to an intake of
approximately three cups of coffee in humans. Earlier we used knockout mice for
A 1 or A 2A receptors and their respective wild-type littermates of the inbred
C57BL/6 strain to test which subtype of the adenosine receptor is involved in the
caffeine induced wakefulness [ 10 ]. The caffeine-induced arousal in A 1 receptor-
knockout mice was observed to have the same intensity and duration as that in the
wild-type mice. In contrast, A 2A receptor-knockout mice did not show any change
in time spent in wakefulness after the caffeine administration, indicating that A 2A
receptors are crucial for the caffeine-induced wakefulness and that these receptors
play an important role in the regulation of the sleep–wake cycle.
The DP 1 antagonist ONO-4127Na inhibits sleep in rats and caffeine, a nonselec
tive antagonist of adenosine A 1 and A 2A receptors, induces complete insomnia in
wild-type mice, suggesting that the PGD 2 /adenosine system is important for the
maintenance of physiological sleep, as described above. However, knockout mice
for DP 1 , A 1 , and A 2A receptors show essentially the same circadian profi les and
daily amounts of sleep as wild-type mice. These results suggest that a defi ciency
of one system in a complicated sleep–wake regulatory network is effectively
compensated by collateral systems formed during embryonic development.
Therefore,
66 Y. Urade
Fig. 6.5 Effects on caffeine-induced arousal of focal deletion of adenosine A 2A receptors in the
core ( a ) or shell ( b ) of the NAc of rats. Caffeine (15 mg/kg, i.p.)-induced arousal in rats with A
2A receptors in the NAc shell ( a ), but not after removal of A 2A receptors in the NAc shell ( b )
(From Lazarus et al. [ 11 ], reprinted by permission of Journal of Neuroscience )
Figure 6.6 summarizes the sleep length in the Asia-Pacifi c region, surveyed by
The Nielsen Company, New York, USA, in 2004. As clearly seen, Japanese and
Korean people are increasingly suffering from sleep deprivation which has
pronounced
6 Molecular Mechanism of Sleep–Wake Regulation…
67
Fig. 6.6 Sleep length in Asia-Pacifi c regions (The Nielsen Company 2004) (Depicted from data
of the Nielsen Company 2004). Th e number in the rectangle indicates the percentage of
hours of sleep
6.3.2.1 Hastatoside and Verbenalin from Herbal Tea Verbena offi cinalis
Herbal tea made from Verbena offi cinalis has traditionally been used for the treat
ment of insomnia and other nervous conditions. Oral administration of hastato side
or verbenalin (0.25 and 0.5 g/kg of body weight, respectively), two major iridoid
compounds of V. offi cinalis , increases NREM sleep in rats during a 9-h period in
the dark time (when rats are active) 1.8- and 1.4-fold, respectively, with a lag time
of about 3–5 h after the administration at the lights-off time. Both com pounds also
increase the delta activity during NREM sleep. However, verbasco side, a major
polyphenol of V. offi cinalis , has no effect on the amount of sleep, indicating that
hastatoside and verbenalin are major sleep-promoting components of this herb [
12 ].
68 6.3.2.2 l -Stepholidine from Chinese
Herb Stephonia
Y. Urade
l -Stepholidine is an active ingredient of the Chinese herb Stephonia , the fi rst
compound with mixed dopamine D 1 receptor agonist/D 2 antagonist properties, and
is used as a treatment medication for schizophrenia. When stepholidine is adminis
tered i.p. to mice at doses of 20–80 mg/kg, it shortens the sleep latency to NREM
sleep, increases the amount of NREM sleep, and prolongs the duration of NREM
sleep episodes, with a concomitant reduction in the amount of wakefulness [ 13 ].
Stepholidine also increases the number of state transitions from wakefulness to
NREM sleep and subsequently from NREM sleep to wakefulness. However, step
holidine has no effect on either the amount of REM sleep or EEG power density of
either NREM or REM sleep. These results suggest the potential application of this
herb for the treatment of insomnia.
6.3.2.3 Ornithine
Crocus sativus L. (saffron) has been traditionally used for the treatment of
insomnia and other diseases of the nervous systems. Two carotenoid pigments,
crocin and crocetin, are the major components responsible for the various
pharmacological activities of C. sativus L . When crocin (30 and 100 mg/kg, i.p.)
is administered to mice, it increases the total time of NREM sleep 1.6- and 2.7-
fold, respectively, during a 4-h period after administration at a lights-off time [ 15
]. When crocin is given to histamine H1 receptor-knockout mice, its sleep-
promoting effects are attenuated, suggesting that the histaminergic system is
involved in crocin-induced sleep. Crocetin (100 mg/kg, i.p.) also increases 1.5-
fold the total time of NREM sleep after its administration. These compounds do
not change the amount of REM sleep or show any adverse effects, such as
rebound insomnia, after the induction of sleep. In hypnotic-model mice treated
with a low dose (20 mg/kg) of pentobarbital, oral administration of safranal (100–
300 mg/kg), another component of C. sativus L. , increases the duration of NREM
sleep, shortens NREM sleep latency, increases the number of stage transitions
between episodes of NREM sleep and wakefulness, and enhances the delta power
activity of NREM sleep [ 16 ]. These fi ndings indicate that crocin, crocetin, and
safranal may be useful for the promotion of sleep in humans.
6 Molecular Mechanism of Sleep–Wake Regulation…
69
6.4 C onclusions
PGD 2 is the most potent endogenous sleep-promoting substance, and its action
mechanism is the best characterized at a molecular level among various
endogenous sleep-promoting substances. PGD 2 stimulates DP 1 receptors, which
increases the local concentration of extracellular adenosine. Adenosine acts as a
paracrine sleep
promoting molecule to activate adenosine A 2A receptor-expressing sleep-
promoting neurons in the brain. The administration of a DP 1 antagonist (ONO-
4127Na) or an adenosine A 1/2A receptor antagonist (caffeine) suppresses sleep,
indicating that the PGD 2 -adenosine system is crucial for the maintenance of
physiological sleep.
Earlier we established a sleep-scoring system to measure the EEG of various
gene-manipulated mice. This system is used to identify sleep-promoting compo
nents in various food and herbal raw materials, such as hastatoside and verbenalin
from Verbena offi cinalis ; l -stepholidine, an active ingredient of the Chinese herb
Stephonia ; ornithine, a noncoding amino acid in the urea cycle; crocin, crocetin,
and safranal from Crocus sativus L. (saffron); and honokiol and magnolol from
the Chinese herb houpu ( Magnolia offi cinalis ). These fi ndings will contribute to
the production of health foods and pharmaceuticals that improve the quality of
sleep.
By using sleep-scoring technology for animals, we also developed a small
portable device for measuring human EEG activity at home or while traveling.
This EEG device is useful to allow an individual to self-evaluate easily his or her
quality of daily sleep. This “self-diagnostic system” as well as “supplements for
good sleep” will make it possible for one to improve his or her quality of sleep in
addition to proper exercise, an appropriate bathing practice, and selection of the
best kinds of food.
Acknowledgments We thank Drs. Michael Lazarus and Zhi-Li Huang for helpful comments on
this manuscript. This work was supported by grants from the Japan Society for the Promotion of
Science, Japan Science and Technology Agency, Takeda Science Foundation, Sankyo
Foundation, the Program of Basic and Applied Researches for Innovations in Bio-oriented
Industry of Japan, Takeda Pharmaceutical Co., Ltd., Ono Pharmaceutical Co., Ltd, and Osaka
City.