SUBMITTED BY: Fazla Bibi

SUBMITTED TO: SANA TAHIR

B.ed 1.5 Year

SECONDARY EDUCATION

Course Code: 8624

ID: 0000488582

Assignment No. 2

Allama Iqbal Open University

Q.1 Explain examination promotion and certification system in the context of
Pakistan?

• Primary level
• Middle level
• Secondary level
• Intermediate level
• University level
All the schools, colleges and universities in Pakistan have been set in
three categories namely:
1. Government schools
2. Private schools
3. Madaras

If we give a look over the educational and examination system of

Pakistan then majority of them are found to be in the poor condition just
because of the lack of attention and shortage of funds. All the teachers
are not offered with the best and adequate salary. All the private
schools in Pakistan are found to be doing some better jobs as they are
offered with the best pays all along with the necessary training for
teaching. But one of the biggest drawbacks of these private schools is
that as they are giving with the excellent services then at the same time
their fee charges are not affordable by each single person.
Some of the educational system that are presently working in the
Pakistan they are actually producing no synergy as they are creating
conflicts and division among people. In Pakistan there are English
medium schools, Urdu medium schools and madaras.
All the students who are coming out from the English educational
institutions they are not much aware of Islamic teachings and a
student who are coming out of Urdu medium school they don’t get
excellent jobs. Its better solution is that the hierarchy of schooling
systems should be abolished soon. There is one of the greatest needs to
improve and update the curriculum and pedagogy.
Maximum attention should be given on the subjects of mathematics
and Language so that the students would be better able to enhance
their skills in the creative writing. Some educational trips should be
arranged for the students that will going to help improving their
knowledge about the history. The requirements for school curricula and
the examination process typically include that they should give
students the necessary subject knowledge and understanding, encourage
children’s creativity and curiosity, provide tools for critical thinking and
move them away from rote learning, instill values in students, and pave
the way for those students to become independent and well-rounded
learners. There has been and will continue to be great discussion about
the specifics of what goes into each of these areas as education and the
need for it change throughout time.
In Pakistan, students who are enrolled in school have the option of
choosing from three different curricula and examination systems:
matriculation/intermediate, O- and A-levels, and, though still on a
small scale, the International Baccalaureate (IB) system.
The local system, which is comprised of matriculation and intermediate,
is by far the most popular and affordable choice. Students are prepared
for these tests in almost all public schools as well as the majority of
low- to middle-priced private schools. Exams are organized by regional
boards of intermediate and secondary education, which also includes
the Aga Khan Board, however there is some cooperation between the
regional boards across the nation, allowing for a high degree of
comparability between exams. In spite of this, some boards, such as
the Federal Board, have a marginally better reputation than others.
The majority of individuals would concur that the
matriculation/intermediate test is essentially a rote-based system both
in perception and in fact. Despite reform efforts, the examination still
does not assess comprehension or promote wider reading, including
critical reading. Students are not prepared to be autonomous learners
through it. Although the curriculum is extensive and weighty, it is not
taught correctly and is not adequately evaluated, as many people have
written about. There is an over reliance on summative evaluations.
We must choose the most relevant and practical curriculum or
examination method. However, the main benefit of taking the
matriculation/intermediate test is that it is local, supported and
administered by the government, and it is reasonably inexpensive,
therefore for the majority of students, the examination cost is not a
substantial obstacle to passing with a passing mark.
In the UK, the O-/A-level system is used. In terms of the curriculum
and examinations, it is thought to be of a far better caliber. The
curriculum does promote a broader scope, and exams typically
measure understanding rather than rote memorization. Both the
improvement of writing skills and critical thinking are given some
attention. Over the past few decades, however, Pakistani teachers and
educational institutions have “cracked” the code for passing O- and A-
level exams, and some short cuts have been created: there is a
significant amount of dependence on secondary sources, teachers’ notes,
and preparing previous exam questions. However, compared to the
matriculation system, it is still thought to have a much better curriculum

and examination structure.

It is, however, far more expensive. The price of offering quality O- and
A-level test preparation is thus significantly more expensive than the
examination fee alone. This is why the O-/A-level option is typically
only available at higher price schools. Even if the differences in
curricula and examinations may be less pronounced when
income and other
self-selection effects are taken into account, most parents and higher
education institutions in Pakistan have quite different opinions about
the two systems. If resources allow, parents should prefer O-/A-levels
due to that perceptual difference alone. This explains why this choice
has been more widely available in Pakistan during the past few decades.
In Pakistan at least, the IB system is the new kid on the block. It makes
an effort to cultivate a more comprehensive understanding across
disciplines fairly clearly. In order to make citizens who are more
“global,” it also strives to address global issues. Through project- or
activity-based learning in teams, it emphasizes the development of
independent learning, interpersonal skills, and critical thinking.
Summative and formative tests are used in the assessments. Some
evidence is found in the research literature to support the IB system’s
ability to fulfil some of these claims.
With its focus on engagement and teamwork, the IB system does place
higher expectations on both teachers and students. It takes more time
and work from both parties. Additionally, it calls for more in terms of
the infrastructure of the institution, including better computing
resources, library improvements, and improved departmental
coordination. Before the IB system can be implemented in schools,
teachers must go through a period of training. The cost of provision is
greatly increased by all of this. Therefore, it is not surprising that just
about 15 schools in Pakistan currently offer the IB, and all of them
charge extremely exorbitant tuition.
Parents and students should consider some difficulties both on an
individual and a group level. There is a price for high-quality
education. That cost must be borne by someone; it may be the society,
the parents, or the kids. We must choose the curriculum or examination
method that is the
most suitable and practical as parents and students. Education is an
investment in the future and affects multiple generations significantly.
What do we want to guarantee for our kids?
We must tackle this issue together as a society. The public benefit
component of education is quite substantial, and it has significant
externalities. We desire that all kids have access to high-quality
education.
The curriculum and exam concerns have an impact on education quality.
We must make decisions in this regard as a society and as individuals.
Additionally, these decisions will have an impact on both the present
and future of the nation
The German education system stands out for its unique combination of
academic rigor, hands-on learning, and commitment to individual
development. Let’s explore how this system is regulated, its key stages,
and other helpful details for anyone considering studying in Germany.

• The German school system is unique in Europe because it

sorts students into different educational paths early on.
• requires all children aged to to
attend school full-time at the primary and secondary levels.
• Germany places a great emphasis on vocational education and
training (VET). Over 15% of 25-34-year-olds in the country hold
a vocational post-secondary education as their highest
qualification, far surpassing the 6% average of OECD states.
• Germany is known for offering free or affordable higher education to
students from Germany and abroad.
• The German education system comprises five main stages:
, , , , and .
How the German School System Works
The German education system operates under the framework of the
Basic Law (Grundgesetz). At the federal level, the Federal Ministry of
Education and Research (BundesministeriumfürBildung und Forschung,
BMBF) plays a coordinating and supporting role in education matters.
However, education in Germany is primarily the responsibility of the
individual federal states (Bundesländer). Each federal state has its
own Ministry of Education or equivalent authority responsible for
education policy and legislation within its jurisdiction.
These state-level authorities determine many aspects of education,
including curriculum, teacher qualifications, and school organization.

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As a result of this federal structure, education legislation and

regulations can vary from one federal state to another, leading to some
differences in educational policies and practices across the country.
What is Compulsory Education in Germany?
Compulsory education in Germany is a fundamental commitment to
ensure that every child receives an education. All children in the Federal
Republic
of Germany must start school once they reach the age of until they
complete schooling at the Gymnasium or

for other general education schools.

After compulsory education, those who don’t continue to full-time
general or vocational schools at the upper secondary level must still
attend part-time schooling (compulsory Berufsschule attendance –
Berufsschulpflicht), which typically lasts three years.
Compulsory education applies to children and youth with disabilities
as well. Depending on their special educational needs
(sonderpädagogischerFörderbedarf), they can either join regular
schools with non-disabled peers or attend special education institutions
.

How Is the School System Structured in Germany?

1. This stage is optional but widely

attended. Children typically start kindergarten at age three or four,
focusing on socialization and early learning.
 2. Beginning at age six and spanning grades 1 to
4 (or 1 to 6 in Berlin and Brandenburg), this stage marks the
start of compulsory schooling and aids the transition from pre-
school to formal education.
3. Secondary education in Germany is divided
into lower secondary (Sekundarstufe I) and upper secondary
level (Sekundarstufe II), aiming to prepare students for
vocational qualifications or higher education.
4. Tertiary education in Germany includes
universities, colleges, and vocational academies offering degrees
and vocational qualifications. It’s highly respected for its
academic quality and research opportunities.
5. Continuing education in Germany offers
non-degree courses and workshops for skill development and
lifelong learning. It caters to diverse individuals and aims to
enhance personal and professional growth.

Early childhood education is optional education and care that children

between 0-6 of age receive in the Federal Territory of Germany. This type
of education includes both private and public child and youth welfare
services for children who have not reached the age to start compulsory
education (primary school).
Which Are the Institutions of Preschool Education in Germany?
In Germany, preschool education is predominantly provided by
private daycare centers, including crèches, child-minding centers, and
kindergartens.
Non-public organizations like Churches and Welfare or Parent’s
Associations have priority in offering these services, with local
authorities stepping in only when private initiatives are lacking.

• Typically, a combined setting for children under

the age of three and those from age three up to starting primary
school.
• Children under the age of three.
• Children from age three up to
starting primary school.
•

Children of compulsory school age who aren’t

developmentally ready for regular studies, including those with
disabilities or special educational needs.
The hours of preschool education are typically arranged through
collaboration between parents and management, generally spanning
a 7-hour day that includes lunch and sometimes a midday break.
What Are the Teaching Methodology and Materials in Preschool Education
in Germany?
Early childhood education in Germany aims to nurture children’s
independence and development, offering age-appropriate instruction,
values, and rules. It adapts to individual needs, including those of expat
children, who benefit from language acquisition and socialization
during this phase.

The core educational mission of the German preschool education (age

under 3) is enhancing communication skills among kids. Secondly, it is
the development of their language skills through social interaction with
other toddlers and adults.
Communication and language skills are taught by language role
models (educators), finger plays, singing, picture books, and additional
teaching practices/instruments.
Furthermore, an important part of pre-educating children is given to motor
development. This includes increasing body awareness, self-
acceptance, self-confidence, and concentration among toddlers.
Motor development is reached through physical activities, visiting public
environments, rhythmic early education programs, singing, and
movement playing.
Core values that preschool education seeks to develop amongst
children are the enhancement of their teamwork skills, along with their
level of integration in daily life activities.

1. Language, writing, communication,

2. Personal and social development,
3. Development of values and religious education,
4. Mathematics, natural sciences, (information) technology
5. Fine arts/working with different media
 6. Body, movement, health, and
7. Nature and cultural environments.
Such values are taught through self-organized learning, creative
learning, teamwork-building activities, investigation, and experimental
activities.
Assessment of the Educational Achievements in Preschool Education in
Germany
Children are not assessed regarding their educational achievement
reached by participating in German preschool institutions. Instead,
they’re constantly supervised by their educators or trainers regarding
their attainment from learning activities.
The opinion of educators is discussed with the parents of children, who
together agree on further measures for the development of kids’
learning skills.
Who Supervises Preschool Education in Germany?
Preschool education in Germany is supervised by the State Youth
Welfare Offices (Landesjugendämter) in each state (Lander). Providers
must meet specific requirements, such as appropriate staff ratios,
qualified educators, adequate facilities, hygiene standards, and age-
appropriate educational programs.
Kindergarten (early childhood education) in Germany is not entirely free,
but the costs are heavily subsidized. Parents typically pay a monthly
fee, which can vary depending on the state (Land) and the specific
kindergarten.
The fees are income-dependent, with lower-income families paying less and
sometimes receiving exemptions. Some states have also moved
towards making kindergarten education entirely free.
There is a middle option for children who have reached the compulsory
school attendance age but have not yet reached the needed
development. This is relevant for children with disabilities and those
needing special education. So, they attend a special school offered by
some Landers, known as School Kindergarten or a Preliminary Class

beforehand.

What Is Considered Primary Education in Germany?

Primary school, or Grundschule, offers mandatory education through
mixed-ability classes for children aged six until they complete grade 4 (or
6 in Berlin and Brandenburg).
As kids finish grade 4/6, primary school marks an important
transition phase, as together with parents and teachers, they are placed
into different types of secondary schools depending on academic
performance and goals. Which Are the Teaching Practices in Primary
Schools in Germany?
Primary education in Germany follows standards set by the Standing
Conference of the Ministers of Education and Cultural Affairs of the
Länder

• German,
• Mathematics,
 • General studies,
• Foreign language,
• Art,
• Handicrafts,
• Music,
• Sport,
• Religion, or ethics.
The curriculum includes topics like intercultural education,
sustainability, values education, and more. Parents are encouraged to
stay involved in their children’s education.
Learning objectives in primary schools are attained through the
engagement of pupils in planning, running, and analyzing study
subjects (lessons) in an adapted way, which goes along with their
knowledge, interest, curiosity, and concerns. Students are also
encouraged to participate in organizing initiatives and
interdisciplinary projects of the school.
Germany has primary school education systems:
with 188 teaching days per year and with 208
teaching days per year, which includes classes on two Saturdays every
month.
Primary school classes typically start between 7:30 AM and 8:00 AM and
end at 11 AM or 12 PM. Each lesson lasts for 45 minutes, with breaks
for eating and socializing. Most public primary schools don’t have
uniforms, and children can wear whatever they want.
In German primary schools, students are initially promoted to the next
grade without formal grading after completing grade 1.
From grade 2 onward, they receive grades based on their knowledge
level, ranging from 1 (very good) to 6 (very poor). These grades in
Germany are reflected in a school report , and promotion to the next
grade depends on their performance. If a student fails, they may need to
repeat the grade.

In most of Germany there are no formal exams or leaving certificates

for primary school. Students are assessed based on meeting specific
educational outcomes and receive annual reports.
has a long history that dates back two millennia.
While the Constitution of Sri Lanka does not provide free education as
a fundamental right, the constitution mentions that 'the complete
eradication of illiteracy and the assurance to all persons of the right to
universal and equal access to education at all levels" in its section on
directive principles of state policy at (27(2)(H). Sri Lanka's population
had an adult literacy rate of 96.3% in 2015, which is above average by
world and regional standards. Computer literacy in 2017 28.3% and
phone users in 2017 105%, website users 32% in 2017.[note 1] Education
plays a major part in the life and culture of the country, which dates
back to 543 BC. Sri Lanka's modern educational system modeled after
Christian missionary system was brought about by its integration into
the British Empire in the 19th century. Education currently falls under
the control of both the Central Government and the Provincial Councils,
with some responsibilities lying with the Central Government and the
Provincial Council having autonomy
for others. Education institutions with a tradition dating back to 5 BC
are largely ignored by the state.
The Human Rights Measurement Initiative (HRMI)[3] finds that Sri Lanka is
fulfilling 95.5% of what it should be fulfilling for the right to education
based on the country's level of income.[4] HRMI breaks down the right
to education by looking at the rights to both primary education and
secondary education. While taking into consideration Sri Lanka's
income level, the nation is achieving 97.7% of what should be possible
based on its resources (income) for primary education and 93.3% for
secondary education

Primary school to higher education are primarily funded and overseen by

three governmental ministries.
• Ministry of Education: for schools, parvenus (schools for
Buddhist priests), teachers training colleges and colleges of
education
o Department of Examinations: National examination service
• Ministry of Higher Education: for universities
• Ministry of Education Services: for supplying the physical
facilities required for general education
• Ministry of Skills Development and Vocational Training: for
vocational education and technical colleges
Exceptions to this system exist — mostly when it comes to tertiary with
several public universities and institutes coming under the purview of
different ministries. These divisions have led to a high degree of
mismanagement and inefficiency over the years.
Education in Sri Lanka has a history of over 2300 years. It is believed
that the Sanskrit language was brought to the island from North India
as a result of the establishment of the Buddhism in the
reign of King DevanampiyaTissa from the Buddhist monks sent by
Emperor Asoka of India. Since then an education system evolved based
around the Buddhist temples and pirivenas (monastic colleges), the
latter primarily intended for clergy (even to this day) and higher
education. Evidence of this system is found on the Mahawamsa and
Dipavamsa, the Chronicle of Lanka that deals with the history of
the island from the arrival of Prince Vijaya and his followers in
the 6th century BC.[7]
With the outset of the colonial expansion on the island, first in the
coastal provinces and then interior, Christian missionary societies
become active in education. The monopoly of Christian missionaries in
education ended following the Colebrooke Commission set up by the
British administration.
The National Institute of Education (NIE), Sri Lanka, based in
Maharagama, was established in 1986 under the provisions of the
National Institute of Education Act No. 28 of 1985. The aim of the
institute is to "provide
leadership for the development of general education with quality,
equity and relevance in a pluralistic society".[8]

A standard system of colonial schools were begun by the British based

on the recommendations of the Colebrooke Commission in 1836. This is
regarded as the beginning of the government's schooling system in the
island. It started with the establishment of the Royal
College in Colombo (formerly the Colombo Academy) and lead to the
formation of several single sex schools constructed during the colonial
period, by the British.[9] Some of these schools were affiliated to the
Anglican Church. These included S.Thomas' College Mount
Lavinia and Trinity College Kandy. The education in vernacular schools
was largely free due to government grants to cover the cost of teaching
and local philanthropists providing the buildings, equipment and the
books.[10] Colebrooke decreed that all government schools be
discontinued. The order did not apply to denominational Missionary
schools and they continued to function unceasingly.

In 1938 the education system in Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) was made
formally free following the granting of universal franchise in 1931. The
Minister of Education, late Hon. Dr. C.W.W. Kannangara, and the Executive
Committee of Education which included members such as H. W.
Amarasuriya took the
initiative in establishing free education. Under this initiative the
government established Madhya MahaVidyalayas (MMV, Central
Colleges) that were scattered around the island to provide education to
all. The medium was either Sinhala or Tamil.
In 1942 a special committee was appointed to observe the education
system and, among the suggestions that followed, the following play
an important role:
• i. Make available to all children a good education free of charge,
so
that education ceases to be a commodity purchasable only by the
urban affluent.
• ii. Make national languages the media of instruction in place of
English so that opportunities for higher education, lucrative
employment open only to small number of the urban affluent,
would become available to others as well.
• iii. Rationalize the school system so that educational provision is
adequate, efficient and economical.
• iv. Ensure that every child is provided with instruction in the
religion of his/her parents.
• v. Protect teachers from exploitation by managers of schools.
• vi. Make adequate provision for adult education.
The
(otherwise publicly known as
), were the series of nationwide centralised economic plans
and targets as part of the economic development initiatives,
in the Pakistan. The plan was conceived by the Ministry of Finance (MoF),
and were studied and developed by the Economic Coordination
Committee (ECC) based on the theory of Cost-of-production value, and
also covered the areas of Trickle-down system. Supervision and
fulfillment of
this programme became the watchword of Pakistan's civil
bureaucracy since early 1950s.
Inspired by the five-year plans of the Soviet Union, the programme
was visioned and proposed by the Finance Minister Malick Ghoulam to
Prime minister Liaquat Ali Khan who initially backed the programme, in
1948. The first five-year plans were approved by the Prime Minister Ali
Khan in 1950 for the period of 1950–55; it was accepted in a view to
serve in the rapid and intensified

At the time of partition of British India by the United Kingdom,

Pakistan was a relatively under-developed country. The country's
systems of production, transportation, trade and consumption yielded
a very low standard of living, with little opportunity for education, or
economic advancement in the country. The industries and financial
services were non-existent in the country and agriculture development
was among the lowest in the world. The vast majority of the
population still lived in villages and was untouched by the
scientific and technological development of the past two centuries.
The partition had a major effect on the country's existing economic
infrastructure that disrupted the wholesale transfers of population,
trade and business, channels of communication, industrial and
commercial organisation, and the pressing need to establish new
provisional governments. Economic planning began in 1948 when Prime
Minister Liaquat Ali Khan presented the first Five-Year plans at
the parliament of Pakistan on 8 July 1948. The first plan was conceived
by the Ministry of Finance (MoF), and were studied and
developed by the Economic Coordination Committee (ECC) based on
the theory of Cost-of-production value, and also covered trickle-down
economics. As part of this programme, the State Bank of Pakistan was
established to give a kickstart to banking services in the country. The
major economic infrastructure was quickly expanded and the hiring gap
was filled as government revenue began to rise. The currency war with
India following the devaluation of the British Pound Sterling and Indian
refusal to recognize the Pakistani rupee in 1949 led to a deadlock in
India-Pakistan trade.
In the middle of 1950, relations were restored when India and Pakistan
resumed trade, and in February 1951, India formally recognized
Pakistan's currency after entering in a new trade agreement, but older
trade relations were not restored. The Korean War brought about an
economic boom but growth declined after the assassination of Liaqat Ali
Khan in October 1951. Moreover, efforts to continue the programme
failed, partly due to inadequate staff officers and lack of ambitions. In
1953, the programme collapsed when shortages of clothes, medicines
and other essential consumer goods arose; there was also a serious
food shortage as a result of monsoon floods after 1951. Prime Minister
Khawaja Nazimuddin was forced to end the programme after
requesting economic assistance from the United States and other
friendly countries.
New studies were conducted in 1955 after the collapse of the first
programme. According to the census, over 90% of the population lived
in rural areas while only 10% lived in urban areas. In East Pakistan, the
urban proportion was as low as 4.0% compared to 18.1% in West Pakistan,
although the urbanisation had been increased at an accelerated level. In
1955, Prime Minister Muhammad Ali Bogra again revived the plan and
published it in 1956. After reassessment, the programme was launched
again with agricultural development as the highest priority, and
strong emphasis placed on rapidly increasing developmental efforts in
East Pakistan and in the less-developed areas of West
Pakistan. Prime Minister HuseynSuhrawardy of the Awami League
gave much priority to food development, agriculture and social
development in both states. The concept of Collective farming was
introduced by Suhrawardy as part of his agricultural policies and around
27.0 million rupees were spent in order to organised the agricultural in
the country. However, this programme was built entirely in the absence
of much essential information and basic statistics.
In practice, this plan was not implemented because of its enormous
size. The shortage of technical knowledge also devastated the
programme.[8] The AwamiLeague's government also had shortage of
foreign exchange to execute the plan, and was unable to find outside
assistance to fulfill its commitment to the first five-year plans.

Despite the failure of the first five-year plans, the programmes were
revived and restated by the military government of President Ayub
Khan. The second five-year plans gave highest priority to heavy
industrial development, and advancement in literature and science, and
had a single underlying purpose: "to advance the country as far as
possible, within the next five years, along the road of these long-range
objectives." Further improvements were made in railways,
communications, and transportation. More attention was given to
private sector industrial development and agricultural industries; the
second five-year plans aimed to increase the national income by 20%. The
unemployment was tackled with the industrialisation of the country, and
overall major industrial development was carried out in West Pakistan
while few in East. The Second Five-Year Plan surpassed its major goals
when all sectors showed substantial growth which also encouraged
private entrepreneurs to participate in those activities in which a great
deal of profit could be made, while the government acted in those sectors
of the economy where private business was reluctant to operate.
This mix of private enterprise and social responsibility was hailed as a
model that other developing countries could follow. The second five-
year plans oversaw the development of water and power utilities in
East and
West Pakistan and had energy sector built with the help from private-
sector. The financial services heavily depended on the foreign investment
and aid from the United States that bolstered the economy. The second
five-year plans were a quiet a big success but it was partially due to
generous infusions of foreign aid, particularly from the United States.
preference of village agro technical program of rural development so
that the agro technical production methods may be improved.

After the 1965 Indo-Pakistani War over Kashmir, the level of foreign
assistance declined and economic constraints were imposed on
Pakistan. The third five-year plan was designed along the lines of its
immediate predecessor, produced only modest growth. The country
had become urbanised by 1970 and only 10% population lived in rural
areas as compared to 1950. The third five-year plans promoted the
activities of private sector investment and tend to increase the directly
productive investment for the stable Financial sector development.
The third programme focused on Gross national product (GNP)
growth which was increased at 122% and had focused on the
enhancing the capabilities of private sector to operate in the country.
The size of the third
programme was determined in the light of a careful evaluation of the
recent experience under the second programme. Although the third
programme successfully ran for the first three years of the Third Five-
Year Plan, but at the end, the third programme proved to be even more
of a disappointment in terms of proclaimed production goals. The
performance of the third programme was undeniable that led the
economic disaster in the country. Dramatically, the agriculture growth
sharply declined and desperately devastated the farming class of the

country.

The fourth five-year plans were abandoned after the fall of Dhaka
East-Pakistan. Virtually, all fourth five-year planning was bypassed by
the government of Prime minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Under Bhutto,
only annual plans were prepared, and they were largely ignored.
The fourth five-year plan was replaced with
the nationalisationprogramme which featured an intense level of
government-ownership management on private entities. Only
scientific aspects of fourth five-year plans were adopted in a view to
turn Pakistan into a major "scientific superpower" in the world.

The Zia government accorded more importance to planning. The Fifth

Five-Year Plan (1978–83) was an attempt to stabilize the economy and
improve the standard of living of the poorest segment of the
population. Increased defense expenditures and a flood of refugees to
Pakistan after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979, as
well as the sharp increase in international oil prices in 1979–80, drew
resources away from planned investments. Nevertheless, some of the
plan's goals were attained.
Many of the controls on industry were liberalised or abolished, the
balance of payments deficit was kept under control, and Pakistan
became self-sufficient in all basic foodstuffs with the exception of edible
oils. Yet the plan failed to stimulate substantial private industrial
investment and to raise significantly the expenditure on rural
infrastructure development.

The sixth five-year plans represented a significant shift toward the

private sector. It was designed to tackle some of the major problems of
the economy: low investment and savings ratios; low agricultural
productivity; heavy reliance on imported energy; and low spending on
health and education. The economy grew at the targeted average of
6.5% during the plan period and would have exceeded the target had it
not been for severe droughts in 1986 and 1987.

The Seven Year Plan will be introduced by Benazir Government. The

seventh plans provided for total public-sector spending of Rs350
billion. Of this total, 36.5% was designated for energy, 18% for
transportation and communications, 9% for water, 8% for physical
infrastructure and housing, 7% for education, 5% for industry and
minerals, 4% for health, and 11% for other sectors. The plan gave much
greater emphasis than before to private investment in all sectors of the
economy. Total planned private investment was Rs.292 billion, and the
private-to- public ratio of investment was expected to rise from 42:58
in FY 1988 to 48:52 in FY 1993. It was also
intended that public-sector corporations finance most of their own
investment programmes through profits and borrowing.
In August 1991, the government established a working group on
private investment for the Eighth Five-Year Plan (1993–98).

This group, which included leading industrialists, presidents of chambers

of commerce, and senior civil servants, submitted its report in late
1992. However, in early 1994, the eighth plan had not yet been
announced, mainly because the successive changes of government in
1993 forced ministers to focus on short-term issues. Instead, economic
policy for FY 1994 was being guided by an annual plan.

One of the ways of looking at ICT use in teacher training is how it is used
in distance education (DE) modes of training. DE has been employed
by various government and non-government agencies so as reach the
unreached. With the concept of providing credits and certificates
distance education started and progressed over a period of time with
the establishment of open universities with the main aim of providing
learning opportunities for those who could not continue education due
to various reasons. Also in a broader sense the focus of DE in the
teacher training context is not necessarily the certificate based
programmes. It aims to reach the nooks and corners of a country so as
to meet the training needs of teachers through the use technology.
As Burns (2011) rightly said distance education, at its very essence has
always been about helping individuals fulfil their professional dreams
and aspirations-whether to be an office worker or a para-teacher or a
certified teacher.
DE has taken the advantage of tradition and emerging technologies to
reach learners and provide cost effective quality education. The main
technologies which is being used in distance education include print,
radio, television, web based technology, and mobile technologies.
Basing on the case studies of various distance education programmes
of various countries and regions such as United States, Asia, Africa,
Latin America, the Caribbean, Europe, and Australia, Mary Burns has
identified the potential role of technology in teacher professional
development, its strengths and limitations. While the technologies used
to support distance learning are important for a well-functioning
distance education programme, more critical for teacher learning are
the and of instruction offered with and through these
technologies (Jegede, Fraser and Fischer, 1998). Let us look at the three
key technologies which are being used predominantly in DE
programmes of most of the courtiers. They are: print, audio and
televisual.

Print-based correspondence courses used in upgrading the skills of

unqualified or untrained teachers. The print is least expensive but
probably only feasible in some countries like Ghana (ex: Untrained
Teachers Diploma in Basic Education) and in Tanzania's National
Correspondence Institute, combined print study guides with radio
broadcasts, with residential programme. It is the same in India
(IGNOU), where teachers
content and skills are upgraded through print materials as main stay
with some additional support through contact programme and school
based activities.

It includes radio broadcasts; Interactive Radio Instruction (IRI); one-

and two-way audio instruction. In many programmes of audio, the
teachers are secondary target group. It has the advantage of being
affordable, being capable of reaching any part of the country and
capable of focusing on issues perceived as difficult by teachers to
handle.

Televisual methods include visual broadcast media as television, video,

and videoconferencing. It provides opportunities to see trainers and
trainees in action and leads to credibility as it is said seeing is
believing. Actual classrooms could be created. It can provide models. It
also has the potential to explain the difficult concepts to make an
individual understand.
1. Distance learning
programs should start with the question, "How can we teach
teachers using online learning?" Rather, the first question should
be, "What should teachers know and be able to do as a result of
this instructional program?" The second question should be, "How
best can we do this: face-to-face, via distance, or both?"
2. Once these
programmatic goals have been defined, policymakers and
planners should consider the delivery system that can best help
teachers attain these knowledge and skills. The technology or
technologies
 selected must serve as the best vehicle to address the needs and
goals of the teachers the distance education program is designed
to serve.

3. The technology/technologies selected must be

appropriate for curriculum delivery and support teacher
effectiveness (Farrell and Isaacs 2007). Initial development of
distance learning programs should begin with two fundamental
questions: What should teachers know and be able to do as a
result of this distance program? What is the best possible way to
help them attain that knowledge and those skills? Neither of these
questions have anything to do with hardware, software, or
connectivity-nor should they.
4. The technology or technologies
selected must support best practices in learning: learner-centred
instruction, interactivity with content and people,
communication, collaboration, reflection, accessing and
constructing information in multiple formats, exposure to new
opportunities and practices, and assessment (Farrell and Isaacs
2007; Kleiman 2004; Capper 2003;
Mayer 2001).
5. Technology breaks down. When
computers lie unused because of unavailable tech support, when
television broadcasting ceases because of storm damage to a
broadcast tower or satellite dish, when IRI broadcasts stop
because of broken radios, education and professional
development efforts are lost and money wasted (Gaible and
Burns 2007). Any technology-based distance education system
must plan for such contingencies and eventualities.
6. The technology or technologies
selected for distance learning must build on a country's available
communications, networked or broadcast infrastructure,395
available equipment, physical infrastructure, and human
infrastructural supports-content developers, instructional designers,
and instructors within that particular distance education medium-
as well as distance technology-specific assessment systems.
7. Different distance technologies
require different technical skills and dispositions on the part of
potential users. The existing skills and readiness of distance
instructors and learners is a critical consideration in selecting a
particular mode of distance education delivery. The technology
medium identified must be easy enough for instructors and
learners to use so that technology-and difficulties operating it-do
not obscure the focus on teaching and learning. The use of any
technology will obviously and necessarily involve some form of
technology training. But fluent technology skills do not guarantee
fluency in teaching and learning with technology (McGhee 2003;
Dimock et al. 2001). Any
 distance learning program must devote less time, effort, and
resources to teaching technology and more time, effort, and
resources to helping its teachers and learners teach and learn
technology.
8. New technologies offer options to expand
educational opportunities and improve educational quality. In
selecting, designing, and making technology-related decisions,
no entity should begin planning a distance\education program
without thinking very carefully about the convergence among
technologies, trends in technology (hardware, software, types of
computing, use, and digital content), and how they impact teacher

training programs.
One of the most significant phenomena of the 20th century was the
dramatic expansion and extension of public (i.e., government-
sponsored) education systems around the world—the number of schools
grew, as did the number of children attending them. Similarly, the
subjects taught in schools broadened from the basics of mathematics
and language to include sciences and the arts. Various explanations
have been given for the substantial increase in numbers of youths as
well as adults attending government-sponsored schools; social
scientists tend to categorize the reasons for these enrollment increases
as products of either conflict or consensus in the process of social
change. In most cases these perspectives are rooted in theories of social
science that were formulated in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

One major school of thought is represented in the work of French

sociologist Émile Durkheim, who explained social phenomena from a
consensus perspective. According to him, the achievement of social
cohesion—exemplified in Europe’s large-scale national societies as they
experienced industrialization, urbanization, and the secularization of
governing bodies—required a universalistic agency capable of transmitting
core values to the populace. These values included a common history
that contributed to cultural continuity, social rules that
instilled moral discipline and a sense of responsibility for all members
of the society, and occupational skills that would meet the society’s
complex and dynamic needs. Durkheim recognized that public
schooling and teachers—as agents of a larger, moral society—served
these necessary
functions. As he observed in
(1895), “Education sets out precisely with the object of creating a social
being.” Durkheim’s thoughts, expressed near the turn of the 20th
century, were reflected in the policies of newly sovereign states in the
post-World War II period. Upon achieving their independence,
governments throughout Africa and Asia quickly established systems of
public instruction that sought to help achieve a sense of national
identity in societies historically divided by tribal, ethnic, linguistic,
religious, and geographic differences.

The German political theorist and revolutionary Karl Marx viewed

public schooling as a form of ideological control imposed by dominant
groups. This perspective saw education not as building social cohesion
but as reproducing a division of labour or enabling various status
groups to gain control of organizations and to influence the
distribution of valued resources. The German sociologist Max
Weber regarded educational credentials as one such resource, in that
credentials function as a form of “cultural capital” that can generally
preserve the status quo while granting social mobility to select members
of society.

The American philosopher John Dewey believed that education should

mean the total development of the child. On the basis of the
observations he made at the University of Chicago Laboratory Schools
—the experimental elementary schools that he founded in 1896—Dewey
developed revolutionary educational theories that sparked the
progressive education movement in the United States. As he
propounded in
(1899) and (1902), education
must be tied to experience, not abstract thought, and must be built
upon the interests and developmental needs of the child. He argued for
a student-centred, not subject-centred, curriculum and stressed
the teaching of critical thought over rote memorization.
Later, in Experience and Education (1938), he criticized those of his
followers who took his theories too far by disregarding organized
subject matter in favour of vocational training or mere activity for their
students. If prudently applied, progressive education could, Dewey
believed, “shape the experiences of the young so that instead of
reproducing current habits, better habits shall be formed, and thus the
future adult society be an improvement on their own.” Concurrent
pedagogies appeared in European institutions such as
OvideDecroly’sÉcole de l’Ermitage (the Hermitage School), which
envisioned students utilizing the classroom as a workshop, and Maria
Montessori’s Casa dei Bambini (“Children’s House”), which
incorporated experiential and tactile learning methods through

students’ use of “didactic materials.”

Toward the end of the 20th century, comprehensive theories such as
those represented by the consensus and conflict models were increasingly
viewed as oversimplifications of social processes and, in many quarters,
gave way to more particularized interpretations. One such perspective
viewed educational expansion and extension less as a function of
national interest and more as a by-product of religious, economic,
political, and cultural changes that had occurred across most of Europe.
Especially in the wake of the Enlightenment, an emphasis on the
glorification of God was joined by the growing celebration of human
progress (ultimately defined as economic growth), while concerns for the
salvation of the soul were augmented by the cultivation of individual
potential. As nation-states with centralized governments extended
citizenship rights in the 18th century, state sponsorship of schools
began to supersede the church-supported instruction that had become
the norm in the 16th and 17th centuries ( Education, history of:
Central European theories and practices). According to such scholars as
John Meyer and Michael Hannan in

(1979), formal systems of education not only

represent the means by which nation-states have modernized and
prospered economically but are also the surest route to enhancing the
talents of individuals. As a requirement for all children and youths
between certain ages and as an institution regulated by the state,
schooling also became the primary agency for creating citizens with
equal responsibilities and rights.
These values emerged in education systems throughout the world,
especially in the late 20th century as education professionals promoted
them in developed and less-developed countries alike. As such, schools
effectively carried modernity into many parts of the world, where it was
met with varying degrees of resistance and acceptance.
Teachers, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and government
agencies contributed, for example, to standardization in the shape and
style of the classroom, types of curricula, and goals for school
enrollments. In the first half of the 20th century, schools in most
industrialized countries came to exhibit similar characteristics—that is,
schools could be identified as schools. By the second half of the 20th
century, these traits had become prominent in most schools around the

world.

One explanation for the changes evidenced in this “institutionalist” view

of education can be found in the human-capital theory first
popularized by American economist Theodore Schultz in “Investment in
Human Capital,” his presidential address to the American Economic
Association in 1960. According to this theory, education is not a form
of consumption that represents a costly expenditure for government
but instead serves as an investment that improves the economic
worth of individuals
(e.g., human capital) and thereby raises a country’s overall productivity
and economic competitiveness. In other words, governments support
education because it ultimately strengthens their countries.

Each of these theories partially explains the widespread increase in

enrollments, as reported by UNESCO (the United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization), in all levels of
education during the last half of the 20th century. Broadly speaking,
enrollments increased substantially for school-age children and
youths, while adult illiteracy rates decreased significantly. In the
second half of the 20th century, the proportion of children worldwide
enrolled at all levels (from primary through tertiary) increased from less
than half to approximately two-thirds of the relevant age-groups.
Much of this enrollment growth was a product of political change.
Most countries in a postcolonial phase expand their education systems,
largely because it is something governments can do at a reasonable
cost with significant effect. With the opening of schools to many who
were once denied education under semifeudal, colonial, or totalitarian
systems, it has not been uncommon to find large numbers of overage
students enrolled. First-grade classes might have an age range
from 6 to 11. Overall, primary-school enrollments more than tripled
in the last half of the 20th century, from slightly more than 200 million
to some 670 million; secondary education increased more than
ninefold, from more than 40 million to nearly 400 million; and tertiary
education increased more than 12- fold, from about 7 million to nearly 90
million. Higher levels of enrollment
are usually sustained, in part, because “credentialing” the attainment
of degrees or certificates of achievement has become a social necessity.
Employers tend to seek highly schooled individuals while depending on
the education system to prepare and distinguish job candidates. In
addition, enrollments have been known to gain momentum through
the “queuing” effect; that is, when people line up to participate in
something, others soon join the crowd in the belief that something of
value will be obtained.

In not only the industrially developed world but also in other regions
(e.g., Latin America and East and South Asia), gross primary-school
enrollment rates had reached 95 to 100 percent by the beginning of the
21st century, while in Africa they had achieved an average of about 80
percent. Some of the world’s least-developed countries took the most
dramatic steps toward offering universal primary education in the
final decades of the 20th century. As late as 1970 less than half of the
relevant school-age population attended primary schools in such
countries, but by 1997 primary-school enrollments in the least-
developed countries had grown to include more than 70 percent of
school-age children. Between 1999 and 2005, the overall number of
children entering primary education worldwide increased by 4
percent, from 130 million to 135 million. Worldwide total enrollment for
primary education increased 6 percent, to 688 million. The biggest
gains for entering students took place in sub-Saharan Africa, with an
increase of 40 percent. Some countries, however, continued to lag
behind this trend. Some of the world’s lowest primary-school
enrollment rates persisted in countries such as Niger and Djibouti (both
less than 40 percent). Although primary education, as
compared with higher levels of schooling, is the least costly to maintain
and the easiest to expand, a 2008 UNESCO Global Monitoring Report,
“Education for All,” concluded that a number of sub-Saharan African
and Arab countries were not likely to achieve universal primary
education by 2015. Another significant challenge is to provide
continuing education opportunities for those who complete basic
schooling.

In the second half of the 20th century, secondary-school enrollments

worldwide expanded from less than one-fifth to almost two-thirds of
the relevant age-group. Between 1999 and 2005, enrollment in
secondary education grew by 17 percent to 512 million worldwide, an
increase of 73 million. Secondary education in developed countries has
become, with few exceptions, universally available. In East Asia, the
Middle East, and Latin America, secondary-education enrollment rates
ranged from approximately 60 percent to 70 percent at the beginning of
the 21st century. South Asia and Africa had the lowest enrollment rates,
at approximately one-half and one-third of the age-group, respectively.
Between 1999 and 2005, the fastest growth rates in secondary education
occurred in sub-Saharan Africa, South and West Asia, and the Arab
countries at 55 percent, 27 percent, and 21 percent, respectively.
Enrollment numbers are significantly dependent upon a country’s
economic resources; it has been the case, for instance, that many
youths in this age group cannot attend school because they are needed
to supplement family income.
There was a marked worldwide trend toward
more comprehensive secondary education in the second half of the
20th century. The higher enrollments were intended to permit students
to continue with higher education instead of being “tracked” into
different schools and programs that provided a terminal vocational
education. However, not all college and university graduates find
work that is commensurate with their educational attainment.
Increasingly, large numbers of underemployed tertiary-level graduates
have led to a renewed interest in vocational education. At both the
primary- and secondary-education levels, another worldwide trend
has been the inclusion of a greater number of courses in mathematics
and science, accompanied by a growing emphasis on computer-related
courses intended to prepare students of all ages for participation in the
modern economy and its dynamic labour needs.

Higher education, which once had the primary purpose of educating

religious leaders, now acts as a gateway to the modern sectors of
national
economies and often to a higher social status. Higher education is also
where the greatest constriction of enrollments occurs. Worldwide,
fewer than one-fifth of those aged 18–24 were engaged in some form of
tertiary education at the turn of the 21st century, with less than 5
percent of those in the least-developed countries enrolled. By contrast,
in the most industrialized and developed countries, higher-education
enrollment as of 2005 reached approximately half of the age group,
with rates of greater than two-thirds in North America and western
Europe and nearly three-fifths in Oceania. Between 1999 and 2005,
tertiary education enrollment grew by 45 million students to 138
million, with Brazil, China, India, Nigeria, Cuba, and South Korea
showing the greatest gains. In some countries access to higher education
has come to be considered an entitlement or, alternatively, a social
requirement for entry into the most prestigious occupations or high
political offices.
Since the 1990s international trends in higher education include rapid
growth of private institutions, closer ties to the marketplace (such as
corporate sponsorship of university research), and institutional
differentiation (such as specialization in particular subject areas or
occupations). Postsecondary-learning options range from distance
education and short-term courses to extended residential stays and
postgraduate work at world-class institutions. Some of these trends
stem from advances in communications and international travel.
Developed countries not only provide more students with a greater
variety of study options but also invest
more heavily in the research-and-development
infrastructure of higher education. However, regional differences in the
capacity of higher-education systems to
contribute to scientific research
and technological innovation may constitute an
even greater gap than differences in material wealth between the
richest and poorest countries.

At the other end of the school continuum, access to early childhood care
and preschool education became increasingly important in preparing
children for success in school. Although preschool enrollments more
than doubled to approximately 100 million between 1975 and 2000, in
many countries access was not always guaranteed to the poorest
and most marginalized members of society, and private preschools
frequently accounted for a majority of the options available to parents.
Some countries, however, have attempted to provide universal
preprimary education to all children for purposes of both child
development and the socialization of individuals toward a national
identity. France, for example, possesses a strong notion of a national,
secular identity that was forged in the French Revolution. Debates at
the beginning of the 21st century about the right of French students to
wear religiously symbolic clothing or jewelry were, in fact, rooted in the
values that emerged from the revolutionary period. In Italy an emphasis
on early schooling was the result of social movements of the early 1960s.
According to the American sociologist William Corsaro and the Italian
psychologist Francesca Emiliani, the massive migration to cities and the
active participation of women in labour protests brought demands that
the state provide basic social services including education and publicly
funded child care.
Contemporaneous experiences in other parts of the world were quite
different. Political revolution in China, for example, changed the
very
nature of education. Although traditional Chinese culture had
attached great importance to education as a means of enhancing a
person’s worth and career, by the end of the 1950s the Chinese
government could no longer provide jobs adequate to meeting the
expectations of those who had acquired some formal
schooling. Furthermore, the anti-intellectualism inherent in the
mass campaign periods of the Great Leap Forward and, especially,
the Cultural Revolution diminished the status and quality of
education. The damage done to China’s human capital was so great
that it took decades to make up the loss.
A shift to rapid and pragmatic economic development occurred in the
late 1970s, when China’s educational system increasingly trained
individuals in technical skills so that they could fulfill the needs of
the advanced, modern sectors of the economy. The overall trend in
Chinese education reflected a combination of fewer students and higher
scholastic standards, resulting in a steeply hierarchical educational
system. At the turn of the 21st century, slightly more than one-third of
the total population had completed primary schooling while roughly one-
tenth of all Chinese had finished a secondary school education; fewer
than 4 percent had earned an advanced degree. By the end of the 20th
century, however, higher-education enrollments in China had grown
rapidly. The government had permitted the opening of private
educational institutions and had begun to decentralize the
overall governance of education.
Higher education in China has expanded dramatically from nearly 7
percent of students in tertiary education in 1999 to nearly 22 percent in
2006. In 2007 almost 19 million students were enrolled in universities,
and another 5 million were receiving some form of adult higher
education at either the
bachelor- or the associate-degree levels. In the same year,
approximately 16 percent of students receiving higher education were
enrolled in private institutions. Forty-eight percent were female.