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eological Chem
A SYMPOSIUM
Archeological
Chemistry
A SYMPOSIUM
Edited by Martin Levey
Philadelphia
U n i v e r s i t y o f Pennsylvania Press
© 1967 by the T r u s t e e s of the University of Pennsylvania
Published in G r e a t Britain, India, and Pakistan

by the O x f o r d University Press
London, Bombay, and Karachi
Library of C o n g r e s s C a t a l o g u e C a r d N u m b e r : 6 4 - 2 4 4 9 7
7465
P r i n t e d in the United States of A m e r i c a
Foreword
In recent years archeological chemistry has made great

progress through the work carried out in the laboratories
of many countries. The present collection brings much of
this widely scattered work together and thus should be very
welcome to those who are active in this field and also to
many others.
If, nonetheless, the question were raised whether these
"others" really can afford to spend any time with this sub-
ject when so much is required and remains to be done in
the pursuit of our present problems, the answer would be
quite positive and diversified. First, interest in this subject
has deep historical roots. Several outstanding chemists of
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries studied ancient
objects. Berthollet, Chaptal, and Vauquelin analyzed an-
cient pigments. Humphrey Davy, who pointed out that
azure had shown its stability over 1700 years, derived
practical suggestions from his work on ancient Roman
coloring materials, for example, the use of "artificial hydrat
of alumina" as a binder for pigments. Davy leads us to part
of the answer, for which we can rely on Louis Alphonse
Salvetat, director of the national manufacture of porcelain
at Sevres (1850). He saw the "incontestable value" for
"our arts" that can be gained from such research, and its
more general interest in helping us to "reconstitute the
ancient chemical arts." From this we can see the greater
5
6 ARCHEOLOGICAL CHEMISTRY
perspectives this work offers to general history when it is

concerned with commerce and communications, with the
origins and migrations of techniques. And all this touches
on the riddle of creativity insofar as it is connected with the
problems of beginnings and influences.
There is a feedback between answers and questions. If
my answer were accepted, it would lead to the further
question of whether archeological chemistry can do all
these things, especially, whether we can elucidate what
went on so long ago in the "art" we now call chemistry.
While trying to make out the chemistry of the ancients,
we are developing a modern chemistry of ancient specimens.
We are measuring radioactivity, we use the electron micro-
scope and spectroscopy in its various forms, but the results
we obtain with these modern tools must be carefully dis-
tinguished f r o m what the ancients did and how they may
have arrived at their achievements without anything like
the knowledge acquired in the course of the intervening
centuries. How m u c h of the ancient product has remained
"frozen" in its original condition? How much change has
occurred through self-diffusion, recrystallization, and ex-
ternal influences?
Here we encounter a new example of complementarity.
Where our study fails to show the original nature of the
ancient material, it can succeed in revealing new relation-
ships in long-term chemical changes. Either we find the
ancient process or we discover the history of its product.
This interplay of questions and answers can serve to
indicate the many directions in which archeological chem-
istry as a field of specialization is connected with other
inquiries and why it should interest not only the specialist,
but many others besides.
Washington, D. C. e d u a r d f a r b e r
Editor's Preface
The present collection of studies in archeological chem-

istry brings together the most important group of articles
ever devoted to the difficult experimental problems in this
field. Not only do the chapters have their own individual
importance but they have a collective value as the work of
some of the foremost scientists in this rapidly growing field.
Organized by the undersigned, the Third Symposium on
Archeological Chemistry was held at Atlantic City, New
Jersey, on September 12 and 13, 1962. The official sponsor
was the Division of History of Chemistry, of the American
Chemical Society. It was the major purpose of the chairman
to bring together the latest knowledge and techniques of
archeological chemistry so that more and better investiga-
tion in this area might receive recognition and the proper
encouragement.
Close to 90 percent of the major types of the investi-
gative methods of archeological chemistry are described in
this volume. Abrahams-Edelstein employ infrared spectra
in the analysis of extracted dyes. In Besborodov-Zadneprov-
sky and in Mellichamp-Levey, emission spectroscopy is the
primary experimental approach. Long series of analyses
are given by Caley and Geilmann. The primary approach
by Emoto is by a new method using X-ray fluorescent
7
spectroscopy. Jedrzejewska uses, in addition to other

methods, petrographic examination. Mellichamp-Levey
also employ X-ray diffraction. Naumann uses metallo-
graphic, hardness, and analytical data. Examination by
electronic sound and micrography are preferred by Panseri-
Leoni. In discussing prehistoric sherds, Paramasivan con-
siders color, thickness of fabric, hardness, specific gravity,
porosity, thermal properties, properties determined opti-
cally, and analyses. The C-14 dating technique is given by
Ralph. Sayre-Smith and Yamasaki concentrate on chem-
ical analyses, and Weill works with such X-ray techniques
as fluorescence and diffraction. One technique, not dis-
cussed but which may prove itself of importance, is that of
neutron bombardment (described by Ε. V. Sayre in
"Studies in Ancient Ceramic Objects by Means of Neutron
Bombardment and Emission Spectroscopy," Application of
Science in the Examination of Works of Art ( 1 9 5 9 ) , 154-
155.
During the course of the discussions on each of the
presented papers, much attention was devoted to the spe-
cific methods of laboratory work, significance of the results,
and the terminology of the reports. Because the representa-
tion of talks is of a truly international geographic character,
the differences in actual approach, although of great value
in some ways, clearly indicate that archeological chemists
must develop an identifiable standard of reporting in their
analytical work.
Research in archeological chemistry is still largely con-
ducted by chemists and physicists working alone in their
own particular specialties. Usually, this is done without a
full recognition and appreciation of the possibilities of
study using other available techniques. This is partly due
to the relatively few workers in the field and also to the
EDITOR'S PREFACE 9
diluted communication of results which are spread out
over many different types of publications throughout the
world. A greater spirit of cooperation among archeological
chemists in consultation and exchange of artifacts as well
as symposia and specialized publications will help to over-
come many of the present difficulties.
Beyond matters of experimental technology, the use of
the data by the participants tends, in some areas, to reveal
a maturing of the science of archeological chemistry. With
a further improvement of statistical methods, of technique
and its utilization, it is hoped and expected that this growth
in the archeological domain will spill over its know-how
into more modern problems in ceramics, metals, and other
materials.
The papers are arranged alphabetically by author in this
volume.
The chairman wishes to thank the American Academy
of Arts and Sciences for aid which eventually contributed
to the success of this undertaking. Appreciation of support
by the U.S.P.H.S. RG 7391 is acknowledged by the under-
signed. Thanks are also due to Drs. Earle R. Caley,
Eduard Farber, and Henry M. Leicester for acting as pre-
siding officers of the three sessions.
Yale University, New Haven, Conn.
Martin Levey, Chairman
Committee on Archeological Chemistry
American Chemical Society
December 11, 1963
Contents
FOREWORD 5
EDITOR'S P R E F A C E 7
A NEW METHOD FOR THE ANALYSIS OF ANCIENT DYED

TEXTILES 15
BY DAVID H . ABRAHAMS AND SIDNEY M . EDELSTEIN, DEXTER
CHEMICAL CORP., N E W YORK
A N C I E N T AND M E D I E V A L GLASS OF M I D D L E ASIA 29

BY M . A . BESBORODOV AND J . A . ZADNEPROVSKY, ACADEMY
OF SCIENCE, LENINGRAD.
INVESTIGATIONS ON THE ORIGIN AND MANUFACTURE OF

ORICHALCUM 59
BY EARLE R . CALEY, THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY
CHARACTERISTICS OF A N T I Q U E S AND A R T O B J E C T S BY X - R A Y
FLUORESCENT SPECTROMETRY 75
BY YOSHIMICHI EMOTO, TOKYO NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF CUL-
TURAL PROPERTIES
CHEMISCHE UNTERSUCHUNGEN DER PATINA VORGESCHICHT-

LICHER B R O N Z E N AUS NIEDERSACHSEN UND AUSWERTUNG
IHRER ERGEBNISSE 87
By Wilhelm Geilmann, Mainz
N E W M E T H O D S IN THE INVESTIGATION OF A N C I E N T MORTARS 147
By Hanna Jedrzejewska, National Museum, Warsaw
M E T A L L U R G Y OF S O M E A N C I E N T E G Y P T I A N M E D I C A L INSTRU-
MENTS 167
By James Mellichamp, U . S. A r m y Signal Research and
Development Laboratory, and Martin Levey, Yale Uni-
versity
DIE UNTERSUCHUNG A L T E R EISERNER FUNDSTÜCKE U N D DIE

DAZU VERWENDETEN VERFAHREN 181
BY F. Κ. NAUMANN, MAX-PLANCK-INSTITUT FÜR EISENFOR-
SCHUNG, DÜSSELDORF
R E S E A R C H ON A N I R O N S P E A R H E A D F R O M THE E T R U S C A N S A N C -
T U A R Y OF F A N U M V O L T U M N A E , F O U R T H - T H I R D CENTURIES
B.C. 205
BY C. PANSERI AND M. LEONI, ISTITUTO SPERIMENTALE DEI
METALLI LEGGERI, NOVARA, ITALY
INVESTIGATIONS ON A N C I E N T POTTERY FROM MASKI 231

B Y S. PARAMASIVAN, MADRAS, INDIA
METHODOLOGICAL P R O B L E M S OF C 1 4 D A T I N G 253
B Y ELIZABETH K . RALPH, UNIVERSITY M U S E U M , UNIVERSITY OF
PENNSYLVANIA
S O M E N O T E S ON P R E - C O L U M B I A N M E T A L - C A S T I N G 267
By W. C. Root, Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine
S O M E M A T E R I A L S OF G L A S S - M A N U F A C T U R I N G IN A N T I Q U I T Y 279
B y E d w a r d V . Sayre and R a y W . Smith, B r o o k h a v e n Na-
tional Laboratory, Upton, Ν. Y.
L ' A N A L Y S E C R I T I Q U E A U SERVICE DE L ' H I S T O I R E DES Μ έ τ Α υ χ 313

ANCIENS
Par Adrienne R . Weill, Paris
PIGMENTS EMPLOYED IN OLD PAINTINGS OF JAPAN 347

By Kazuo Yamasaki, Nagoya University, Nagoya, Japan
Archeological Chem
A SYMPOSIUM
A New Method for the Analysis of
Ancient Dyed Textiles
By David H. Abrahams and Sidney M. Edelstein,

Dexter Chemical Corp., New York
These authors were charged with the identification of the

dyes present in eleven woven fabrics and in one sam-
ple of dyed unspun wool from the Bar Kochba finds in the
Judean desert. The eleven fabrics were all wool and have
been identified by Professor Yadin as clothing or shrouds
used by the Bar Kochba rebels who retreated into a cave
in the Judean desert in 135 A.D. The loose wool was found
in a leather bag together with other household objects in
the same cave. The fabrics and unspun wool were in an
excellent state of preservation, and the colors were relatively
bright and fresh looking after mild cleaning.
The methods used heretofore in the identification of dyes
in ancient dyed fabrics have been based for the most part
on qualitative'color changes when the dyed samples were
treated with various reagents.1 Some analysts have used
methods involving separation of the dyes by solvent extrac-
tions followed by attempts at identification of the dyes by
examination of visible spectra of the dyes in solvent solu-
15
tions. 2 We have felt that none of the techniques used here-

tofore have been exact enough for our purpose since they
are subject to many errors and depend mainly on the skill
and experience of the analyst. We have, therefore, devel-
oped a more positive method of identification which
involves selective extractions of the dyes by solvents fol-
lowed by purification of the dyes and then positive identi-
fication of each dye by comparison of its infrared spectra
with the spectra of known dyes.
The Bar Kochba textiles were all wool and the colors
were fast to mild washing. This, together with the age of
the textiles, indicated a limited number of possible dye-
stuffs that could have been used in producing the colors.
From ancient times up until the discovery of America,
fast reds were produced on wool with an extract of madder
(alizarin) or with an extract of kermes or similar red
insects together with alum as the mordant. Duller shades
of reds, browns and some violets were obtained from these
same dyestuffs by the use of iron salts in combination with
the alum. Fast blues were obtained by the use of indigo
from woad (Jsatis tinctoria) or from the true indigo plant
(Indigofera tinctoria). Purple shades were obtained by the
use of true Tyrian purple (6,6' dibromindigo) or by dyeing
the wool blue with indigo and shading with madder or
kermes in combination with an alum mordant. Fast yellows
were available from weld, safflower, saffron and from many
other plants in conjunction with an alum mordant. Fast
greens were obtained by first dyeing the wool blue with
indigo and then with one of the yellows together with an
alum mordant. Variations in the green shades could also be
made by changing the relative proportion of aluminum to
iron in the mordants. Blacks were usually prepared by the
ANALYSIS OF ANCIENT DYED TEXTILES 17
use of an iron salt mordant together with an extract of

tannin from oak galls or with other tannins. Occasionally,
blacks were prepared by a combination dyeing of blue, red
and yellow.3
ANALYTICAL PROCEDURE FOR DYES

IN FAST-DYED WOOL TEXTILES
Scour. Before analytical work is carried out, it is essen-

tial that the textile be cleaned. Each sample is individually
washed in a warm solution of neutral soap followed by
thorough rinsing in warm water. Agitation is held to a
minimum because of the possible fragile nature of the
textile. Each sample is then extracted in a Soxhlet apparatus
with carbon tetrachloride, ethanol and distilled water and
then dried.
The sample is dissected and examined under a low
power microscope to determine if the wool in the particu-
lar sample has been dyed different colors and then blended
to give the final color or whether the wool has been dyed
one color only, either in the form of stock, yarn or in the
piece. Depending on the results of this examination, the
yarns or fibers may be separated into individual color
groups for subsequent analyses.
Determination of Metal Salts (mordants). Each sample
is destroyed by refluxing with concentrated nitric acid. The
acid solution is then diluted and any residue removed by
filtration. Qualitative analyses for the metals present in the
solution or residue can be made by standard methods. When
metals are present, their amounts can be estimated or
exact quantitative determinations can be made by standard
methods.
EXTRACTION OF DYES
Carminic Acid, Related Color Acids and Safflower Yel-

low. T h e dyed sample is immersed for 15 minutes in a
minimum amount of warm dilute ( 3 N ) hydrochloric acid.
This breaks the color lake and dissolves the metal mordant.
Following this, the sample is washed with three portions
of warm distilled water. The washings are then combined
with the acid.
T h e combined solutions are evaporated to dryness on a
steam bath, the residue dissolved in alcohol and evaporated
again. This is repeated several times to remove last traces
of free hydrochloric acid. Finally, the residue is dissolved
in water and precipitated by the addition of a solution
of lead acetate acidified with acetic acid. This precipitate
contains carminic and related color acids. The filtrate will
now contain safflower yellow if this is present in the textile.
T h e precipitate is separated by filtration and thoroughly
washed with water. T h e filtrate and washings are combined
and held for determination of safflower yellow. The precipi-
tate is then suspended in water and decomposed with a
small amount of dilute sulfuric acid. The lead sulfate is
filtered off, and the filtrate is evaporated to dryness. T h e
residue is then dissolved in alcohol and filtered to remove
any remaining metallic sulfates. The alcoholic solution is
then evaporated and the residue is re-dissolved in water and
precipitated again with lead acetate to form a crystalline
lead salt of the carminic or related acids.
T h e filtrate retained for the safflower yellow determina-
tion is made alkaline with ammonia and if safflower yellow
is present, it will be precipitated as the lead salt together
with metallic hydroxides. The precipitate is removed by
filtration and thoroughly washed with water. It is then

suspended in water and decomposed with a small amount
of dilute sulfuric acid. Lead sulfate is filtered off, and the
filtrate is evaporated to dryness. The residue is then dis-
solved in alcohol and filtered to remove any remaining
metallic sulfates. The alcoholic solution is again evaporated
and the residue is re-dissolved in water to which a drop of
acetic acid has been added. An excess of neutral lead ace-
tate solution is added and the solution is made alkaline
with ammonia to precipitate the lead salt of safflower
yellow. The precipitate is washed and dried.
Alizarin. Following the extraction with the hydrochloric
acid' solution, the textile sample is dried. It is then ex-
tracted with carbon tetrachloride to remove alizarin (the
Fig. 1. Synthetic Alizarin.
«eouSKf (CM)·
M
iC
IGCNSi
Fig. 2. Alizarin Extract.
coloring principle of m a d d e r ) . The carbon tetrachloride

extract is evaporated to dryness and the extracted dye is
purified by sublimation or by dissolving in 0.1 N. sodium
hydroxide, then precipitating with 0.1 Ν sulfuric acid,
filtering and drying.
Yellow Dyes other than Safflower Yellow. The textile
from the previous two extractions is then extracted with
warm ethanol to remove the yellow dyes such as those
furnished by saffron, weld and other yellows. The yellow
dye is then precipitated by the addition of alkaline lead
acetate in ethanol. The precipitated lead salt is washed
FREQUENCY (CM >
amioooo 5000 « 0 0 3000 2500 20CO 1Θ00 6' 001«» 1200 1100
- - < _fErrr~ . -
1 2 3 1 5
WAVELENGTH (MOONS)
Fig. 3. Synthetic Indigo.
FREQUENCY (CM1)
μ « ϊ moo 2mo ω » » woo 1200 1100 1000 930 900 a» boo 7» 700 6»
Tramm
1 V<
I l·
fcJOj
'•fX'.U;.
ι: β
fact·
•~
———tfi • •
7WAVELENfGTH (MJC9BONS) κ> η iV is u 15
Fig. 4. Indigo Extract I.

thoroughly with ethanol and then with water. The pre-
cipitate is suspended in water and the lead salt is decom-
posed by the addition of hydrogen sulfide. After boiling to
expel the excess hydrogen sulfide, the solution is filtered
to remove the lead sulfide. The lead sulfide precipitate is
washed with alcohol and this alcohol washing is com-
bined with the water filtrate. The dye is again precipitated
from the filtrate with alkaline lead acetate, washed with
water and dried.
Indigo. The textile is next extracted with boiling glacial
acetic acid to remove indigo. The acetic acid extract is
evaporated to dryness on the steam bath. The indigo
remaining in the evaporating dish is washed with water
and with alcohol several times and then dried.
Brominated Indigo. The textile is finally extracted with
a warm solution of alkaline sodium hydrosulfite to remove
brominated indigo. The reduced dye solution is then oxi-
dized with an excess of hydrogen peroxide and the pre-
cipitated dye is filtered off, washed with water and dried.
Note: While this method has been developed for fast dyes on
wool, it is always possible that small amounts of brazil, orchil,
barwood and many other dye materials might have been used
for shading purposes on fast dyed textiles. Most of the dyes
from these materials would be removed in the scouring pro-
cedure but small amounts might remain and would usually be
extracted along with the yellow dyes. Tannins which were often
used with iron salts for black shades would be separated with
carminic acid.
Infrared Examination. Each purified dye or purified

lead salt of the dye from the above extraction procedure
is mixed with potassium bromide (spectrographic grade)
and formed into a pellet or disc under high pressure for
the determination of the infrared spectra of the dye. Each

dye pellet is examined in a double beam infrared spectro-
photometer between the wave lengths of 2 to 14 microns.
The curves of these determinations are plotted by the
instrument under the usual standard conditions. Infrared
spectra are also prepared from known dyestuffs which
had been subjected to the treatment used in the above
extraction and purification methods for comparison with
the unknown dyes extracted from the textile.
EXPERIMENTAL RESULTS
Positive identification is made by comparing the infra-

red spectral curves (spectrograms) of the purified extracts
from the textiles with those of known dyestuffs. Figure 1
shows the infrared spectrogram for synthetic alizarin. Fig-
ure 2 shows the infrared spectrogram of alizarin extracted
from a brown colored Bar Kochba fabric. It is obvious that
the two curves are identical. Figure 3 shows the infrared
spectrogram of synthetic indigo. Figure 4 shows the in-
frared spectrogram of the indigo extracted from an ancient
green fabric and Figure 5, that for an ancient black fabric.
Again, the three curves are identical. Figure 6 is the in-
frared spectrogram for 6, 6' dibromindigo and is unques-
tionably different from the three indigo spectrograms.
Similar results are noted in comparing the spectrogram for
carminic acid extracted from cochineal (standard), Figure
7, with the spectrogram of the carminic acid extracted from
an ancient purple wool, Figure 8. Figure 9 shows the in-
frared spectrogram of the yellow dye extracted from an
ancient greenish-yellow wool fabric, and Figure 10 that of
saffron. Figure 11 shows weld, Figure 12, Persian berries
and Figure 13, safflower yellow. Only the spectrogram of
Fig. 5. Indigo Extract Π.
JJ !«»!> wW 50 50 :.- aa> 1800 και 1.400 mi" two w »» -m κ · «c «

i j , 1 i
1
Ii4- - !
" is»
it ι- ρβ j .. I , :- 7JS
t
< i
.. ·*-·-· «f—i
WAVELENGTHW
(C
IxONSl
Fig. 6. 6,6' Dibromindigo.
20000«! 3000.000 30CX 00 ; 2000 1800 W

OO EQUENO -- κ m 65C
-t, --
It«* a J J J
MwMmm
g 20?— · •·· —
•ili'· "•' 1
I 6 7.WAVELE
#NGTH•MC
IRONS! I ' s ii
Fig. 7. Carminic Acid Standard.

24 A R C H E O L O G IC A L CHEMISTRY
FRQ
fUENCY C
(M i
3000 . 2500 axjtt 1800 1600 M O
O ÖÖQ 1100 $00 956 900 950 750 700 65t
F ΓΊ " ^ - " - '-Μ - - -·• -Π r , -..
*t
Mr·'
? Γτ
Fig. 8. Carminic Acid Extract.
Fig. 9. Saffron Extract.
. HSQUN
t CY (CM)' •
acexiwXV 5000 4000 χ 00 2500 2000 1800 1600 1400 1200 1100 1000 950 XX)ί Ό 750 ' 700 δ50" 1
ϊ® ψ ρ: 1 — ψ·· ·. • . .. ; - I.. .., .. |.
4 fein L,J...:. .1 ; "" !
PSfw^SHI " : ·' i ! j, ' j • · ι .

.... .j.-.-..
j: ι
if! ι I I
§y§
Η
Β Ϊ0| - !
1 IIÄ^ÄllP Γ r β ' Π Mpf {• j
——<fey
Fig. 10. Saffron Standard.

ANALYSIS O F A N C I E N T DYED TEXTILES 25
Fig. 11. Weld Standard.
«β* CO i»
« xoo m 00_1MB ICO' MB TO) Μ} aΐ' n> «ι η Μ η εκ
%
160
Fig· 12. Persian Berries Standard.
XXJ l:g,.
•
£
1»
w
1«
1
a .
σ
U 3
WAVWWTH SWCTOWl ®
Fig. 13. Safflower Yellow Standard.

saffron (Figure 10) matches that of the yellow dye f r o m

the sample (Figure 9 ) , and, therefore, the yellow dye in
the fabric can only be saffron.
CONCLUSIONS
The results of this work indicate that the method used

is extremely satisfactory for the analyses of ancient fast-
dyed wool textiles. T h e extraction method gives very
sharp separations of the dye which normally would be
encountered. In the case of yellows, however, there is
always the possibility of difficulties if more than one yel-
low dyestuff had been used. Considerable skill would then
be required in the examination of the infrared spectro-
gram of a mixture of different yellow dyes. It is also obvi-
ous that the method could be extended to the removal
and analyses of dyes in ancient dyed cottons, linens and
silks.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
The authors wish to express their gratitude to Mrs.

G. L. Shetky of the American Herb Society, to Dr. Wil-
liam J. Young of the Museum of Fine Arts of Boston
and to Dr. Charles J. Weidmann of the Ciba Company
for their help in obtaining the samples of natural and
synthetic dyestuffs used in this study.
NOTES
1. R. Pfister, "Teinture et Alchimie dans L'Orient Hellenistique,"

Seminarium Kondakovianum (Prague, 1935), VII, pp. 1-59. E. Knecht,
C. Rawson and R. Lowenthal. A Manual of Dyeing (London, 1893),
II, pp. 838-873.
2. Gustavo A. Fester and Siegfried Lexow, "Los Colorantes de la
ANALYSIS O F A N C I E N T DYED TEXTILES 27
Raiz de Reibunion Tetragonum de Cordoba," La Revista de la Facul-
tad de Quimica Industrial Υ Agricola (Santa Fe, Argentina, 1942-43),
XI, XII, pp. 1-31.
3. R. J. Forbes, Studies in Ancient Technology (Leiden, 1956), IV,
pp. 98-147. William F. Leggett, Ancient and Medieval Dyes (New
York, 1944), pp. 1-91. C. L. and A. B. Berthollet, Elements of the Art
of Dyeing (London, 1824), I, pp. 4-30. Instruction Generale pour la
Teinture des Laines (Paris, 1671), pp. 1-175. Edward Bancroft, Experi-
mental Researches Concerning the Philosophy of Permanent Colours
(London, 1813), I, II.
Ancient and Medieval Glass of
Middle Asia
By M. A. Besborodov and J. A. Zadneprovsky,

Leningrad
INTRODUCTION
The earliest papers dealing with the history of glass-

making in Middle Asia appeared at the end of the nine-
teenth century as a result of the well-known expedition
of Ν. I. Veselovsky in 1884-1885 (70).* Excavations
made by him on Toy-Tiube (Tashkent oasis) in Akhsi-
kath and Uzgand (Ferghana) and on the Afrasiyab site
in Samarkand uncovered important findings of glassware
that stimulated wide interest in the development of glass-
manufacturing in Middle Asia. Veselovsky published a
paper based on his discoveries: "A Note on Glass Manu-
facturing in Middle Asia," (1894). This was an area
which, according to a Chinese chronicle, demonstrated a
high level of glass-making in the fifth century A.D.
Extensive development of archeological investigations,
especially in the post-war years, has produced an accumu-
* Numbers in parentheses refer to the list of References at the end
of the article
29
lation of important materials on the history of glass in

Middle Asia. During this period, a series of articles deal-
ing with the description of glass products were published.
A short review of the Middle Asian glass studies is
given in the book, Glassmaking in Ancient Russia, by
M. A. Besborodov, which provides the first chemical anal-
yses of glass of Middle Asia ( 6 5 ) . Mention should also be
made of the papers of M. Amidjanova (1, 60, 6 2 ) ,
I. Akhrarov (63, 6 4 ) , E. Guliamova (74, 7 5 ) , E. A.
Davidovich ( 7 6 - 8 0 ) , L. Meregin ( 1 0 1 ) , and B. J. Sta-
visky (108, 109) who was especially concerned with the
glass of Middle Asia.
In 1958, in the discussion of the report on the first
"Congres des Journees internationales du verre," held at
Liege, Belgium, Ray W. Smith expressed the opinion
that even in the earliest times all large towns of central
Asia had a highly developed glass-manufacturing industry.
As an example he cited Samarkand and Bukhara. In not-
ing the particular role of Middle Asia in the history of
glass manufacturing, he commented: "I think that the
products of a glass industry in central Asia, which we have
thus far not been able to recognize, will sooner or later
prove to have been the bridge between the outright
Western production and the Far Eastern production"
(129).
There is at present information about the findings of
glass productions in many sections in different areas of
Middle Asia beginning with the thirteenth through the
eleventh centuries B.C. until the fifteenth through seven-
teenth centuries A.D. In a series of settlements, glass-making
shops have been discovered.
This paper describes only the glass products of the
pre-Mongolian period. All available materials show a
ANCIENT GLASS OF MIDDLE ASIA 31
considerable development of glass-making in ancient and
medieval Middle Asia. The history of glass-making can
be divided into three periods: (a) ancient, (b) early
Middle Ages (fifth to seventh centuries) and (c) Middle
Ages (from the ninth to the beginning of the thirteenth
centuries).
THE MOST ANCIENT GLASSWARE
The most ancient glassware, in the form of the so-called

"paste beads" and beads of glassy mass, were discovered
in tombs belonging to tribes of the steppe culture of the
Bronze Age. (Note: The term "paste beads" appeared in
archeological literature before chemical analysis was ap-
plied to the study of excavated materials. At present this
term is understood to mean colored opaque glass beads.)
They were found in the tomb of Tau-Tary in the south
of Kazakhstan ( 3 1 ) , as well as in Khorezmia in the
tumulus Kokcha-3 which dated from the thirteenth to the
eleventh centuries B.C. ( 2 1 ) . In Ferghana similar beads
were found in the tumulus of Vadilskii and Karamkulskii
cemeteries belonging to the tenth to the eighth centuries
B.c. (13, 15). In the following epoch, glass beads were
found in tombs of the Saka period in the South Pamir and
Tien Shan of the sixth and fifth centuries B.c. ( 7 ) . This
was followed by finds of beads in the Aktam tomb in
Ferghana of the fifth to the third centuries B.c. ( 1 4 ) .
A. L. Terenojkin found a glass bottle (43) dated from
the cultural levels of the second to the first centuries B.c.
in the site Afrasiyab in Samarkand.
Materials of the Parthian period from the site Nisa in
south Turkmenia are of the same dating. Among them
are vessels of opaque, colored glass, ribbed beads, rhytons
of ivory with inlays of colored-glass pieces and pieces of

vitreous mass as well, which is an indirect evidence of
local glass-manufacturing (36, 3 7 ) .
Excavations in the territory of ancient Termez in the
block of metallurgists of the Kushan period (the first
centuries A.D.) yielded wastes and articles spoiled during
manufacture which also may be an indirect confirmation
of the existence of a glass-making shop on this site at the
beginning of the century ( 2 3 ) .
A great quantity of glass beads was found on sites
in Khorezm (Djanbas—Kala, Bazar-Kala, Ajez-Kala,
Kunia-Uaz) of the last centuries B.C. and the first cen-
turies A.D. (38, 41, 4 4 ) . In the city of Toprak-Kala
(third and fourth centuries A.D.) was discovered along
with beads a great number of rectangular glass plates ( 4 6 ) .
Quantities of beads also were found in numerous tumuli
dating from the third century B.C. to the third and fourth
centuries A.D. (2, 4 - 6 , 10-12, 16-18, 20, 22, 2 4 - 3 4 ,
39—40, 4 2 ) . Findings of fragments of glass vessels in tombs
of the Ketmen-Tiube valley and Varukh in Ferghana were
especially interesting ( 3 0 ) . Beads found in Middle Asia
have a similar appearance to those from the north of the
Black Sea region and the regions populated by Sarmatian
tribes. Equally, the discovery of beads and vessels of the
so-called Egyptian paste ( 1 ) give evidence of large trad-
ing and cultural connections.
Glass products of the ancient period are limited in
their assortment. At that time glass replaced somewhat
more precious stones. It is necessary to stress that glass-
making shops of the time described were not discovered
by excavations and consequently there is no evidence of
the existence of glass-making in this period. However the
comparatively wide-spread existence of glass products
allow one to presume the origin of glass-making in Middle

Asia in the last centuries B.c. under the influence of Hel-
lenistic states of the Near East (3, 45, 4 6 ) . To a certain
degree this may be confirmed by the Chinese chronicle
Peishi from 424 A.D., in which it is said that the inhabit-
ants of Middle Asia who were in trade with China taught
the Chinese to melt and to mold colored glass, which was
superior to that from Western countries (8, 9 ) . Appar-
ently the question refers to Roman and Syrian glasses
which formerly were imported into China. Presumably
the high level of glass-making in the fifth century de-
pended on many previous centuries of development of
this art.
EARLY MEDIEVAL GLASS

OF T H E F I F T H TO S E V E N T H CENTURIES
An incontestable testimony of the existence of glass-

manufacturing during the early period of the Middle Ages
is the remains of a glass-manufacturing shop discovered
at Piandzhikent, forty kilometers eastward from Samar-
kand. The glass-maker's shop was situated in the suburb.
On the floor of the room, there were two rectangular
"tanks" filled with a vitreous mass. There were also frag-
ments of glass vessels. The tanks and walls of the room
were highly fired. The findings of glass are marked in a
range of places on the site, in the citadel and in the sub-
urb. They belong to the seventh and the beginning of the
eighth centuries (48, 5 1 ) . Glass specimens from Piand-
zhikent were submitted to chemical analysis. The results
are given in Table 1.
Glass products of the time described were discovered
in southwest Turkmenia on the site Ortadepeslik ( 5 4 ) , in
the neighborhood of ancient Merv in the necropolis with

ossuary burials of the fifth to seventh centuries ( 5 2 ) , in
South Uzbekistan on the site Balalyk-Tepe ( 4 7 ) , in South
Tadzhikistan on the site Munchak-Tepe ( 5 3 ) , in the
upper part of Zarafshan in a castle on Mount Mug ( 4 9 ) ,
in Khorezm oasis Berkut-Kala ( 4 1 ) , and in the valley
Chu in the North Kirgiz Republic ( 5 0 ) .
MEDIEVAL PERIOD
In the medieval period from the ninth to the thirteenth

centuries, glass-making reached its highest degree of de-
velopment. Although incontestable testimony of the exist-
ence of glass manufacturing in the form of artifacts of
glass-making shops are found only in Afrasiyab (Samar-
kand), Kuva (Ferghana) and Khuyu-Sayi (Khorezm),
judging by indirect data it is possible to attribute to Middle
Asia during this period at least nine centers of glass-making.
1. South Turkmenia. Considerable finds of glass are
noted on the sites Staraia and Novaia Nisa, northwest of
Ashkhabad. A set of glass vessels from the ninth to the
beginning of the thirteenth centuries including goblets,
wine glasses, jug-like vessels, bowls, smelling bottles, and
others were found. Here were also discovered fragments
of window glass, wastes of glass manufacturing and ware
spoiled in manufacture ( 7 6 ) .
The medieval Merv ruins are near the town Bairam-
Alii. In the block of the ceramists, glass beads, vessels,
fragments of window glass, wastes of glass and goods
spoiled in manufacture were found (57, 101).
In 1960, on the site Haus-Khan-Kala, seventy-five
kilometers southwest from the town Merv, a great quantity
of glass vessels of the eleventh to the twelfth centuries was
discovered.
2. Medieval Termez (the right-hand bank of Amu-
Darya) in south Uzbekistan. Among various scattered
glass objects here, those of the greatest interest are the
lockets discovered in the palace. They are made of green
and red glass, ornamented with pictures of animals, birds,
a woman, and a horseman. On some there are Arabic
inscriptions (82, 83, 97, 98, 111).
3. South Tadzhikistan. On the site Shakhr-i-Mingh in
the plain of the river Vakhsh, fragments were discovered
of glass vessels, bracelets, beads, and also lockets with
remains of an Arabic inscription ( 6 6 ) .
On the site Hisht-Tepe, in the ruins of the town Hulbuk,
the capital of the medieval dominion of Huttal, there was
found a remarkable collection of glass vessels (goblets,
bowls, plates, carafes, etc. (74, 7 5 ) . Five specimens of
glass were submitted to chemical analysis (Table 1).
4. From Afrasiyab (Samarkand) fine specimens of vari-
ous glass products, vessels, window glass and beads were
obtained (70, 71, 78, 94, 108, 120). These materials
permit one to retrace the whole process of making eyed
beads ( 6 8 ) . The production of the famous glass blowers
from Samarkand was well-known far beyond the limits of
Middle Asia ( 1 3 1 ) .
On the site Kuldor-Tepe in the valley of Zarafshan was
discovered a glass vessel dating from the second half of
the ninth century ( 1 0 9 ) . Five fragments of the vessel
from Kuldor-Tepe were subjected to chemical analysis
(Table 1).
5. In the Bukhara oasis the richest materials of glass-
making were discovered on the site Varakhsha where
there probably also existed a glass-making shop (89,

104). Other related findings were made (84, 8 6 - 8 8 ,
117-119).
6. In the Tashkent oasis and on the territory of the
town Tashkent several places of findings of medieval glass
products are known (70, 99, 113, 118).
7. Ferghana. Here on many sites have been found
medieval glass products (73, 93, 102).
In the ruins of the medieval Akhsikath (the right-hand
bank of Syr-Darya in north Ferghana), which was the
capital of Ferghana in the tenth to eleventh centuries,
diverse glass vessels have been found ( 7 0 ) .
A rich collection of glass has been found in the exca-
vations of the site Kuva in South Ferghana. Here also have
been discovered remains of glass furnaces with pieces of
glass melt, unfinished goods, and flawed articles. The set
of vessels include goblets, mugs, carafes, bottles and ink-
stands. Window glass was also found (61, 63, 6 4 ) .
Specimens of Kuva ware such as jugs, glasses, goblets,
wine-glasses, bottles, jars, bracelets and window glass have
been subjected to chemical analysis (Table 1).
The medieval Uzgand (right-hand bank of Qara-Darya
in east Ferghana), which had been the capital of Ferghana
in the eleventh to twelfth centuries, yielded a considerable
quantity of glass products (65, 70, 8 5 ) . Three analyses
are given in Table 1.
Various glass vessels also have been found on the site
Munchak-Tepe in west Ferghana ( 7 2 ) and on the site
Kalai-Bolo in Isfara (77, 79, 8 0 ) .
8. Khorezm. Finds of glass vessels and window glass
have been made on the site Shakh-Senem ninety kilo-
meters southwestward from the town Kunia-Urgench. In the
neighborhood of the site and within its natural boundaries
Khuyu-Sayi relics of several glass-making shops were
found (115). The analyses of glass samples from Khuyu-
Sayi, Shakh-Senem and Teke-Senghyr are given further
on. The findings in other settlements are well known (69,
116).
9. South Kazakhstan and the valley of Chu in the
North Kirgiz Republic. Medieval glass has been found on
the sites Sairam (96), Krasnaia Rechka (67), Ak Be-
shim (95). Especially interesting and rich materials were
uncovered in the excavations of the site Taraz in the town
Djambul (105) where, probably, there had existed glass-
making shops. Apart from the places mentioned finds of
glass are recorded at other sites (81, 90-92, 100, 103,
106, 107, 110, 112, 116).
CHEMICAL INVESTIGATION OF GLASS FROM M I D D L E ASIA
In recent years, the necessity for the use of different

methods for the study of materials found in excavations,
and glass particularly, has been repeatedly noted (65, 124,
127, 130, 133-134).
At present, among several methods of investigation of
ancient and medieval glass, special importance is attached
to the complete chemical analysis—the only method re-
vealing the composition of the glass and giving the exact
quantitative relationship of the components. In 1953, in
his report for the Third International Congress on Glass
in Venice, after a special discussion of the importance of
chemical analysis for the study of ancient glasses, W. E. S.
Turner said: "It will be noted that in all four problems
chosen for illustration, chemical analysis was the tool
employed to provide information from which to draw con-
clusions." (134.) Later on, he returned to this question
and once more pointed out the advantages of chemical

analysis applied to the investigation of ancient glass (135,
136).
As mentioned before, some specimens of glass from
Middle Asia have been submitted to chemical analysis.
Thirty-five speciments from the eighth to the thirteenth cen-
turies A.D., from Piandzhikent, Kuldor-Tepe, Hulbuk,
Kuva, Uzgand and Khorezm, have been selected for chem-
ical analysis (56). They are, for the most part, fragments
of different vessels. Among those analyzed were vases,
jugs, wine glasses, cups, jars and bottles. They were almost
colorless or with a faint light-green, light-yellow or light-
violet shade. Black or dark-green specimens were rare.
Besides these objects a bracelet and a fragment of a flat
window-glass were analyzed. All the objects were trans-
parent except a few. A considerable part of the specimens
had an iridescent surface. Only the interiors of the speci-
mens, undamaged by weathering, were used for the anal-
ysis. The analyses were made according to international
standards of practice (126).
In Table 1 are given the average chemical compositions
of glass from Middle Asia calculated on the base of chem-
ical analyses for each monument separately (56). In column
8 are given the limit values of oxides in the analyses of all
glasses. On the lower horizontal line is given the quantity
of analyses for each site separately and of all of them
together. In column 9 are given the resulting data—"the
average composition of glasses of Middle Asia"—calcu-
lated from 22 analyses. The Kuva glass was excluded from
the calculations. In the horizontal line after the alkaline
oxides are given the totals of the alkalies—potassium
oxides and sodium oxides. Attention is called to the limit
values of alkaline oxides in column 8. Such great variations
of them can be explained by the fact that among the

analyzed specimens there prevailed those containing sodium
oxide, and several were glass from Kuva in which, on the
contrary, potassium oxide prevailed.
The comparison of compositions of the different glass
products of the eighth to the thirteenth centuries in Table
1 shows that most of them are very similar chemically and,
in fact, belong to the same chemical type. The main mass
of the vitreous substance in them consists of the same com-
ponents. If the glass components depending on their quan-
titative content can be divided into the main, the secondary
or the minor and the microelements, then under the main
mass of the vitreous substance is to be grouped the total of
the main glass components. Some years ago, one of the
authors introduced this concept with the purpose of dis-
tinguishing in glass the principal chemical characteristics
which are important for their chemicotechnological, and
other, generalizations (65).
On the basis of Table 1, it can be assumed that in
medieval glass production "the main mass of the vitreous
substance"—or conventionally "vitreous base"—consists
of silica, calcium oxide, magnesium oxide, potassium oxide
and sodium oxide. The other oxides occupy a subordinate
position and belong to a series of secondary or minor com-
ponents playing the part of admixtures (aluminium oxide,
ferric oxide, manganese oxide, sulfur trioxide).
The analyses, of medieval glass which we possess now
permit one to reach certain general conclusions on their
chemical type. However, so far it is difficult to speak about
particularities of separate series, as the number of analyses
on each of them is evidently insufficient. Yet some remarks
can be made already. Beginning with Kuva glass, the
chemical analyses have shown that the thirteen specimens
studied can be subdivided into three distinctly differing

groups. All the glasses from Kuva are similar among them-
selves in all their components except the alkaline oxides.
The majority of specimens, for which in Table 1 the aver-
age values are given, contains in equal, or nearly equal,
parts sodium and potassium oxides (sodium oxide, 7.12 to
10.84 percent, and potassium oxide 5.64 to 8.85 percent),
one sodium glass (15.26 percent sodium oxide and 0.42
percent potassium oxide) and three potassium glasses (15.28
to 16.43 percent potassium oxide and 0.12 to 0.45 percent
sodium oxide). At present it is difficult to explain such a
variation of glass compositions within the limits of one site
owing to the lack of available materials.
Possibly the relation of potassium and sodium changed
in them because of the composition of ash, which was used
for the glass-making, for the content of these components
is also very alterable. Further studies of Kuva glass and
other ones from Middle Asia will permit more precise
answers to these questions.
It is interesting to compare glasses from Kuva and from
nearby Uzgand in the south and east of Ferghana, re-
spectively. The glasses from Uzgand are distinguished by
a raised alkali content compared with those from Kuva.
Moreover, the Uzgand glasses contain a lesser quantity of
alkaline earth components (8.27 percent and 11.44 per-
cent) compared to the Kuva glasses.
Interest is centered on Khorezm specimens because of
their somewhat higher content of silica and a reduced
amount of alkali, although these factors are only slight and
possibly will not be confirmed by further investigations.
Interesting too, is the comparison of chemical composi-
tions of glasses from Middle Asia and glasses from other
countries of the ancient world and of the Middle Ages
given in Table 2. For clearer distinctions the table does not

give complete chemical analyses, but lists only the con-
tents of five components of the glasses, which among the
medieval specimens constitute the "vitreous base." In the
calculations of the analyses, their sum appears as 100 per-
cent. In column 6 is given the average composition of
ancient glasses of the same type, calculated from the data
of columns 2 to 5. Evidently glasses of Middle Asia, in
general, are chemically similar to the ancient and medieval
specimens of the same type, although they also have some
particular attributes; in some a raised content of mag-
nesium oxide and potassium oxide is observed. They differ
sharply from ancient Russian lead glasses (column 7 and 8),
(65, 125). The known, typical, ancient Russian glasses are
of the potassium-lead-silica type. In the territory of Middle
Asia to the present time, lead glass has not been dis-
covered. Georgian glasses, made from the fourth to the
seventh centuries in ancient Mzkhetha, differ in the high
content of manganic oxide from 10.04 to 17.80 percent
and have no analogy with any of the medieval glasses
(128). The same sort of variation is exhibited by the last
of the glasses from Bailakan (medieval Azerbaijan) which
have a higher content of alumina (7.24 to 11.22 percent)
(123).
The resemblance between the chemical compositions of
medieval glasses of Middle Asia and the glasses from other
countries of the ancient world (Egypt, Assyro-Babylon,
Rome, etc.) permit one to maintain that the craftsmen of
Middle Asia used the same formula for the batch as the
glass-makers of other countries of those times, i.e., they
used one part of sand and three parts of ash (or alkali-
salts). There is neither reason nor need to suppose that the
craftsmen of Middle Asia introduced into the batch some
sort of other components, for ashes of plants of Middle

Asia together with sand completely provided the possibility
of obtaining glass, the compositions of which are shown
in Tables 1 and 2. Indeed the question of the batch for
some glasses of Kuva is still under study. The higher con-
tent of magnesium oxide and potassium oxide in glasses of
Middle Asia compared with some others can be explained
by the composition of ashes from plants and, obviously,
by the soil of Middle Asia (121).
It is known, that the chemical composition of ancient
and medieval glass depends to a considerable degree on the
chemical composition of ashes used for their melt (122).
In its turn the composition of ashes depended upon the
elementary composition of the soil where the plants whose
ash was used had grown. In different "biogeochemical
provinces," the soils differ in the content of mineral com-
ponents and, particularly in microelements.
In general one could say that the composition of ancient
glass bears the imprint of the chemical composition of the
soil where it was made. For a successful development of
the archeological technology of glass and to find the local
particularities of ancient and medieval glasses, investigators
in the future will be obliged to take note not only of the
complete chemical analyses of the glasses, but also of the
chemical composition of the soil from which the ash de-
rives.
If today science considered data concerning soils on
the territories of ancient and medieval civilizations, the
question, for example, of the origin of the Afghanistani
glass discovered in the cave Shamshir-Ghar and containing
such a rare microelement as rubidium should be easy to
solve (131). The rubidium in this glass is probably a local
characteristic.
A N C I E N T GLASS OF MIDDLE ASIA 43
There are sound reasons to affirm that the second com-
ponent, besides the sand the workmen of Middle Asia
introduced into the batch, was the Ishkor (65), as it is
called in Middle Asia, i.e., the ashes of alkali-containing
plants representing a sintered, somewhat vitrified mass of
a spongy structure and a light-grey or green-grey color.
Ishkor consists mainly of a mixture of carbonates, sulphates
and chlorides of sodium, potassium, calcium and mag-
nesium; in small quantities silica, alumina, ferric oxide also
are present (121). To obtain Ishkor, plants belonging
mostly to the family of Chenopodiaceae are used. It is
known that in Assyro-Babylon these plants were used to
obtain the ash (132).
Very likely the glass-makers of Middle Asia used also
the ashes of cane. In Middle Asia several alkali-bearing
plants grow which could completely supply the local glass-
making shops with ash. No import of alkaline raw ma-
terials was required.
All materials accessible at present show a considerably
widespread use of glassware in antiquity and the Middle
Ages in Middle Asia. The origin of local glass-making
probably is in the last centuries B.C., but the assortment of
glass products in the ancient period was still very restricted.
The glass-making craft attained a wide development in
the Middle Ages, when probably each fairly large town or
settlement had its own glass-making shop. In some cases
this is confirmed by finds of remains of glass-making shops,
in others by various indirect proofs. At that time there was
a great diversity of functional ware: dishes, adornments,
everyday objects, technical and medical accessories. Win-
dow glass was also widespread. The study of archeological
materials permits one to consider Middle Asia as one of
the centers of glass-making in the Middle Ages. Of interest
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a really first-class highly certificated magician from Cairo, or some
big town, and get him to come out and do the job. In the meantime,
as Qwaytin had told me that there were some mounds in the
Kairowin hattia, that we should go there through the eastern part of
the Farafra depression and see if they did not contain treasure.
Qwaytin had heard that they contained buildings, and so thought that
it would be a likely place for buried riches, though, as he said
lugubriously, he did not expect that we should find anything like what
we might have done if we had discovered the treasure of those three
Sultans. The following morning a rather crestfallen caravan set out
for the eastern side of Farafra.
CHAPTER XXIII
O N leaving the hill we took a road that led us towards the north.
We first rounded the western end of the scarp of the detached
plateau parallel to which we had marched on coming from Bu
Gerara, and, about two hours after our start, ascended a steepish
bank on to the top of the plateau, which here was only about fifty feet
high.
From the summit of a small hill close by, a huge cliff stretching to
the north and south, as far as it was possible to see, was visible, far
off in the east; this was evidently the eastern boundary of the Farafra
depression, and, as I afterwards discovered, the continuation of the
cliff to the north of Bu Gerara.
The scarp was too far for me to be able to see any details of its
surface, with the light behind it, and as the top of it showed as only a
straight line, there were no points on it to which I could take a
bearing.
In these circumstances it was impossible either to fix its position
or to estimate the direction in which it ran. I several times met with
this difficulty, but found that, when a cliff faced towards the south, it
was only necessary for me to wait till the sun came round far enough
to begin to light up its surface, and then a rough estimate of the
direction in which it ran could be obtained by taking a bearing on to
the sun itself. This dodge was especially useful when it was
necessary to map the continuation of a cliff, part of which had
already been surveyed and the remainder of it could only be seen
from one point, such as the top of a high hill.
The part of the Farafra depression in which we found ourselves
was an absolutely featureless plain, of hard level sand, that sloped
slightly towards the foot of the scarp on our east. Here and there we
came across patches of greenish clay, with white lines running
through it, showing above the surface of the sand.
The Persian King, Cambyses, during his occupation of Egypt,
sent a great army across the desert to destroy the oracle of Jupiter
Ammon in Siwa Oasis. The army never reached Siwa; but was lost
in the desert. Its last resting-place is unknown, but, according to
native reports, the whole host perished of thirst in this huge
depression in which the oasis of Farafra lies.
I happened to mention to Qwaytin the subject of singing sands,
and asked him if he had ever heard any. He told me that somewhere
in the north of the Farafra depression there was a rock that was
supposed to be the “church” of the spirits of the lost Persian army. It
was called the “infidel rock,” because it “sang on Sunday.” It
appeared to be some form of musical sands.
It was not until the third day after our start from the treasure hill
that we sighted in the west the field of dunes that occupies the
centre of the Farafra wady. They appeared to be almost white in
colour, and lay a long way off.
Qwaytin told me that we should reach the Kairowin hattia on our
third day after leaving his hill. It will give some idea of his utter
incompetence as a guide when I say that we did not actually get
there until two days later.
He came into my tent on the first evening and began yarning in an
aimless sort of way, as he generally did as a preliminary to serious
business, and I endeavoured to extract some information from him
as to the topography of the Bedayat country, with which he was well
acquainted.
But he at once got impatient and changed the subject to that of
his confounded hill. He ended by asking—almost demanding—that
we should go back there to have another look at it, and to make
certain that there was not another hill in the neighbourhood which
might be the one indicated in his book. On my refusing to do so, he
flounced out of the tent—he was certainly a queer customer to deal
with.
Whenever I spoke to him the next day he began gassing about his
wretched hill, and saying that he wanted to go back to it; but towards
evening he rather recovered himself, and when he came to my tent I
again threw out feelers about the country of the Bedayat, though he
declined to tell me anything about the district, he started giving me a
lot of information about the Bedayat themselves, which, as they are
an almost unknown race, proved extremely interesting.
They claim to be descended from an afrit, whom, for some crime,
either David or Solomon shut up in a box, till he grew to such an
enormous size that he burst it open. There still exists apparently a
mongrel Bedayat—Tibbu tribe, known as the M’Khiat er Rih, that
possess the miraculous power of being able to walk over sand
without leaving any tracks behind them—a most useful
accomplishment in the desert for a race of born freebooters. This
peculiarity they owe to the fact that wherever they go they are
followed by a wind that immediately obliterates their footprints!
On our fourth day after leaving the treasure hill, our road
converged towards the dunes lying on our west, and, as Qwaytin
seemed to be hopelessly lost, I climbed one of the biggest of them
with him to try and make out our position.
From the top, the east and west scarp, with a break in it leading
up to Baharia Oasis, that lies on the north of Farafra, could be seen
in the far distance, but no sign of the hattia Kairowin was visible. In
front of us, however, was a high three-headed sif, or longitudinal
sand dune, that Qwaytin declared to be the landmark for the hattia
from the south.
As we were getting very short of water, the news that the hattia
was not in sight caused something like consternation among my
men. They all started grumbling at Qwaytin’s ignorance of the road,
and Ibrahim went so far as to ask him point-blank why he called
himself a guide, if he knew so little about the desert.
This coming from a young Sudani, hardly out of his ’teens, to an
elderly Arab guide, who, moreover, was a sheykh of his tribe, was a
great ayb, and Qwaytin was intensely put out. Qway, under the
circumstances, would have retaliated with some stinging remarks on
the inferiority of “slaves” and the respect that was due from a boy to
his elders and superiors in rank; but Qwaytin lacked his ready
powers of vituperation. He was a slow-witted old curmudgeon, and
failed entirely to put Ibrahim in his place. His own men stood up for
him in a feeble sort of way. But they were no match for Ibrahim, and
eventually gave up any attempt to defend their sheykh, probably
feeling themselves that there was not much to be said in his
defence. As I rather wanted to encourage a certain amount of friction
between my men and Qwaytin’s, I left them to settle their differences
as best they could, with the result that Qwaytin and his men got
much the worst of the wrangle.
Kairowin hattia measures some eighteen miles from north to
south, by seven from east to west. It consists of a level scrub-
covered area, in which, here and there, are to be seen a few
neglected-looking palms. A number of wells have been sunk here at
various times; one on the extreme eastern edge of the hattia, where
the road coming from Assiut first enters the scrub, is known as Bir
Murr. This well, which I did not visit, is said to be sanded up. Another
well somewhere to the north, I believe, is known as Bir Abd el Qadr.
There are also several others, all of which seem to be impartially
named Bir Kairowin. Probably water can be found under all the lower
lying parts of the hattia by digging for a few feet into the ground,
which throughout this district consists of chalk.
The wells in every case apparently give water so thick with chalk
particles that when first drawn from them it is almost as milky as
whitewash. Attempts to clear the water by passing it through a
Berkefeld filter failed, as the chalk clogged the filter after a few
strokes. But when it had been allowed to stand for a few hours, most
of the chalk settled down to the bottom, and the water that was
poured off passed quite easily through the filter, after which it proved
to be of quite good quality.
I, unfortunately, forgot to wind my watches the first night in the
hattia, and so allowed the half chronometer I had been using in
taking my observations to run down. As I was depending on it for my
longitudes, this necessitated a stay of two or three days in the camp
in order to ascertain its new rate after it had been rewound.
These watches are for some reason only made so as to run for
one day. As oversights of this kind must be of common occurrence
with travellers, it would seem to be preferable that they should be
made so as to run for two days, and be furnished with an up and
down indicator to show how long an interval has elapsed since they
were last wound.
I spent a considerable part of the time while in the hattia in trying,
without success, to get a shot at gazelle. There appeared to be very
few in the district, though a considerable number of old tracks were
to be seen where they had been feeding on the scrub.
This scarcity of game may perhaps have been due to the fact that
a few bedawin were at that time living there in charge of some
camels belonging to the Senussi zawia at Qasr Farafra. These men
kept away from the camp, but I saw them and their camels several
times wandering about in the scrub, and twice found small hovels
constructed of brushwood, in which they had been living—they had,
so far as I could see, no tents.
My men spent most of their time in grubbing about in some large
mounds. On the top of one of these, about thirty feet high, Ibrahim
found some burnt bricks. The whole mound was covered by a thick
growth of terfa bushes, among which the sand had collected,
completely hiding any building there might have been beneath it.
It must have been originally a building of some size and of
considerable height, and was perhaps a tower. The men unearthed
part of a small room at the base of the mound. It had been well built,
of the same burnt bricks, and the interior was covered with plaster. A
few pieces of broken pottery were found, one of them covered with a
green glaze. There were four or five other mounds of a similar nature
in the neighbourhood; but we had neither time nor implements
thoroughly to examine them.
As the total result of their treasure hunt in Kairowin the men only
unearthed one corpse and a few bits of broken pottery, without
finding even a single copper coin to gratify their cupidity. They were
consequently considerably disillusioned with their occupation, and I
experienced no difficulty in getting them to start for Qasr Farafra.
I made first for the main well, that is known as the Bir Kairowin, in
order to close my traverse. The water lay about eight feet below the
surface; access being gained to it by the usual sloping path, cut out
of one of its sides. By the top of the well was a mud-built trough for
watering camels, with an empty paraffin tin lying beside it for use as
a bucket.
Immediately on leaving the hattia we got into the dunes, which
cover a large area in the centre of the Farafra depression. The first
two or three dunes gave a little difficulty, but we found the rest of
them quite easy to cross. They were all, so far as I could see, of a
very elongated whalebacked type, which ran roughly from north to
south, in the direction of the prevailing wind.
Qasr Farafra lay almost due west from our camp. Soon after we
got into the sand it became clear that Qwaytin was again hopelessly
lost, as I found we were marching almost due south. I was obliged to
put it to my guide, as inoffensively as I could, that if he would change
the direction in which he was leading us by a mere right angle, we
might perhaps reach our destination, instead of going on to Dakhla
Oasis as we seemed to be doing. Qwaytin was so hopelessly lost
that he accepted my suggestion without the slightest argument.
Soon after this we got out of the sand on to level desert, where a
large number of black nodules of iron pyrites were to be seen lying
on the surface. Further on some fine specimens of sand erosion
were met with in the shape of chalk “mushrooms” and table rocks.
Otherwise this part of the desert was quite featureless. The road lay
entirely over white chalk, which caused a rather trying glare in the
blazing sunlight.
We sighted Qasr Farafra on the evening of the second day after
leaving Kairowin hattia; but as night fell before we could reach it, we
camped a few miles away from the village. Two hours’ march on the
following morning brought us into the oasis. On the outskirts we
passed a patch of ground on which the sand was encroaching, some
palms lying on the north of it being almost entirely submerged.
We camped on the northern side of the village. A large crowd of
natives came out and stood watching us while the tent was being
pitched. Among them was a sulky-looking fellow whom I was told
was the ’omda; so, as soon as the tent was pitched, I invited him and
some of the other men standing by to come in.
We had foolishly camped too close to the village, with the result
that throughout the greater part of the day the camp was surrounded
by a crowd of men and children watching all our actions, peering into
the tent, thronging round the theodolite, when I began to take
observations, and generally showing an ill-mannerly curiosity that
was in great contrast to the conduct of the natives of the other oases
in which we stayed. Farafra being the least known of the Egyptian
oases, the advent of a European was an event of such rare
occurrence that the natives had evidently decided to make the most
of it.
The natives of Farafra Oasis, who are known as the Farfaroni, or
sometimes as the Farafaroni, are a far more vigorous lot than those
of Kharga and Dakhla. They were a surly unpleasant-looking crowd.
The day after our arrival, I went out with the ’omda and Qwaytin to
see the village and plantations. With the exception of an ezba at ’Ain
Sheykh Murzuk, where there are a few houses, a Senussi zawia and
a family or two continuously resident to tend the cultivation near the
well, Qasr Farafra is the only permanently inhabited spot in the
whole Farafra depression. It is a poor little place with a total
population of about five hundred and fifty inhabitants. The houses
are of the usual mud-built type, and in most cases little better than
huts; almost the only exception being that of a square tower,
showing in places the remains of battlements, attributed, perhaps
rightly, by the natives to the Romans, who are said to have erected it
as a keep to protect the village.
This proved to be rather an interesting place. It is not inhabited,
but the door is kept locked with a watchman perpetually on guard
over it. The building is used solely as a storehouse, each family in
the village having the right to the use of one of the rooms that it
contains—there were said to be no less than one hundred and
twenty-five chambers in the building.
The ’omda showed us over the tower. The entrance lay through a
strong wooden door, at the top of a flight of steps, in a passage
entered in the middle of one of the outer walls, the walls on either
side of which were pierced with apertures, apparently intended for
use as loop-holes. The passage extended the whole height of the
building and was unroofed, in order that stones might be dropped
from above on to any assailant attempting to attack the door.
BOY WITH CROSS-BOW, FARAFRA.
The interior of the tower was a perfect labyrinth of breakneck

stairways and little rooms opening out of narrow dark passages.
After scrambling up several sets of steps and repeatedly banging my
head in the dark against the low roof, we at length emerged into a
sort of courtyard at the top, surrounded by two tiers of small
chambers, each provided with its own locked door. Some further
scrambling landed us on the roof that covered the rooms and formed
a kind of platform surrounding the courtyard. From here a wide view
could be obtained over the oasis and depression.
There was not much of consequence to be seen. Below lay the
village, looking, when viewed from above, even more squalid than
from below. Scattered round it, within a radius of a few miles, lay a
number of small patches of cultivation, showing the positions of the
various wells and springs. Seven or eight miles away to the west
was a cliff of considerable height, forming the scarpment of the Guss
Abu Said—an isolated plateau beyond which, though invisible from
the tower, lay a well, “Bir Labayat,” and the little oases of Iddaila and
Nesla, in another large depression, the dimensions of which were
unknown. Here and there on the floor of the depression a few
isolated hills stood up to break the level monotony, the most
conspicuous amongst them being Jebel Gunna el Bahari, about
fifteen miles to the north-east. Otherwise the view over the
depression was singularly monotonous. The only other noticeable
features being the cliffs in the far distance to the north and east that
marked the limits of the higher plateau.
On descending from the tower the ’omda took me round the
village. Except for its poverty-stricken appearance, it differed little
from those in Dakhla and Kharga Oases. There seemed to be few
houses with a second storey, and the palm leaf hedges, that usually
topped the wall surrounding the flat roofs in the other oases, were
seldom visible.
Having completed our survey of the village, the ’omda took us to
his house. It was a very poor residence for a man of his position in
the village, and was overrun with fowls, goats and filthy little children,
mostly suffering from ringworm. He gave us some dates and very
bad tea, but no cigarettes were produced, probably because, like
most of the inhabitants of the place, he “followed the Sheykh.”
In the afternoon I went with Abd er Rahman and the ’omda to see
the winch of a boring machine that had been given to the zawia by a
wealthy Egyptian in Cairo, in order that they could sink a new well.
They wanted my opinion on it, as two of the cog wheels had been
broken and the work of sinking the well had had to stop in
consequence. It was obvious that there was nothing to be done,
except to replace the wheels. I took measurements of the broken
parts and promised to have duplicates of them made in Cairo, when I
got back, and to have them sent to the oasis.
I was engaged in noting down their dimensions, when Abd er
Rahman informed me that the Senussi sheykhs from the zawia were
coming, and I caught sight of two men, with Qwaytin in their train,
stalking along in my direction.
The zawia was run by three sheykhs who were brothers, the
eldest was, however, at that time away in Cairo. The other two were
not a prepossessing-looking couple. Sheykh Ibn ed Dris, the elder,
was a fine-looking Arab, and would have been even handsome if his
face had not been marred by its dour, truculent expression. His
youngest brother, Sheykh Mohammed, was apparently hardly out of
his ’teens, and seemed to be somewhat of a cipher, being
completely swamped by the aggressive personality of the elder
sheykh. The only impression he made was one of extreme sulkiness.
Qwaytin told me that they had come to take me for a walk round the
plantations that surrounded the village, adding that as I was a
stranger in the oasis they felt that they ought to entertain me.
They did not seem to relish the job very much. Sheykh Ibn ed Dris
was extremely taciturn, and his brother never opened his mouth
during the whole of our tour of inspection.
Compared with the other Egyptian oases, the plantations in
Farafra contained comparatively few palms and a much larger
proportion of other fruit trees—olives, vines, apricots, white
mulberries, figs, pomegranates, limes, sweet lemons, a few orange
trees and a small apple, which, being regarded as a rarity, was very
highly prized. Formerly there used to be a considerable export of
olive oil to the Nile Valley, but for some reason, perhaps because the
trees were getting too old, the crop was said to have diminished
considerably, and barely to suffice for the wants of the oasis.
The fields surrounding the plantations were planted so far as I
saw only with wheat, barley and onions, but durra and rice are also
said to be grown in the oasis. The areas under cultivation seemed
small, but the plants all looked healthy, and even luxuriant. I saw no
patches of salty ground, such as were often to be seen in Dakhla.
A Bride and her Pottery.
A bride from the poorer classes can only
contribute a small amount of earthenware
towards furnishing her new home. In her wedding
procession she carries this on a chair on her
head. Note the sequins on the front of her dress.
(p. 253).
Farafra is such a small place that administratively it is under

Baharia, the nearest oasis, lying about three days’ journey away to
the north-east. In the whole oasis of Farafra there are only about
twenty wells, the two most important ones were said to be ’Ain
Ebsay, lying four to five miles to the south of the village, which I did
not visit, and ’Ain el Belad (the town well), both of which were said to
be of Roman origin and to resemble those of Dakhla Oasis.
Some of the wells are said to be connected with long underground
infiltration channels cut horizontally, at some depth below the
surface, similar to those at ’Ain Um Debadib, but I had no opportunity
of examining any of these. The ’Ain el Belad, that supplies the
village, flowed into a large pool covered with green weed and to
some extent surrounded by palm groves, that in the glow of the
setting sun made a most lovely picture.
We ended our promenade at the door of Sheykh Ibn ed Dris’
house in the zawia. It was a gloomy mud-built building, without a
trace of the European furniture that characterised the zawia and
houses of the Mawhub family in Dakhla. Here I took leave of my
unpleasant companions, much, I fancy, to our mutual relief. As the
sheykhs had to a slight extent thawed during our walk, I asked Ibn
ed Dris to let me photograph him, to which, rather to my surprise, he
grudgingly consented. He did not make a pretty picture. He was
wearing his normal expression, a scowl that “never came off,” and
nothing that I said would induce him to look pleasant.
Supplies of all kinds were very scarce in the oasis. No fruit or
vegetables were procurable, and the only eatables to be bought
were fowls, eggs and onions. Owing to nearly the whole of the
inhabitants being members of the Senussia, tobacco was also very
difficult to obtain, as the members of the sect are forbidden to
smoke. The men had all run out of cigarettes, and were much upset
at not being able to renew their supplies.
The morning after my walk with the sheykhs, Ibrahim, who was
always keen on any kind of sport, told me that quail were beginning
to arrive in the oasis, so I went out with him to try and shoot some. I
only, however, saw two—one of which I succeeded in missing twice.
The natives of Qasr Farafra were so unfriendly that I was unable
to see as much of the place as I should have wished, and I was only
able to take a very few photos.
The next morning we packed up and set out to Bu Mungar. After
an uneventful journey of about eight hours to the south-west, over a
featureless level desert, we reached the little oasis of ’Ain Sheykh
Murzuk—the only permanently inhabited spot, besides Qasr Farafra,
in the whole depression.
Three or four men came to meet us as we approached the
plantation, and greeted Qwaytin with enthusiasm. The oasis was a
very small one, extending to only a few acres. The cultivation
consisted of only a few palms and fruit trees and a field or two of
grain. Among the palms were hidden two or three houses, which I,
however, inspected only from a distance. One of them, I was told,
was a Senussi zawia.
CHAPTER XXIV
W E started the next morning at dawn. Soon after leaving ’Ain

Sheykh Murzuk, Qwaytin showed me a pass ascending the
scarp of a small plateau, the Guss abu Said, on our right, over
which, he said, passed a road to Iddaila. From Iddaila, he said, a
road ran direct through Nesla and Bu Mungar to Dakhla Oasis.
Two hours after our start we reached a very small oasis, only an
acre or two in extent, known as ’Ain el Agwa. It contained a few
palms and evidently a well, though the place was so covered with
drifted sand that the palms in some cases were buried nearly to their
crowns, and the well was completely invisible.
About an hour farther on we reached a similar oasis, called ’Ain
Khalif. There were no traces of inhabitants at either of these places;
the dead leaves left hanging on the palms showed that they were
entirely uncultivated, and at ’Ain el Agwa the trees themselves
seemed to be dying.
These little places do not seem to have been previously reported,
though Rohlfs’ route must have passed fairly close to where they
were situated. From the size of the palms they seemed to be only
about twenty years old, so possibly the wells were sunk since the
time of his visit.
Though the sand had to some extent encroached on the oasis at
’Ain el Agwa, it had not done so to anything like the same extent as
at ’Ain Khalif, and the feeble well, discharging into a tiny pool a few
yards across, was still quite clear of sand.
As the water proved to be good, we stopped here for half an hour,
while we refilled the gurba and examined the oasis.
Shortly before sunset we reached a place where the road forked.
A line of small stones had been laid across the right-hand track—a
common sign among the Arabs that the road was not to be followed.
Qwaytin took the left-hand branch and soon afterwards we came to
the top of the descent into Bu Mungar. The path at this point was a
narrow cleft, a few yards long and not more than a foot or two wide,
that proved as difficult to negotiate as the very similar one leading
from the ’Ain Amur plateau down towards Dakhla. Below it lay a
sandy slope that extended to the bottom of the cliff and presented
little difficulty.
On reaching the bottom of the slope we set out for Bu Mungar,
which lay a short distance ahead of us. But on reaching the hattia,
Qwaytin, as usual, got lost, and it was some time before we could
find the well.
It had been a stiflingly hot day and we had marched for over
thirteen hours, with only a short halt at ’Ain Khalif. I had done the
whole distance on foot, so I was dog tired, and extremely thirsty. So,
as the evening of our arrival was cloudy, and as to get in a set of
observations would probably have meant that I should have had to
sit up for several hours for the clouds to clear off, I put off the work
until the following day, meaning to leave the place in the afternoon.
My tent was pitched on the extreme eastern end of the hattia. The
cliff of the plateau formed a huge semicircular bay on our east, the
southern point of which could be seen about twenty-five miles away
to the south-east of the camp. In the middle of this bay lay a second
large detached scrub-covered area.
Bu Mungar contains at least two wells, as in addition to the one
near which we were camped, the men found a second one, about a
quarter of a mile away to the south-west, the position of which was
marked by a group of trees—acacias and palms, so far as I can
remember.
The other well, that lay about two hundred yards to the north-west
of the camp, seemed to be an artesian one, similar to those in the
Egyptian oases. A little stream ran from it for a short distance till it
lost itself in the sandy soil. So far as I was able to see the trees were
larger and the vegetation more luxuriant than in the Kairowin hattia.
To the south, a huge area covered as far as the horizon with sand
dunes was visible. A large dune overhung the camp on its eastern
side, and drift sand seemed to be encroaching in many places on the
vegetation. In the neighbourhood of the camp was a praying place,
or “desert mosque,” made according to Qwaytin after one of the
Senussi models. This consisted of a line of stones laid out on the
ground much in the shape of a button-hook, the straight portion of
which pointed in the direction of Mecca, to indicate the direction in
which worshippers should face when performing their devotions. It
was the only praying place of the shape that I ever saw.
SENUSSI PRAYING PLACE, BU MUNGAR.
The wells of the hattia perhaps dated from Roman times, as at a

short distance to the south of the camp was a small mud building
(der) which the natives attributed to that period. The remains of the
vaulted roofs and the arched tops of the openings in the walls tended
to confirm this view.
I managed the next day to get the necessary astronomical
observations to fix the position of the place, but was not able to
make a thorough examination of it, as complications with the
Senussia that, from numerous indications I had seen since leaving
Assiut, I had been expecting for some time suddenly came to a
rather unpleasant head.
It was not until I got to Bu Mungar that I discovered that all the
men in my caravan belonged to the Senussia. Qwaytin and his three
men, I knew, had always been of that persuasion, and, while in
Farafra, Abd er Rahman, Ibrahim and Dahab had all been so worked
upon by Sheykh Ibn ed Dris that, just before we left that oasis, they
too had joined the order, and showed all the fanaticism to be
expected from new converts.
A party of thirty Tibbus, sent from Kufara for my entertainment, by
Sheykh Ahmed Esh Sherif, at that time head of the Senussia, were
hanging round somewhere in the neighbourhood of Bu Mungar,
close enough for Qwaytin to start signalling to them by firing shots at
imaginary pigeons and lighting an enormous and quite unnecessary
bonfire at dusk—a well-known Arab signal.
Twenty more men had been sent from Kufara to reinforce the
Mawhubs at their ezba, in the north-west corner of Dakhla, which I
should have to pass in order to enter the oasis on my way to Egypt;
while the inhabitants of Farafra—the only other oasis I could fall back
upon with my small caravan—were members of the order almost to a
man, and were on the look out for me if I returned that way. It was
explained to me that they had allowed me to go to Bu Mungar
instead of to Iddaila—my original intention—in order that I should
leave Egypt, and then, as I had altered my plans, no one would know
“where it happened!”
It was a neat little trap that I had foolishly walked into; but it had its
weak points. It was nearly dusk when Qwaytin fired his signal shots
that led to my enquiries, and, better still, a howling sandstorm was
blowing. If once we got out into the desert in these circumstances, I
felt confident of getting away without difficulty. But the prospect of
having the camp rushed before we could get off gave me such a bad
attack of cold feet that I decided to start running as soon as possible
in order to get them warm.
Qwaytin and his men, however, when told to do so, flatly refused
to leave the hattia. But he and his crowd were such a feeble lot that I
had little difficulty in reducing them to order. We lost so little time that
I got the tanks filled and the caravan off just after sunset.
Before starting it occurred to me that I might borrow a trick from
Abd er Rahman. So finding a sand-free space near the well, I
scratched the Senussi wasm with a stick deeply into the ground, and
then, to mislead the Senussi when they came as to the direction in
which we had gone, drew a line from it pointing towards the west—
the direction in which I knew they feared that I should go—and then
set out towards the south-east to Dakhla.
Almost immediately after leaving the camp we got on to the sand
hills. I then left the road, and, to Qwaytin’s intense disgust, struck out
into the dunes to the south, where the tearing gale that was blowing
very quickly obliterated our tracks.
After marching for two and a half hours, the dunes became
considerably larger, and, as the moon had set, travelling was
attended with such great difficulty that we halted till daylight.
But after leaving Bu Mungar our journey to Mut began to get too
much in the nature of “adventures” to be described in detail. It took
me all that I had learnt, during seven seasons spent in the desert, to
get my caravan into Dakhla, without creating that incident that I had
been warned to avoid, and which might easily have resulted in
something in the nature of a native rising.
No one in the caravan but Qwaytin had been over the road
before, and he, of course, got hopelessly lost, and in any case was
not reliable, so I had to take over his job and do the best I could as
guide.
After leaving Bu Mungar our road for the first day lay all over the
dunes. Late in the afternoon we came across three sifs—dunes with
an A-shaped section running up and down wind—which, since they
stretched across our path, gave us some difficulty. They were all
under twenty feet in height, but their sides were at such a steep
angle that the camels were quite unable to climb them, and the men
had to scoop paths diagonally up the face of the dunes and down
again on the farther side, over which the camels one by one with
difficulty were forced. Small as these sifs were they caused a
considerable delay. But these three ridges proved to be the last of
the dune belt, and the remainder of our road, till we reached the
dunes near Dakhla, we found to be easy going.

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Archaeological Chemistry A

Symposium Martin Levey (Editor)

Principles of General Chemistry Martin Silberberg 3rd

Principles of general chemistry 3rd Edition Martin

Principles of General Chemistry 3rd Edition Martin

InOrganic Chemistry 2018 7th Tina Overton Fraser A.

Archaeological Theory in Practice 2nd Edition Patricia

Chemistry The Molecular Nature of Matter and Change 9th

ISE Chemistry: The Molecular Nature of Matter and

Chemistry: The Molecular Nature of Matter and Change

Edited by Martin Levey

Published in G r e a t Britain, India, and Pakistan

In recent years archeological chemistry has made great

perspectives this work offers to general history when it is

The present collection of studies in archeological chem-

spectroscopy. Jedrzejewska uses, in addition to other

A NEW METHOD FOR THE ANALYSIS OF ANCIENT DYED

A N C I E N T AND M E D I E V A L GLASS OF M I D D L E ASIA 29

INVESTIGATIONS ON THE ORIGIN AND MANUFACTURE OF

CHEMISCHE UNTERSUCHUNGEN DER PATINA VORGESCHICHT-

DIE UNTERSUCHUNG A L T E R EISERNER FUNDSTÜCKE U N D DIE

INVESTIGATIONS ON A N C I E N T POTTERY FROM MASKI 231

L ' A N A L Y S E C R I T I Q U E A U SERVICE DE L ' H I S T O I R E DES Μ έ τ Α υ χ 313

PIGMENTS EMPLOYED IN OLD PAINTINGS OF JAPAN 347

By David H. Abrahams and Sidney M. Edelstein,

These authors were charged with the identification of the

tions. 2 We have felt that none of the techniques used here-

use of an iron salt mordant together with an extract of

ANALYTICAL PROCEDURE FOR DYES

Scour. Before analytical work is carried out, it is essen-

Carminic Acid, Related Color Acids and Safflower Yel-

filtration and thoroughly washed with water. It is then

Fig. 1. Synthetic Alizarin.

coloring principle of m a d d e r ) . The carbon tetrachloride

Fig. 4. Indigo Extract I.

Infrared Examination. Each purified dye or purified

the determination of the infrared spectra of the dye. Each

Positive identification is made by comparing the infra-

Fig. 5. Indigo Extract Π.

JJ !«»!> wW 50 50 :.- aa> 1800 και 1.400 mi" two w »» -m κ · «c «

20000«! 3000.000 30CX 00 ; 2000 1800 W

Fig. 7. Carminic Acid Standard.

Fig. 8. Carminic Acid Extract.

Fig. 9. Saffron Extract.

PSfw^SHI " : ·' i ! j, ' j • · ι .

Fig. 10. Saffron Standard.

Fig. 11. Weld Standard.

Fig· 12. Persian Berries Standard.

Fig. 13. Safflower Yellow Standard.

saffron (Figure 10) matches that of the yellow dye f r o m

The results of this work indicate that the method used

The authors wish to express their gratitude to Mrs.

1. R. Pfister, "Teinture et Alchimie dans L'Orient Hellenistique,"

By M. A. Besborodov and J. A. Zadneprovsky,

The earliest papers dealing with the history of glass-

lation of important materials on the history of glass in

THE MOST ANCIENT GLASSWARE

The most ancient glassware, in the form of the so-called

of ivory with inlays of colored-glass pieces and pieces of