Architecture and The Sacred

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International review for spatial planning and sustainable development, in C: Planning and Design

Implementation, Vol. 11 No. 4 (2023), 150-166


ISSN: 2187-3666 (online)
DOI: https://doi.org/10.14246/irspsd.11.4_150

Copyright@SPSD Press from 2010, SPSD Press, Kanazawa

Architecture and the Sacred


Hermeneutic Approach - Case study of the Zawiya Ziyania in
Kenadsa, Algeria

Lydia Idir 1* and Abdelouahab Bouchareb2


1 Polytechnic School of Architecture and Urbanism (EPAU)
2 Salah Boubnider University, Constantine 03 (UC3)
* Corresponding Author, Email: [email protected]

Received: Apr 19, 2023; Revised: Aug 5, 2023; Accepted: Sept 2, 2023

Keywords: Sacred, Architecture, Zawiya, Kenadsa, Ksar.

Abstract: What are the impacts of the sacred and spirituality on the architectural design
of the Zawiyas? Raised under the influence of Sufism, the zawiya is adopted
by brotherhoods at the beginning of their propagation on the lands, in order to
honour the memory of a patron saint and preserve the Muslim worship.
Considered as a religious institution dedicated to Koranic education and
affiliated with a brotherhood, which it is often named after, the Zawiya is
frequently designed with reference to the spiritual foundations that it is meant
to represent. Today, with the embracing of new socio-cultural and ideological
references and the various economic mutations due to state intervention, the
zawiyas have lost much of their previously enjoyed notoriety and religious
power. Yet, some zawiyas of south-western Algeria have kept some
prominence and are still vectors of social practices connected with religious
education, despite the ruin-form condition of the ksour. Our hypothesis is that
the architectural design of the buildings that make up the Zawiya was not only
the product of technical or rational knowledge. We think that the designers
would have used a know-how that was devoted to the sacred, to spirituality
and Islamic Sufism. In order to verify the validity of our theory, we conducted
our study in the zawiya Ziyania in Kenadsa. The analysis process draws
mainly on the method of in-situ observation as an important tool to collect the
crucial data relevant to the morphological study to find out how this
spirituality shaped the material construction of its different buildings.

1. INTRODUCTION: THE SACRED IN THE


KSOURIAN WORLD

For reasons of clarity, it seems necessary to go back first to the


etymology of the word “sacred”, give a definition, which matches the object
of our study, and then focus on the key role of the religious aspect, even on
the pre-eminence of the sacred in architectural production. However, we do
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not pretend to reach a perfect definition of the “sacred” notion, given its
complexity. For that purpose, we referred to the definitions given by great This open access article is published under a
Creative Commons [Attribution-
sociologists, anthropologists and geographers, such as: Durkheim (1968),
NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0
Mauss (1968), Meslin (1988), Otto (1969), Moussaoui (2002), Ringgenberg International] license.
(2009b, 2009c, 2009d, 2009a), Berque (2002). https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/

150
Idir & Bouchareb 151

The Durkheimian school defines the “sacred” as the antonym of


“profane”. “Religious”, “venerable” and “holy” are all adjectives often used
as synonyms of the term “sacred”. According to Durkheim (1968):
“Sacred things are those which the interdictions (of society) protect and
isolate; profane things, those to which these interdictions are applied and
which remain at a distance from the first”.
The sacred designates then what is out of ordinary, banal and common
things; it is essentially opposed to the profane and indicates the presence of a
superhuman sign. All sacred things belong to the separate, intangible and
inviolable domain of religion and must inspire fear and respect. For the
anthropologist Mauss (1968), the sacred is a substance that can incarnate in a
being or a thing; it can also be revealed through an action or a condition.
According to the sociologists’ apprehension, the sacred is a human fact
rising from a collective consciousness. Certainly, no manifestation of the
sacred takes place in the animal world, whereas most human societies
abundantly testify to that. The sacred seems thereby to be the specificity of
man:
“It is man, only man that is the measure of sacredness of beings and
things because he is the agent of their possible sacralisation” (Meslin,
1988).
The sociological use of the word “sacred” is associated to religion and to the
different rites it conveys.
Otto (1969) describes ways to reach an impression of “sacredness” in art,
or what he calls “numinous experience”. According to him,
“it is the sublime which represents the numinous with more power”.
He also presents three other direct ways to access the numinous: darkness,
silence and emptiness. He introduces here notions of architecture and spaces
qualified as “sacred”. This definition indicates that a so-called “sacred”
architecture is based on timeless and universal symbols, which appeal to the
individual through his cognitive senses, and create in him a particular
emotion linked to the unspeakable space.
Moussaoui (2002) defines the sacred as an uncontrollable power,
designating a force that acts positively and/or negatively on the course of
individuals' lives. Unable to master it, these individuals hope to manage it
with a set of devices that can be contracted in the word “Rite” — a social
and collective behaviour used against supernatural forces, either to protect
oneself against them or to obtain help from them by using ritualized signs:
words, gestures, actions, prayers, offerings, sacrifices, etc. (Mansouri,
2011b).
The sacred meant in this article is the one that exists within religion and
makes its very essence. It is a positive sacred that is present in worship
places and living spaces. To live it fully, it has to take a tangible form
diffusing energy and a constant sacredness, and to be shared or transmitted
within society where “the religious” proves to be a paramount condition for
the manifestation of the sacred.
In our context of study, the religious component and the impact of the
sacred are revealed in the Algerian ksour, particularly in Kenadsa. This
impact is materialised by the projection of a certain number of spaces and
buildings of a purely religious feature. The zawiya, which is a key
monument in Islam and a place of fulfilment for popular Sufism, is the
symbol of the sacred within the Saharan ksour. Ksour is the plural noun of
152 IRSPSDC International, Vol. 11 No. 4 (2023), 150-166

Ksar, which literally means “castle”. Here it designates a traditional human


settlement in the Sahara surrounded by a rampart.
“Zawiya” is a word which takes root in the verb “Inzawa” which means
in Arabic “to withdraw, to isolate oneself or to be apart”. It also refers to a
place: an angle, a corner, a cell, an oratory …, where people gather, seek
comfort and serenity, and pray God through a patron saint. The zawiya, also
transcribed zaouiya or zaouïa, is a religious institute including a mosque,
meditation and study rooms, and an inn where pilgrims and students can
sojourn. It is assigned to spiritual practices and its holy founders are buried
there. Basically, a zawiya was a seat of a Tariqa — the path on which the
mystic progresses on his way to God. It is the set of divine perceptions
Muslims resolutely have to stick to (Mansouri, 2011a) —, where a faithful
man called the Wali —a pious worshipper of God who lives a degree of faith
higher than that of common people— chose to live in isolation in order to
devote himself to meditation. Besides its religious and sacred role, it offers
numerous social, economic and political services. It is a center of education
and intellectual radiance as well. The zawiya appeared in the Ifriqiyan
landscape from the 12th century (Yosr, 2022). In fact, its birth met the need
for psychological security and access to the divine. This is how its structure
still refers to the link between God, the wali and man (Mircea, 1990).
As for its architecture, we consider that it is definitely linked to cultural,
imaginative and spiritual paradigms. It is both science and art. It is science
because it requires technical knowledge. It is also physical conformations
rising from the art of imagining and guiding architecture through organized
thought. For the Ksourian man and by his religious beliefs, the universe is a
mere emanation of the divine unity, and each creation is only the reflection
of this unity. Thus, any production or physical transformation will obey in
all fields, especially in architecture, an order in which mysticism, the
imaginary and the spiritual express themselves.
In view of what is stated above, we believe that the zawiya continued to
evolve both functionally and architecturally. This functional diversity gives a
glimpse on a spiritual experience, which is both individual and collective,
allowing social exchanges within a community that finds its ideas and
opinions in mysticism and Sufi philosophical thought.
We will thus say that architectural production responds to a relation of
concomitance between the plurality of Sufi ritual practices and the
mystification of architectural space. To each social or ritual practice
corresponds a space devoted to it, and its mystification depends on the nature
of the activity and the degree of sacralisation granted to it.

2. MATERIALS AND METHODS

This work is the fusion of two approaches:


• A structural scientific approach based on a morphological study of the
buildings that the zawiya includes;
• An interpretive scheme related to the religious practices and based on an
attempt at spiritual and symbolic decoding of the constructive
architectural language applied to the zawiya.
To achieve it, we have adopted the “hypothetical-deductive” method,
which consists of anticipating answers to questions on specific aspects
relating to the subject of our study, from a hypothesis in order to confirm or
invalidate it. This method is organized according to the following stages: to
formulate a hypothesis for our questioning on the repercussions of the sacred
Idir & Bouchareb 153

on the architectural production of the Kenadsa Ksar; to experiment and


observe in the ground if the facts correspond to our assumptions; then the
interpretation of the results to finally return to our initial hypothesis, as
shown in Figure 1.

Figure 1. Diagram of hypothetical-deductive method.

Figure 2. Kenadsa: location of the study area on the map of Algeria


(Source: Givex.com (n.d.) )

Figure 3. Location of Kenadsa Ksar in relation to the city.


(Source: PDAU (Algerian Master Plan of Development and Urbanism)
(Image processed by author)

We have opted in the context of this article and as a case study for the
zawiya of Kenadsa, which is located in the town having the same name in
the wilaya — Fist-level administrative division in Algeria. Since December
18, 2019, Algeria is divided into 58 wilayas, instead of the 48 former
wilayas — of Béchar in south-western Algeria (Figure 2). Kenadsa city
spreads according to a linear axis punctuated by three main districts: the new
154 IRSPSDC International, Vol. 11 No. 4 (2023), 150-166

city, the colonial district and the old Ksar (Figure 3). The choice of this
example is motivated by the fact that this prototype represents a perfect
model that is still functional and alive. Due to its Saharan architecture and its
historical and spiritual dimension, it can be an excellent object of study. This
zawiya was founded in the 17th century by Sidi M'hammed Ben Bouziane. It
consists of: the Sidi M'hammed Ben Bouziane mosque, Dar Sheikh, Bit-Al-
Khalwa, the Madrasa and the D'wiriya J'dida.

3. ZAWIYA ZIYANIA AND ITS HOLY PLACES

As stated above, its founder is Sidi M'hammed Ben Bouziane, known as


Moulay Ben Bouziane. After a long journey in search of knowledge, he
returned home and began to build the zawiya, around which the ksar of
Kenadsa is edified. Following this event, Kenadsa ksar became, in addition
to being a crossroads of commercial and economic exchanges, a spiritual and
cultural center that illuminates the whole Maghreb and passed from a mere
Saharan city to a real ksourian city (Benaradj, 2020). We find within the
zawiya all the holy places as classified by Dupront (1987): Cosmic places
represented by all the tombs of the patron saints, historical places like the
Madrasa (school), Al-Khizana and Al-Atik Mosque, places of eschatological
fulfilment represented by the visits made by the pilgrims who live this
experience as an eschatological achievement, and finally places of reign,
represented in Kenadsa by the Dwiriyas — a domestic space where the
owner's family members live. But its main function is to serve as a guest
house (space for reception) for visitors and pilgrims —, a kind of palace
where the sheikh of the zawiya settled (Bernadou, 2020), as shown in Figure
4.

Figure 4. Representative map showing the different buildings of the Zawiya Ziyania within
Kenadsa ksar. (Source: https://earth.app.goo.gl/kEHFTX , processed by author)
Idir & Bouchareb 155

4. MORPHOLOGICAL STUDY OF THE ZAWIYA

4.1 The Ben Bouziane mosque

4.1.1 Study of the external structure

Sidi M’hammed Ben Bouziane mosque is located in the center of the


Kenadsa ksar (Figure 5). At the urban scale, the mosque is an Adhan — Call
to prayer — instrument thanks to its minaret which is 30 m high. The main
access is from the south side through a full-wooden door called Bab Z'wija,
the upper part of which is sumptuously decorated and whitewashed, unlike
the rest of the fence which has kept its ochre tint. Other secondary accesses
exist, one reserved for women and the others bear the name of the space they
overlook: Bab —Literally: Door or gate— hawsh-Sidi-M'barek, Bab Al-
Khizana and Bab Souk. The mosque is built as a load-bearing wall with mud
bricks and wooden floor, palm leaves and reeds.

Figure 5. Aerial view of the Ben Bouziane mosque and the “Madrasa”.
(Source: BERKANI, A.)

4.1.2 Study of the internal structure

Figure 6. Distribution of spaces inside the Ben Bouziane Mosque.


(Source: Makhloufi, processed by author)
156 IRSPSDC International, Vol. 11 No. 4 (2023), 150-166

The mosque is composed of a prayer room, a minaret, a courtyard, the


Jemaa square, an ablution room and a garden (Figure 6). The main axis
according to which the spaces are organised is that indicating the direction of
the Qibla —It is the divine direction towards the Kaaba, in the sacred
Mosque of Mecca as the focal point of Islamic Ummah when praying (Naing
and Hadi, 2020)—. The courtyard have been illustrated as a spiritual form in
practically all religions around the world. The use of the courtyards offers an
intentional contrast between the intense and lively heat of the outside and
intimate confinement of the shade and the coolness of courtyard inside
(Mezerdi, Belakehal, et al., 2022). The prayer hall has a rectangular shape; it
is deeper than it is wide and is composed of six naves and two spans. As
support organs, we can discover within the mosque: pillars and two types of
broken horseshoe arches. The capital looks like the one in the great mosque
of Kairouan and has a relationship with the Syrian Umayyad capitals. As for
the Mihrab, it is a niche dug in the wall of the mosque — The function of the
mihrab is to indicate the direction of Mecca (the qibla)— and built with the
same material as this one. The tombs of the patron saints lean on this same
wall. The mosque has two other Mihrabs: one outside, arranged in the
central arcade of the Jemaa square, and the other is wooden and serves as an
inner separation between the space of prayer and the tombs. At the corner of
the prayer hall stands the quadrangular minaret, composed of two towers: the
main tower, and the upper one which is surmounted by an ovoid cupola. The
minaret has a full central nucleus with a spiral staircase. The external
decoration is uniform on the four sides of the minaret and is represented by
five-foil blind arches.

4.2 Bit-Al-Khalwa and the Sheikh’s house (Dar Sheikh)

The two buildings are terraced. They communicate by a covered interior


passage. The Sheikh's house is rectangular and has a square patio formed by
four columns. The facades are introverted (no exterior openings). Unlike the
later buildings, the Sheikh’s house and Bit-Al-Khalwa —Lit. “Retreat room”
—are characterized, in terms of decoration, by the simplicity and sobriety of
their architecture, which is free of decorative and architectural elements.
These are highly spiritual spaces, very visited during Mawlid — The
observance of the birthday of the Islamic Prophet Muhammad — festivals.
The two spaces are in the image of the Sheikh’s personality because they
reflect his Sufi philosophy, his humility and modesty.

Figure 7. Bit-Al-Khalwa.
Idir & Bouchareb 157

Bit-Al-Khalwa of the Kenadsa zawiya is a small room receiving a light


beam from the ceiling and as furniture, a carpet covers the entire floor. It is
in this room that the Sheikh of the zawiya isolates himself from the world in
order to meditate and worship God (Figure 7). On the other hand, the house
of the Sheikh obeys a concentric composition with a centralised open
courtyard. The other spaces are symmetrically arranged with respect to a
central axis. This geometric order allows a well-balanced deployment of
space in all directions.
The analysis of the geometric composition rules of the house revealed
that the layout obeys a framed organisation whose basic unit is a 12 m side
square. The patio is the element that physically represents this module. Thus,
all the spatial structure uses a system of proportions which respects the 12 m
square frame. We can then deduce that the final morphology is indeed the
multiplication of this basic square unit. In addition, one side of the patio is
oriented towards the Qibla. In order to build the generative model, it is
simply necessary to follow a certain number of laws, which are: The
orientation of one patio side towards the Qibla, the existence of a central
space (the patio in the case of the Sheikh's house), respect of the 12 m square
frame, and a concession approach: if some constraints impede the 12 m
frame, any space lost on one side is automatically recovered on the other
(Bekhouche, Bouaouiche, et al., 1991).

4.3 The Riad (D'wiriya J'dida)

It is a residence whose essential function is the reception of guests. It is


also a prayer room and a place of teaching and blessings. It is both a public
and a private space. Here is an explanation for houses with the combined
functions of home and work (Tutuko and Shen, 2014). The D’wiriya is
reserved for notables and their families; it provides during religious
gatherings lodging for the zawiya followers. The particularity of the
D'wiriya J'dida —Lit. New D’wiriya —is that its typology is a combination
of a D'wiriya and a Riad (Palace), because it takes over the function and the
spatial organisation of the D’wiriya reception rooms, on the one hand, and
opens onto the Riad courtyard containing a fountain and a pond (there is no
patio). We can thus say that the D'wiriya J'dida of the zawiya has the
function of a D'wiriya and the architectural typology of a Riad. As for its
architecture, the D'wiriya J'dida is characterised by the richness of the
decorating elements on the walls and the ceiling, and its arcades which offer
a diversity of style and ornaments.

4.4 Al-madrasa (The zawiya Koranic school)

It is an annex of Ben Bouziane mosque, held by an Imam who is


responsible for providing completely free education for children of all ages
of the Ksar. The program consists of reading the Koran, Islamic law and
Arabic grammar. The school is composed of a small courtyard, storage
spaces, classrooms and an external staircase leading to the terrace which
offers a 360° view of the entire Ksar. As furniture, there is a blackboard
hanging on the classroom wall and the floor is covered with handmade
carpets called in the local dialect: Braknou. Except the external door which
is a slightly decorated, the rest is sober, simple and does not show any
ornamentation. The reasons for this choice will be explained further in the
article.
158 IRSPSDC International, Vol. 11 No. 4 (2023), 150-166

5. SPIRITUAL HERMENEUTIC READING OF THE


ARCHITECTURAL PRODUCTION OF THE
KENADSA ZAWIYA

Now that the morphological analysis is done, we will expose its results
while confronting them with an interpretation test where we will try to locate
the important elements that bring testimonies to the divine presence, in
addition to a religious, mystical and philosophical understanding of the
principle of unity and unified multiplicity, and finally seek answers to the
question of the transformation of matter into forms.

5.1 Orientation and geography

In Islam, the orientation to Mecca (the divinely chosen center of the


Islamic world) is both a foundation for an ordered geography and a reference
to spiritual and sacred symbolism. Whether it is the mosque, Bit-Al-Khalwa
or the Sheikh’s House, these spaces are, at the level of the Kenadsa Ksar, all
oriented towards the Qibla. This orientation has a cosmic meaning, because
the fact of orienting a building towards a divine center means positioning
oneself on a divine geographical map (Akkach, 2005). This can also be
perceived as a horizontal link with the center of the world (The Kaaba, a
stone building in the court of the Great Mosque of Mecca, and the point
toward which Muslims turn at prayer. It is also the most sacred Islamic
pilgrim shrine) and a vertical link with the celestial center (God). This
orientation is an act through which a spatial order is established and tends to
organise several religious and/or worldwide spiritual spaces around a central
point. It similarly indicates a psychological and spiritual direction, as stated
by Ringgenberg (2009b): “…orientation towards Mecca is not only a rite of
the body, but also a symbol capable of structuring the thought, the volition
and emotionality. By turning towards Mecca five times a day, the Muslim
brings evidence through his body to the fundamental orientation (towards
God) which must determine his life line and the conduct of his being”.
Similarly, this order is perceptible inside the enclosure of the Kenadsa Ksar,
where the mosque is the central and unifying point towards which all the
paths converge. Through this organisation, the Ksourian man knew how to
impose a sort of spatial order by which he established a return of physical
diversity to unity, and of the multiple to the single.

5.2 The light

The amazing know-how demonstrated by the Ksourian man is revealed


in the skilful way in which he managed to produce a staging under the
artistic effects of a natural light, whose main actor is the Ksar, and the scenic
space is the oasis environment with its natural decor and architectural
product. Indeed, natural light is considered from a functional and
constructive point of view as the essential matter; it is even indispensable
and complementary to the land matter. The fact of crossing the different
paths (Droub) of the Kenadsa Ksar allows the visitor to live an outstanding
and surprising experience which lies in the variation and the sequential
alternation between dark and luminous spaces. This brings rhythm and
liveliness to the exterior area. It is a unique experience, not only visually but
also sensitively, spiritually and emotionally. The use and filtering of light is
not only a characteristic of exterior spaces but also of interior ones,
Idir & Bouchareb 159

especially of the Kenadsa zawiya’s buildings, that we have closely


considered.
Introversion is the common characteristic of all Ksar buildings. Whether
this is done for climatic or privacy reasons, introversion is seen in the lack of
openings to exterior spaces, except a few small windows in very specific
places. Everything in the Ksar is lived from the inside; it is in the interior
that the essential happens. Following our investigation in the zawiya of
Kenadsa, we noticed that the action of light worked in three different ways:

5.2.1 In the Ben Bouziane mosque

In contrast to what usually happens, the windows are rectangular, barred


and low (30 cm above the ground). The reason is not only climatic (as a
screen against climatic variations) or related to lighting (meeting lighting
needs), but also functional, practical and symbolic. The inhabitants of
Kenadsa in general and the mosque followers in particular are known for
sitting on the ground, so that the light directly illuminates their books. The
windows are facing north. The light is direct, very stable and soft; it creates a
nice atmosphere during prayer and meditation, while having a contemplative
look at the sky (Figure 8).

Figure 8. Sheikh LAREJ.M (2nd Sheikh of the Kenadsa zawiya, son of Ben Bouziane)
is praying in the cool half-light of the house (April 22, 1918, Series n. 03 Kenadsa, Southern
oriental Morocco)

5.2.2 In the Madrasa, the D'wiriya and Sheikh’s house (Dar Sheikh)

Here, the relationship to light is totally different. The rooms overlooking


an exterior courtyard are opened to light through windows and doors. The
internal walls create walls of shadows so that the interior rooms benefit from
the day light and the freshness of the courtyard. This creates a sensitive
environment and an overtime changing atmosphere (Figure 9).

Figure 9. Play of light and shade in the D’wiriya J’dida courtyard


160 IRSPSDC International, Vol. 11 No. 4 (2023), 150-166

5.2.3 At Bit-Al-Khalwa

Here, the play of light is quite impressive. Light comes sparingly from a
small slit in the ceiling called: Ain Dar (Lit. the eye of the house), exactly to
where it is needed. Light is filtered and dimmed by the use of clay in
construction. The lighting intensity varies according to the hours, days and
seasons. Inside, we are immediately attracted by this great visual silence
which perfectly matches the very tight and very mysterious lighting of the
place. Nothing is encumbered because there is no decoration and no possible
distraction. Bit-Al-Khalwa is a space which creates silence in all its
dimensions, and all the necessary conditions to pray and do mystical work
(Figure 10). The passage which connects Dar-Sheikh and Bit-Al-Khalwa is
designed for its part in a similar way to the road system of the Ksar. It
follows the same rules of alternation between darkness and light. The
passage is narrow, dark and low, giving the passers-by a great moment of
spirituality, awakening of the senses and prostration, without this being
required.

Figure 10. daylight condition at Bit-Al-Khalwa.

5.3 Geometric and aesthetic symbolic interpretation

5.3.1 The use of the quaternary form

Morphologically, the ksar of Kenadsa shows an organizational paradox:


the building is strongly structured following an orthogonal, practical and
elementary geometry, whereas the exterior space is organic and structured
with narrow and winding streets. The whole is strongly linked and coexists
in perfect harmony. The type of quaternary used is square or rectangular.
This form evokes stability and resolution of tensions. It embodies the idea of
border, totality and immutability. In fact, the quaternary brings to mind the
fundamental structure of the terrestrial cosmos and the elements composing
all created things (Ringgenberg, 2009c). In most of the Kenadsa zawiya’s
buildings, we find a central square (sometimes rectangular) open-air
courtyard. This configuration encapsulates a symbolic miniature of the
universe. The four sides of the courtyard represent the four columns that
support the dome of the sky, which itself serves as a roof for the courtyard.
Each building has thereby its own autonomous and self-sufficient world, its
own climate, and its own symbolic, matrix and totalizing reality: to stand in
a house courtyard, a madrasa or a mosque is like finding oneself in the
Idir & Bouchareb 161

center of the world, in a domed hall on the scale of the universe


(Ringgenberg, 2009d).

5.3.2 The material

The Ksar of Kenadsa was built at a time when industrial production did
not exist in the region, long before the invasion of synthetic manufactured
products which are dangerous for humans and for the environment. The
builder himself prepares the building materials; he is at the same time the
architect, the engineer and the designer. The matter is worked, kneaded and
hand-modelled. The experimental part is done by means of observation,
touch, taste, experience and above all patience. The relationship to matter is
very special because once transformed and materialized, it gives rise to
ecological and low energy consuming constructions (Figure 11). The use of
the matter is done with care, meticulousness and extreme economy. Here,
“everything is transformed and nothing is lost!” This tells us precisely about
this sacred and protective aspect that Ksourian man gives to his
environment, the only source of raw materials.

Figure 11. Raw mud-brick, the local building material.

5.3.3 Colour

It is obtained from the pigments contained in natural substances of


organic or mineral origin. Once crushed and transformed into a powder, they
are either suspended in binders to be coloured or applied to a wooden or clay
surface to give it a colour (figure 12). The use of colours in the architectural
decoration of the Kenadsa zawiya’s buildings follows the degree of
religiosity and spirituality of the place. That is to say, the more the space is
spiritual such as Bit-Al-Khalwa, Dar-Sheikh and the Madrasa, the less it is
coloured to avoid distraction. The more the space is meant to host visitors,
the more it is richly decorated, as in the case of D'wiriya J'dida. As for the
mosque, the dominant colour is green because it is considered as the colour
of paradise. This stated, it is almost difficult to find a detailed interpretation
of the polychrome decoration, due to the lack of written documents. We,
however, learned through our interviews that the choice is often subjective;
it is only the reflection of the craftsman state of mind.
162 IRSPSDC International, Vol. 11 No. 4 (2023), 150-166

Figure 12. Geometric and vegetal decoration of the D'wiriya J'dida ceiling.

5.3.4 The threshold

It is at door level that the threshold materializes and constitutes an


ambivalent frontier between two opposing universes. In our zawiya, the
threshold allows a multitude of interpretations and explanations which can
be social, religious, psychological or mystical. It symbolizes the passage
from the unknown to knowledge (The Madrasa), from the profane to the
sacred (the mosque), from the public to the private (Dar-Cheikh), from
darkness to light (Bit-Al-Khalwa), or from the apparent to the hidden
(D'wiriya J'dida).
• From the unknown to knowledge: The Madrasa is the place of
learning and discovering the spiritual dimension of existence.
Students receive an education based on the Muslim vision of the
person and of human relationships. This place is where they learn to
read and write. Its threshold opposes knowledge to ignorance.
• From the profane to the sacred: The door means a symbolic
barrier between an impure and transient exterior, and a purified or
sanctified interior (It is obligatory to leave the shoes outside). It is a
place of submission to God.
• From public to private: It expresses respect for privacy, modesty
and secrecy. It materializes a public space reserved for men and
work, and a private space reserved for women.
• From darkness to light: Bit-Al-Khalwa is perceived as the space
where the soul is spiritualized by prayer and inner sincerity. It
gradually becomes transparent. Thus, the soul which was previously
opaque becomes the window of spiritual light. The higher the degree
of spirituality, the more the veils between man and God vanish.
• From the visible to the hidden: The threshold reveals here a
register of social skills such as discretion, humility and modesty.
From the outside, nothing suggests the richness and beauty of the
house. The signs of wealth are thereby reserved for interior spaces.
The door is also described as an art object. Indeed, this piece of wood is
magnified, sculpted and painted in order to beautify the residences and give
a better appearance to the door knockers.
Idir & Bouchareb 163

5.4 The epigraphic and vegetal decoration, the solar motifs


and rejection of figurative images

Figure 13. The geometric and solar decoration used in the Kenadsa zawiya.

The use of decoration follows the same principle as mentioned above for
colour. Human and animal representations are banned from the zawiya
buildings, because using them is claiming to be a creator and the equal of
God. This is not tolerated in Muslim culture. Embellishment is done with
epigraphic and geometric vegetal and solar decorations. Inside Ben Bouziane
mosque, epigraphic and geometric decoration is the most used, unlike the
D'wiriya J'dida where we find more vegetal and solar patterns. The
calligraphy is of Maghreb style; it emphasises these two sentences, motto of
Al-Kendousia — Al-Kendousia derives from Kenadsa, the town it is named
after — zawiya: "Al-Afia al-Baqia" (Everlasting wellness) and "Wala
ghaliba illa Allah" (There is no victor but God). Using this kind of
ornamentation attests to the love of beauty and the mastery of geometry and
order notions. The use of solar motifs (moon and stars) refers to the
symbolism of the sky from which comes the light of heavens and earth
(Figure 13).

5.5 The relationship with nature: Garden and water

If the “Kenadser” —the inhabitant of Kenadsa— managed to get adjusted


to his environment and to tame it, it is because he knew how to cleverly deal
with the geographical and climatic characteristics of his territory. The
“Water/ Garden” tandem is the other link which strongly completes, with the
buildings, the chain of the Ksourian space, which is representative of an
indivisible system that guarantees a perfect balance between man and nature.
The relationship with water is a priority and even a vital need. After his
settlement, Sheikh Ben Bouziane drilled several sources for domestic and
agricultural needs. Given its importance, several architectural supports are
built to provide water: fountains, wells, basins for ablutions and irrigation
systems (Figure 14). Yet, from the point of view of sacredness, it: “gives life
and is a sign of divine mercy; water has a sacred aura” (Ringgenberg,
2009a). In Kenadsa, offering water, digging a well or building a fountain is a
commendable act and a symbol of faith and piety. As for the garden, it is
perceived as a source of beauty, an image of peace, a space for
contemplation and retreat; it is a reproduction of Heaven on earth.
164 IRSPSDC International, Vol. 11 No. 4 (2023), 150-166

Figure 14. Water basin called in the local dialect "Al-Majen",


used for the irrigation of the palm grove.

The hermeneutical reading done on the Kenadsa zawiya’s buildings tells


us that in any constructive act we find the (however small) expression of the
sacred and of the imaginary paradigm. With a keen sense of observation, we
realise that nothing happens by chance. It is now obvious that it is
imagination rather than technique that is the source of creativity. The
Ksourian space is highly influenced by Sufi ideology, it is the reflection of a
sacred and spiritual logic: divine unity, beauty and harmony of space, love of
art and of the sublime, the attachment to cultural and identity values, and
inclination towards austerity, sobriety and ritual life. At the architectural
scale, it is seen in the geometric, symbolic, calligraphic, decorative and
chromatic work which offers a spatial configuration rich in meaning and in
symbolic paradigm that is in perfect harmony with the Kenadsian Muslim
spirituality.

6. CONCLUSION

The Ksar of Kenadsa was born of the union of several functional and
economic elements at a time when it served both as a relay point for the
various trans-Saharan caravans and as an eco-systemic order, indicating by
that the dense and so complex (but complete) network that the Ksourian man
maintains as a gateway to his arid and austere environment. When
constructing his ksar, the Kenadsian man knew indeed how to take
advantage of the natural resources of his territory while ensuring a better
bioclimatic adaptation (relationship to the palm-grove and building
materials) in order to face the hard climatic conditions. If this approach
allowed the growth of the Ksar, we think that it does not explain, neither
justifies by itself the survival of the Kenadsa Ksar to the present day,
especially after the invasion of the modern currents, the new ideological
references and the economic changes undertaken by the Algerian state. The
Ksar owes its longevity to this beating heart which is Zawiya Ziyania Al-
Kendousia.
Commitment to religious teaching, to mysticism, to sacred things and to
Sufi ideology has had a tangible influence on architectural practice, by
instilling a sense and a soul into the physical conformations of the various
buildings. In this way, the architecture of the zawiya is in the image of the
creative act of the universe on earth and in Heaven. We have tried to
demonstrate that any work or structure composing the zawiya buildings of
Kenadsa abounds in symbolic, spiritual and religious meanings.
We have come to believe that the relationship of the Kenadsian man to
his space and to Saharan nature is at once ecological, technical and mainly
Idir & Bouchareb 165

symbolic. This attests that the Kenadsa Ksar is an ecumene that the
geographer Berque (2002) defines not as a mere anthropized land area but as
the relationship of a group to its inhabited space, including the way to design
it, to live in and to be inhabited by the space, the way to plan and to be
protected by this place. Augustin Berque who has written on the relationship
of human societies with their environment thinks that the idea of eliminating
the sacred means transforming things into objects and convert the
environment into a mere quantifiable space. Hence, the only thing left will
be the physical and economic dimension of the place. Ignoring the sacred is
taking the risk of denying human existence, which leads to Cosmocide. This
fact is observed in architecture and modern urban planning which rely on the
technical improvement of human daily life, without considering the
environment or the trajection of eco-techno-symbolic ecumenical holds. This
is what Berque calls Acosmia which is revealed by the "messy" space and
“the landscape killer” (Berque, 2002).
Sociologist Edgar Morin said that man is not a mere technician who
manufactures tools, but a Being that cannot live without myths, beliefs and
religions. This is actually the case in oasis life where the sacred is neither
episodic, nor anecdotal or occasional. It is daily present, accompanying the
being as if to provide it with the energy needed to survive in a quite
challenging environment. The sacred has been established in these lands; it
is a call and a permanent necessity. It even left its mark everywhere on the
buildings, on the road network, on the palm-grove and on all that makes up
the Ksar. This presence is so strongly felt that it is difficult to examine the
ksourian framework without locating the zawiya and the caravan tracks
(Bouchareb, 2014).

AUTHOR CONTRIBUTIONS

Conceptualization, L.I. and A.B.; methodology, L.I and A.B.; software,


L.I.; investigation, L.I.; resources, L.I. and A.B.; data curation, L.I.;
writing—original draft preparation, L.I. and A.B.; writing—review and
editing, L.I. and A.B.; supervision, A.B. All authors have read and agreed to
the published version of the manuscript.

ETHICS DECLARATION

The authors declare that they have no conflicts of interest regarding the
publication of the paper.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

The authors like to acknowledge the brotherhoods of the Zawiya El-


Kendousia and all the inhabitants of the Ksar of Kenadsa for welcoming us
into their homes.
166 IRSPSDC International, Vol. 11 No. 4 (2023), 150-166

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