Rethinking The White Australia Policy

Re-Thinking the White Australia Policy
Author(s): A. P. Elkin
Source: The Australian Quarterly, Vol. 17, No. 3 (Sep., 1945), pp. 6-34
Published by: Australian Institute of Policy and Science
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20631287 .
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Re-Thinking theWhite Australia Policy
By A. P. ELKIN*
National Policy and Dogma.
Man lives not by bread alone but also by dogmas?accepted
beliefs on which he feels his welfare and even his existence depend.
They constitute a light in dark places and become a battle cry in time
of danger. If, however, economic, political, national, aesthetic or
religious dogmas are made sacrosanct and put beyond periodical re
examination in the light of changing circumstances, of new know
ledge and of fresh approaches to the problems of life,theywill almost
certainly divide, instead of unifying, mankind. Dogmas are apt to
become verbal symbols, with which men identify themselves. There
fore, to question them or to suggest that theymight be modified in
form or content, is to meet with strong, and indeed violent, emotional
reaction. This in its turn is likely to postpone too long the day of
revision, to let pass the opportunity of strengthening unity through
communal thinking and fresh decision, and, though apparently pre
venting change, to*sow the seeds of inevitable dissension.
White Australia has long been regarded as a national dogma.
In the opinion of Professor W. K. Hancock it "is the indispensable
condition of every other Australian policy/'1 Writing in 1928, Pro
fessor W. E. Agar said that to discuss the question of inter-marriage
between Asiatic immigrants and Whites from the biological stand
point was somewhat academic, "since the White Australia policy is
firmly rooted in sentimental, economic and political ground."2 It is
believed to sum up the experiences of nearly a century of effort on the
part of Europeans, 98% of British extraction, to build up a desirable
way of Australian life. It has become a symbol of that way of life, and
complete acceptance of the dogma has been, and is, regarded as
essential if Australia is to work out its own salvation. "I need not
add," wrote the Minister for External Affairs two years ago, with
reference to the encouragement of the birth-rate and of immigration,
"that the basis of all our population increase is the principle ofWhite
*
Professor of Anthropology, University of Sydney.
1 Australian Pocket First 1930.
Australia, Library edition, p.66. published
2W. E. Agar, Professor of Zoology, of Melbourne; "Some
University Eugenic
Aspects of Australian Population Problems," in The Peopling of Australia,
edited by P. D. Phillips and G. L. Wood; pp.143-4.

WHITE AUSTRALIA POLICY September, 1945
Australia, which is fully recognized by the United Nations as abso

lutely necessary.,,3 The words "absolutely necessary," should be
noted.
The policy is beyond question and above political party divisions
As the national secretary of the Federated Ironworkers' Union said
on June the 4th, 1945: "it has become part of our national policy,
which none of the majorParliamentary parties has dared to criticise."
And when Mr. E.
S. Spooner, a member of the Liberal Party sug
gested at a Church Forum on the 8th of July, 1945, that "some elas
ticity in the White Australia policy might remove distrust from
stronger nations and give it a better chance for permanence without
impairing its basic characteristics," it was at once made clear by
leaders of the Liberal Party that his views were in no way related
to the policy of that party.4 Mr. Spooner's careful statement, which
was not an attack on White Australia, was labelled by a Sydney even
ing paper as apostasy and heresy, and he himself a recruit to "the
ranks of the heretics from theWhite Australia Policy." This paper
also held that unless the Liberal Party denounced unequivocally the
views put forward by him, itwould be finishedpolitically.5
That suggested modification of the policy should be labelled
heresy, is in keeping with its status as national dogma. So too was
the somewhat rhetorical and emotional criticism of both Mr. Spooner
and Mr. Thornton by a leading member of the Commonwealth Govern
ment. Referring to the suggestion of a quota system for immigrants
such as prevails in theUnited States of America, theMinister said:
"Would Mr. Spooner throw a spoonful of tea into a boiling billy and
still expect to have plain hot water? Once there is any compromise
on theWhite Australia policy, the whole policy, will be lost. If
nothing else, the high Asiatic birthrate, rapidlymultiplying inAus
tralian conditions the number of each year's quota, will as time goes
on see to that." He then added: "We inherited the White Australia
policy from our fathers and grandfathers. We have in large measure
been saved by it during thiswar. It is our responsibility to see that
it is there to be handed down by the great-grand-children of our great
grand-children."6 In other words, this policy is a sacred trust, a
dogma, which must not be questioned.
3The Rt. Hon. Dr. H. V. Evatt, in an article in the Sydney Daily
Telegraph,
18 August, 1943; reprinted in Foreign Policy of Australia (1945), p.133.
4 The Svdney Morninq Herald, June 5, 10 and
5 The Daily Mirror, July 9, 1945. July 9, 11, 1945.
6Mr. Beasley, Vice-President of the Executive Council.
Quoted in the
Sydney Morning Herald, July 10, 1945.
7

September, 1945 THE AUSTRALIAN QUARTERLY
While, however, devotion to this ideal is sincere, and while it is

believed that
any change in policy would, or could, endanger the
Australian standard of living and "purity of race", criticism by a
political opponent of any aspect of the policy does provide an oppor
tunity fpr political knight-errantry, which is too good to let pass.,
For example, the resolution "carried by an overwhelming majority"
at the meeting of the New South Wales branch of the Australian
Labour Party, was clearly as much, or even more, an attack on Aus
tralian Communists as a re-affirmation of an unmodified White Aus
tralia policy.7
The political inability, or fear to examine this national dogma
is not, however, a justification for avoiding the duty of re-examining
it in the light of changing circumstances. Such an inquiry is not an
attack on, or criticism of, the policy or its objective, and may not
lead to any revision of its form or methods. But a policy with inter
national reverberations is not sacrosanct just because it has been
inherited. Moreover, an increasing number of Australians are feel
ing a little worried about it. Carefully conducted opinion studies, as
will be described later, suggested that over 40% think that some
modification of the policy would be justified. The war has had a
good deal to do with this. China is one of the five great powers and
her long struggle with Japan prevented the latter from throwing
all its weight into its southern advance. India is not only part of
the British Empire, but raised a completely voluntary army of two
millions, which served against our enemies in the west as well as in
the east. A quarter of the manpower of the British merchant navy is
Indian., And six million Indians have been engaged in war work.
These facts are becoming known, and an appreciation of the culture
of India is spreading. Moreover, the populations of India and China
are immense; on the other hand we have space and must have popula
tion. Consequently many Australians are perplexed: should we, and
even can we, "shut our doors to these nations, and if we do, are we
shutting the door in the bestway?
The Churches, too, are interested. The Archbishop of Canter
bury on March 19, 1945, stated that Australia would probably be
approached by the International Missionary Society with the request
that she "widen her immigration policy on Asiatics." In 1944, a
7 See in The Australian June
report Worker, 20, 1945, p.l, and the leading
article; p.3. The mover of the motion argued that the main reason for the
Communists' opposition to the White Australia policy was their aim to flood
Australia with people they could "use".

Church Assembly inMelbourne expressed "dissatisfaction and con

cern" about our national attitude of mind as shown in theWhite
Australia policy and asked that the Federal Government be ap
proached with a view to revision of Australia's national policies con
cerningAsiatic races. In the light of this the National Missionary
Council of Australia, which represents almost all the non-Roman
Catholic Churches, issued (1/9/1944) a well balanced statement sum
marising the main for and against modification
arguments of the
present policy, and
including several suggestions as worthy of serious
consideration: one
suggestion was that "an annual quota should be
fixed for immigrants from any part of the world, who should be
required to learn the language and accept Australian industrial con
ditions."
The Sydney Roman Catholic weekly journal (The Catholic
Weekly) of June, this year, also gave voice to the growing perplexity.
"China and India," itwrote, "with nearly half the world's population
to-day look at Australia's rich, empty spaces, and are puzzled by the
policywhich precludes the free entry of theirnationals. They do not
envisage nor do they want large-scale migration of their peoples,
but their national pride is hurt by the implication that they are not;
good enough."
Finally, the attitude of coloured peoples themselves should be
considered and respected. National pride is an important factor in
international relations and it can be hurt. What is more, it is hurt
by our use for the past fiftyyears8 of the term "White" to describe
our population and immigration policy, and by the total prohibition
of their nationals to settle in Australia. But, as Field Marshal Smuts
said, with regard to the treatment of Indians in South Africa: for
India it is a question of dignity,whereas for South Africa it is one
of existence,9 so it is felt to be with regard to theWhite Australia
policy. The problem, therefore, is to make the operation of a selec
tive Australian immigration policy compatible with the dignity of
such nations as India and China. This should be possible. It will
be realized on the basis of an increased mutual and
understanding,
there is good hope for this in the formationduring the past two years
of an Australia-China Association in Sydney, of Australia-India
Associations in Sydney, Perth and Melbourne, and quite recently of
8 The term "a white Australia" was used as
frequently early as 1896.
M. Willard, History of theWhite Australia Policy, p.99.
9 "The Indian Question in South
Africa"; The Bulletin of International News
June 12, 1943, p.519.
9

an Australia-Indonesia Association in Sydney. These bodies work
for the increase of mutual understanding, of friendship, of trade, and
of cultural relations between Australia and the countries concerned,
and many intangible but strong links will be, indeed have already
been, forged* And amongst themany subjects the thinkingpeople in
China, and Indonesia
India desire to understand, are surely our immi
gration policy, our standard of living, our population problem and our
use of Australia. Can we give a good reason for the dogma to
which we cling?
For such reasons as the foregoing, the time is now opportune
for its fresh examination.
Origins of theWhite Australia Policy.

A policy which has acquired the status of a dogma must have
been formulatednot merely as a means for attaining a definite ob
jective, but rather as the expression of, or as a reaction to, social
experience in which emotions ran high
One aspect of the White Australia policy was enunciated as
far back as 1841 by an Immigration Committee, presided over by
Dr. G. Broughton, Bishop of Australia. In the "1830's" when the
economic possibilities of the continent were being realised, the prob
lem of labour became acute. Not only were more labourers required,
but the previous main source of supply, the transportation of con
victs,was about to dry up. It practically did so in 1836 and in 1840
was discontinued of Australia.
to the mainland For financial rea
sons, the Colony felt unable to assist British labourers to come out.
A few pastoralists, therefore, looked abroad to Asia and the Pacific
islands, and in fact 1203 labourers were obtained by 111 settlers. At
that period, India in particular was regarded as the most hopeful
source of labour. The Immigration Committee, however, pointed out
that no system of coolie immigration would prevent numbers of
Indians from remaining after their period of indenture terminated.
They would then compete with European labourers, and as a result
all workers would ultimately find themselves on a lower level than if
there had been no Indians. Moreover, dislike of such competition
would check British immigration. Indian labour would then be a
necessity and so the social system would deteriorate.10
Thus in 1841, formative opinion in the Colony decided against
10Myra Willard, History of the White Australia Policy, pp4-7. The Sec
retary of State for the Colonies agreed with the opinion of the Committee.
10

indentured coloured labour, which, incidentally,was meant to be

cheap, because it would lower the condition of the white working
class in particular and of thewhole society in general. And though
sinned against at times by individual employers and occasionally by
States, because of labour shortage in a new country and because of
the difficultiesassociated with developing the tropical regions of the
north, this important principle, was never forgotten. On the con
trary it grew in strength. For example, in 1882, Queensland which
twentyyears previously had acquired legislative power to indentute
Indians, had at last after several
years of discussion reached an
agreement with the Indian Government on the matter.
The sugar
planters were delighted, but feeling in vthe Colony was so strongly
against Asiatic indentured labour, that the plan was delayed and in
1886 theAct authorizing itwas repealed. The collapse of theKanaka
indentured system was then inevitable.,11
The most interestingpoint about the Committee's report of 1841
is its emphasis on the dangers to the social systemwhich follow in the
train of indentured labour. It was the competition which the
labourers would provide after their terms of indenturehad expired
and they had not been repatriated, which, itwas felt,would cause
trouble. Australia has been fortunate and wise; for the Indian
problems in South Africa and Fiji have followed not normal immi
gration into those regions, but the indenture of Indians forwo^k in
them. Cheap and controlled labour brings its own nemesis. It
is meant to be servile and debarred from full social rights. It there
fore introduces a caste position which sooner or later is seen to be
intolerable. The only way to avoid this is not to import human
beings solely for the purpose of providing cheap labour. As Sir
Henry Parkes implied in 1888, "I have maintained at all times that
we should not encourage or admit amongst us any class of persons
whatever whom we are not prepared to advance to all our franchises,
to all our privileges as citizens and to all our social rights, including
the right of marriage."12
This principle which has become part of labour policy in Aus
tralia, became clear through the threat to the conditions of the
working class, arising from the introduction, both actual and threat
ened, of coloured labour. Two examples only need be quoted: During
Ii M. Willard, op. tit. pp.100-3; 137-8. Miss Willard's book is essential for
an understanding of the development of theWhite Australia Policy.
*12
Quoted by M. Willard, op. ext. p.195.
11

the 1840's attention was called to China as a possible source of in
dentured labour forAustralian squatters and by 1848 the first ship
ment arrived from Amoy? The Secretary of State for the Colonies
discouraged this recruiting of Chinese, but it recommenced in 1851
because of the dire straits in which employers found themselves as
a consequence of the rush of their white labourers to the newly opened
gold-fields. Some thousands of coolies were brought in, but they
were recruited badly, and many could not stand the Port Phillip
climate. They were only paid one pound a month, and many ab
sconded when they learnt what was the prevailing rate of wages.
Some drifted to the towns, and employers had to make new arrange
ments with them. Needless to say, this attempt to get cheap labour
found no favour with the working class, and it is a partial explana
tion of the bitterness of its members against the immigration of
Asiatics at a later period. The settlers' action left them open to
the charge that they sought to lower the conditions of labour in the
Colony, and not merely to the interpretation that they were forced
to get labourers as best they could.13 According to the Australian
Worker (Dec. 1, 1943), one of the major grievances of the workers
in the years preceding the establishment of the Shearers' Union
was the pressure on the part of the pastoralists and other employers
to introduce Asiatic employees. As a result, when the Queensland
Shearers' Union was launched, it stipulated that no member of the
Union should work with an Asiatic alien- Likewise, a meeting of
Bushworkers, held in Blackall, 1890, resolved that no member of
their union should work on stations on which alien Asiatic labour
was employed.
The other
example comes from the coast. In 1878 the seamen
(employees of the Australian Steam Navigation Co.) struck against
the use of Chinese seamen on the Queensland coastal route at ?2/15/
instead of the usual ?8 a month. This was regarded as an attack
on the wages and conditions of the Australian seamen, with the result
that workers of all types supported the strike. A meeting held under
the auspices of the Trades and Labour Council, New South Wales,
supported a petition signed by 15,000, against the introduction of
any race which seriously interfered with the relations of capital and
labour and with the best interests of the Colony. The strong feeling
aroused can only be fully appreciated against the background of
13 M. op. tit. S. H. Roberts, "History of the Contacts

Willard, pp.8-12.
between the Orient and Australia," in Australia and the Far East, (Ed. by
I. Clunies Ross), 1935; pp. 4-5.
12

Chinese immigration to the gold mines, to be discussed next, but it

is clear that the colonists as a whole were opposed to the attempt to
employ cheap Asiatic labour. The strikewas settled on January 2,
1879 and by 1882 the last of the Chinese crews were discharged.14
The foregoing facts indicate that one source of the development
of theWhite Australia Policy was the recurring threat, danger and
possibility that the wages and conditions of the European workers
would be lowered by the importation or presence of coloured labour,
and that, as a consequence, a desirable form of British society would
not emerge. This and danger gave rise to fear and resent
threat
ment which increased in emotional intensity and caused more deter
mined reaction in the last quarter of the century, when the workers
became organized.
Chinese on the Gold-Fields.
By far the most potent source of the Policy, and particularly

of its emotional content, however, was the unsought and rapid immi
gration of Chinese in what seemed to be very great numbers to the
gold-fields in eastern Australia- It may be that the Chinese would
have heard of these gold-fields and would have rushed to them whether
we had spread the news or not. But the ironical fact is that when
employers were seeking Chinese labour to replace their own workers
who had hurried off to the fields, their agents, as a.means of inducing
Chinese to recruit for New South Wales, circulated notices in Hong
Kong telling of the richness of the Australian gold-fields! In Vic
toria, 2,000 Chinese in 1853 increased to 10,000 by January, 1855
and six months later to 17,000 mostly on the gold-fields. This num
ber rose to 40,000 by the end of 1857 and 42,000 in 1859. A mob
riot, restrictive immigration measures and above all the rush to new
fields in New South Wales eased the situation in Victoria and feelings
died down.
1,223 Chinese arrived in New South Wales in 1856-7, but 12,096
came in 1858 and by 1861 there were 21,000 in the Colony, many
coming from Victoria. In this year riots occurred against the
Chinese and an effective Restriction Act was passed.
Queensland had its turn from 1875 to 1877 when the Chinese
on the Palmer gold-field, in the north, where there were only 1400
whites, rapidly increased from 1,763 to 17,000. In the State as a
14M. One result of this occurrence was the
Willard, op. cit. pp.52-7. deter
mination of the Queensland Government not to form mail subsidy contracts with
shipping companies employing Asiatics or Polynesians on their vessels. The
Commonwealth adopted the same principle in 1901.
13

whole, according to a statement by Sir John Robertson in the New

South Wales Parliament, there were 25,000 Chinese. A Restriction
ImmigrationAct in 1877 had the desired effect. During the next
four years only 500 Chinese arrived, and by 1881 only 11,200
remained in Queensland?
South Australia, too, faced the same problem, because of its
responsibility for the Northern Territory. Some Chinese had been
engaged under indenture on the Pine Creek railway, but in 1887-8
there was a sudden increase to 7,700, attracted by the possibility of
successfulmining. The feelings of the 900 whites in the Territory
can be easily imagined. By means of a deputation they succeeded in
arousing alarm in the eastern Colonies, which, of course, had not
forgotten their own "frightening" experiences. To allay this alarm
South Australia took effective restrictive action.
A review of the facts enables us to understand the fears and
other emotions which were engendered during the thirty-five year
period of Chinese immigration to the mining fields. The rapidity
with which they arrived, 7,000 or more in a year on several occasions,
like mushrooms springing up over night, was frightening, especially
when itwas realized that there were millions more in the background.
Their numbers assumed an alarming ratio to the adult population of
the State temporarily affected. In Victoria, in 1859, this was about
1 in 12 or 14,15 and in Queensland in 1877, the proportion was 1 in 10.
But as in both Colonies the Chinese were almost all male adults, the
ratio to white male adults was obviously startling- In New South
Wales in 1881 the ratio was 1 in 50 of the total population, being
about 1 in 10 of male adults. This was roughly the proportion for
all Australia.16
This proportion appeared more alarming than it was for three
reasons. First, in some gold-fields and regions the Chinese far out
numbered the white miners or population. Second, in most places
they formed minority groups; that is, they naturally lived and
15The population of Victoria increased from 77,345 in 1851 to 538,628 in
1861. The greatest number of Chinese, 42,000, was in 1859. Victorian Year
Book, 1941-42.
16 M. cit.
Willard, op. p.60.
According to Year Book Figures, the Chinese in Australia in 1887 consti
tuted 1/51 of the total population and 1/60 in 1889. In the latter year they
were 1.5% of the population of New South Wales. I cannot verify Professor
J. W. Gregory's statement (The Menace of Colour, p.154) that "Chinese immi
gration into New South Wales first became serious in 1879, when a stream
began which grew until in 1887 the, Chinese numbered 60,000 or 15 per cent,
of the population." That would be about 1 in 6 or 7! It is doubtful whether
the number was 60,000 for all Australia.
14

worked together and kept up their own social and religious customs.
This was all themore natural seeing thatmost of them intended or
hoped to return to China with theirmoney or after they had finished
their service for their Chinese employers. And, third, their very
colour made their numbers obvious and, indeed, accentuated and
exaggerated them.
Several other factors added to the general impression of the
difference of the Chinese to other miners, and caused feelings of
antipathy. Practically everything they obtained on the gold-fields
was sent to China, either to merchants and speculators whose inden
tured labourers many of them were, or to their creditors who ad
vanced the cost of the journey out, or to their own families. During
one period of twelvemonths, ending June 30, 1857, for example, half
a million pounds worth of gold was exported from Melbourne to
China, Moreover, it was soon made clear that the Chinese miners
intended to follow their savings back "home" as soon as they had
made sufficient, and so would contribute nothing to Australia. This
caused resentment,
especially when
aggregate the large of their
earnings became known, the result of industry, frugality and luck.
As a result of these and other occasional factors, resentment,
jealousy and suspicion were aroused. The European miners, a very
mixed crowd from many countries and classes, "objected to the
presence of an exclusive and, in their opinion, an inferior people,"
especially one which was so successful.17 In t}ie words of The
Australian Worker for Dec. 1, 1943, "the Chinese were detested as
an inferior race, as the harbingers of degrading pagan morality and
as alien competitors for the bread which the miners required for
themselves and their families." Riots, petitions, anti-Chinese asso
ciations and restrictive immigration legislation expressed the emo
tions, in which, no doubt, jealousy and resentment were often upper
most, rather than fear for the future of British society in Australia.
This could not but engender "race prejudice", which has usually, at
least in part, an economic basis; it is, however, fanned by fear. And
such fear gathered in potency even after the period of the eastern
gold-rushes.
The Chinese in the "1880's" seemed to be seeking regions where
they could settle in great numbers, perhaps even form a colony.
The practical exclusion of further entry of Chinese into the United
States of America, whither 100,000 had gone in thirtyyears, added
to this fear, especiallv when the largest influxof Chiilese intoNew
17 M. ext. p.36.
Willard, op.
1 8 15

South Wales since the gold-rush occurred just at that time 1881,
namely 2500 in two months. To this decade, too, belongs the rush
to the Northern Territory, and also the Western Australian experi
ment (1880-1) to introduce fifty indentured Chinese. The latter
drew immediate protests from the eastern Colonies, but before long
(1886), the West applied restrictive measures because of the hold
the Chinese were gaining over the Shark Bay pearl fishery, and of
the fear lest theywould rush to the new gold-field in theKimberlies.
Two years later, 1888, a state of intense excitement and almost
of panic was aroused by the arrival in Sydney of four vessels with
531 Chinese. One of the vessels was the "Afghan" which had been
turned away from Melbourne for bringing to that port more than its
legal number of passengers, 48 of whom had fraudulent naturaliza
tion papers. An excited public meeting and deputation to Sir Henry
Parkesfthe Premier, were followed by drastic action and legislation.
No Chinese were allowed to land unless they possessed naturalization
papers. In the course of his speech on the second reading of the
Bill, Parkes said that "neither for Her Majesty's ships of war, nor
for Her Majesty's representative on the spot, nor for the Secretary
of State for the Colonies, do we intend to turn aside from our
purpose, is to terminate the landing of Chinese
which on these shores
forever, except under the restrictions imposed by the Bill, which
will amount, and which are intended to amount, to practical pro
hibition."18
By the middle of 1888 it became clear to the Australian Govern
ments, whose representatives met in Conference in June, and to Great
Britain that the Chinese were to be excluded from Australia. By
this time, the stream of resentment, jealousy and suspicion engen
dered on the gold-fields and by the more recent strong indications
that Chinese were likely to enter the country in great numbers, was
joined and strengthened by the other current of fear and resentment
lest thewages and conditions of theworkers should be lowered by the
use of coloured labour.. Feelings were so strong that no compromise
would be accepted. The matter was clinched in 1896 by the holding
of a Premiers' Conference at which it was decided that each Colony
should enact a similar Restriction Bill to be applied "to all coloured
races", whether they were British subjects or not. This, at least,
gave the appearance of not directing legislation at any particular
18 op. tit. p.155 from Henry Years

Quoted by J. W. Gregory, Parkes, Fifty
in the Making of Australian History, Vol. II, pp.221-2. See also M. Willard,
op. tit. S. H. Roberts, in Australia and the Far East, pp. 8-12,
pp.84-6.
16

coloured people by name, although Australia had had no worries
about Indians or Japanese.19 Neither the Indian or Japanese Gov
ernments had shown any desire for their nationals to come to
Australia.20
The Bills which were passed were held up by Great Britain on
the principle that the Empire did not discriminate on the basis of
race or colour. a question
It wasof finding a suitable formula, and
a Dictation Test, such as that used by Natal was suggested and
accepted. One reason for agreeing to this was that Japan, who had
objected to Colonial legislation classifying her with coloured peoples
and such less civilized peoples as the Chinese, agreed to this method.
of this background
Out the Commonwealth
Immigration Restric
tion Act of 1902 was evolved, with its dictation test in any European
language, for the purpose of excluding primarily Chinese and secondly
all other coloured people. In 1905 at the request of Japan, the test
was altered to be given in any prescribed language, so that the ob
vious reference to coloured and Asiatic peoples would be removed.
The object of the Bill was made clear by a Government state
ment during the debate that the dictation test "was to be given to
emigrants belonging only to non-European peoples/' This being so,
there is no point in glossing over the fact that the purpose was to
ensure a non-coloured or "white" Australia. The argument is very
academic and detached which maintains with reference to the Jap
anese protest already mentioned, that their "view of what constituted
racial discrimination appeared on the whole to be unduly sensitive,
since no reference to coloured peoples appeared in the Act, and
phrases of this type had been used only by speakers during the de
bate on the Bill."21 The speakers expressed the intention, and the
later application of the dictation test to a few Europeans was, to
quote Dr. Hentze, "a surprising instance of its use."22 But to argue
further that "so long as Europeans are regarded as coming under
the Act's provisions, it is clear that no racial or national stigma can
ever attach to its working," is to- look at affairs from within an
"ivory tower". The few Europeans who have been excluded by
19 In 1901 there were 4383 persons from British India and
Ceylon in Aus
tralia, and a few Afghans and Japanese. 3000 Japanese had been indentured
on Queensland sugar plantations in the 1890's.
20 Professor Roberts discusses the South Australian for a Japanese
plan
"co'ony" in the Northern Territory in 1877, which came to nought. A some
what similar scheme was rumoured in 1896. Australia and the Far East, pp.17-21.
21 "Australia and Oriental in Australia and
Margot Hentze, Immigration,"
the Far East, p.43. This argument is still repeated.
22
Idem, p.45.
17

means of the test, have been deemed undesirable for a particular
reason. But Indians and Chinese, for example, have no desire to
be classed, as peoples, with odd undesirable Europeans. Moreover,
when it was felt necessary in 1925 to restrict the numbers of immi
grants from south-eastern Europe as peoples, and not as individuals,
resort was not made to the Dictation Test, with or without notice.
An Amending Act was passed giving the Governor-General power to
prohibit, either wholly or in excess of specified numerical limits,
the immigration into the Commonwealth of aliens of any specified
nationality, race, class, or occupation, in any case where he deems
it desirable to do so, if, for example, he regards the persons of such
race as unsuitable or unlikely to become readily assimilated. This
Amendment was not put into operation, because as the result of agree
ments reached with the European countries concerned, the numbers
coming to Australia were voluntarily restricted by a quota or other
method.23
In other words, the significant feature of the Immigration Re
strictionAct, the Dictation Test, has been officiallyregarded as the
means for excluding coloured peoples as such, and thus it has been
understood by these peoples. The term White Australia, therefore,
is a correct description of the policy and objective, enshrining an
apparently final belief that the future well-being of Australia depends
on complete loyalty to it. It was realized in 1901 that this adher
ence might cost the nation much and might delay its development,
but it was held then, as now, that such sacrifices' are nothing "when
compared with the compensating freedom from the trials, sufferings
and losses" (the words of Mr. Alfred Deakin) which would have
followed from any departure from the principle of "racial" unity.
"East is east, and west is west, And never the twain can meet" was
a belief which seemed to be proved by experience in America and
Australia. Chinese and no doubt Indians too, just because of the
ancient character of their habits and ideascould not amalgamate
with populations of European origin, so as to make possible the re
tention of a European type of civilization.24 This fact that Aus
tralia has been willing to pay a price for the maintenance of its
policy is, of course, another reason why it is clung to so tenaciously.
The sacrifice must not be in vain
_^-^
23 A. H. Charteris, "Australian Immigration Policy", in The Peopling of
Australia, pp.86-9.
24 Mr. of Tasmania, in 1888; see M. Will?rd,
Inglis Clark, Attorney-General
Op. tit. pp.189-91.
18

1945
WHITE AUSTRALIA POLICY September,
Coloura Symbol.
Because the restrictive side of our immigration policy had its
Drigin in, and drew its emotional content from, a colour situation,
mainly the yellow of the Chinese, and to a less degree the dark skin
of Indians, colour became the symbol of our fear and of our goal?
a fear lest our standard of livingand our British way of lifebe under
mined by Oriental immigrants, and a determination that our nation
shall be white, that is, European and mainly of British extraction.
But that is not all. On the negative side, the idea, "non-frhite" has
come to symbolize our fear and dislike of, our antipathy and prejudice
towards, peoples, cultures and ideologies which are not Australian.
For very many people colour denotes what they regard as objection
able in the international sphere, and has been extended ,to,include
"Mediterranean" peoples. On the positive side, the term "white"
symbolizes our aim to keep our country and nation Australian in
culture and outlook, to maintain an unilineal culture development,
and to eschew the "melting-pot type" of culture, with which the
United states of America has experimented.
It is possible that we lose much by thus narrowing our cultural
stream, and that we are insular in outlook and self-satisfied, but our
policy in this regard is related to our small and scattered population.
As in the periods of the gold-rushes, so now, unlike America, we feel
unable either to absorb largeminority groups or to finda place for
them in our social, economic or political life, especially if their
differences are associated
in culture with differences in skin pig
mentation or even
in head-shape. Our attitude and our fears may
be unwarranted but they are social and political phenomena which
cannot be ignored. As mentioned above this attitude was auickly
acted on
in 1924-25.
Moreover, it can be argued that this cultural sacrifice has been
justified, for in a world, always on the brink of war, it obviates
the risk of the development of a "fifthcolumn". The Vice-President
of the Commonwealth Executive Council said on July 9th, 1945, that
we were in largemeasure saved by theWhite Australia Policy during
this war, and urges us, despite the world security organization, not
to "deprive ourselves of any safeguard which can help us to preserve
Australia as a white fortress of the Pacific."25 Undoubtedly, many
feel that the Minister is right. But we should carefully examine
the facts that the United States population in 1940 included 126,947
25Sydney Morning Herald,
July 10, 1945.
1 ?
19

1945 THE AUSTRALIAN QUARTERLY
September,
Japanese, and Hawaii 157,905, that since 1901 more than three and
a half million Italians immigrated into the States, 68,028 of them
since 1931, and that many of such origins served in the American
Army. The extent to which any of these Japanese and Italians were
a source of weakness and trouble in time of war will no doubt be
revealed later- It may be that to give citizenship rights and privil
eges, including compulsory education, to immigrants does make them
loyal citizens of the country to which they immigrate. This, how
ever, does not mean that no limits should be put on the numbers of
immigrants from countries with different cultures, or that there
should not be any process of selection. America has, through its
immigrationquota system set such limits so that the alien element
at any one time will not exceed the nation's absorbtive powers.
The Fundamental Factor is Cultural Difference, not Colour.

We Australians as a whole are on bur guard against any people
markedly different from ourselves. If, for example, a group coming
from south-eastern Europe, settles in apparently useless country and,
working long hours, denying themselves amenities and pleasures,
make a success of their location, we become suspicious of them and
are apt to resent their success. The situation is similar to that of
the Australian-European and Chinese gold-miners last century.
Fundamentally, every argument for excluding coloured people is
equally cogent for excluding those whose way of life is different from
ours, even if the skin colour differs little or even not at all, and we
either recognize or feel this. Some would like to apply a Papuan or
other impossible linguistic test to Americans, to Russians, to Italians,
to Irish and so on, because of cultural differences?differences in
ways of eating and living, in religion, or in other behaviour patterns.
Moreover, these differences are real. They are the result of long
and separate historical developments, having been handed on, formed
and modified from generation to generation, each in its own geograph
ical and culturalsetting. Such differences in culture, in ways of
dealing with
life's situations, are much more important than colour.
The very attitude to colour is, indeed, one of these cultural mechan
isms. It varies with different peoples, Australians, for example,
exhibiting a strong colour prejudice.
We have to realize that the social factors are potent and effective,
though they are often confusedwith physical differences,which then
come to symbolize them. R. E. Park considers that the chief obstacle
to assimilation in America seems to be not cultural differences but
20

physical traits, for "immigrant peoples who bear a distinctive racial

mark do not easily mix with the native population."26 This is true
in Australia, but the "distinctive racial mark," colour and appear
ance, is the symbol of the difference in history and outlook between
ourselves and the immigrants, and itself becomes a barrier.
Intermarriage.
In all schemes of immigration,this fact of differenceof cultural
heritage must be borne inmind, but it is brought home most sig
nificantly in marriage between persons of different cultural heritages
and traditions, especially if there is also some difference in colour.
Two cultures and two histories meet in one house?a very small
space; the differences appear in many apparently small details, but
they are significant, and can lead to unhappiness. And of these
differences, skin-colour, if it is present, becomes the symbol.
Moreover, intermarriage means half-castes and mixed-bloods,

and Australians are very prejudiced against half-castes, Aboriginal,
Chinese or other. Our attitude is for the most part emotional. We
react with some degree of horror, or outraged feelings, when we
hear of the marriage of one of ourselves to a person of colour. In
addition,we feel so sure that their childrenwill get a raw deal that
unconsciously or otherwise, we see that such is their lot. To be
frank, we are adepts in this, for Aboriginal-white "half-castes" have
been with us for well over a century; to-day there are nearly 30,000
of them?mostly outcastes?and, as a consequence of our prejudice,
bringing them into full citizenship is a tremendous sociological and
psychological task.
Biologically, it is doubtful if any objection can be taken to "race
crossing".. Onthe contrary, an examination of all the evidence very
definitely indicates that such crossing and ethnic mixture
"lead on
the whole, to effects which are advantageous to the offspring of the
group. Harmful effects, physical disharmonies of various alleged
kinds, are of the greatest rarity, and degeneracies do not occur."
Indeed, "the more unlike two human mating groups are genetically,
themore likely it is that formany characters the hybrid offspring
will be superior to either of the parental groups and will be a mosaic
of their characters for the rest. It is far less likely that the offspring
of suchmatings will exhibit anything like the frequency of defective
26 "Social Assimilation", in Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. II,
p.282.

characters which occurs in matings between members of the same
ethnic group."27
Such is the latest biological verdict, but human relationships and
attitudes are seldom moulded by biological or other scientific con
siderations?except very tardily. The general attitude to mixed
bloods iswell represented by The Australian Worker in its editorial,
June 20, 1345, when it says with reference to admitting eastern
peoples: "A coloured Australia would not only mean a lowering of the
standard of living, but it would introduce into the Commonwealth
something infinitely worse?an ever-growing community of half
growing castes."
Australia for the Australians.
No nation denies the right of other nations to control themake
up of its own population by immigrationrestrictions,and at the recent
United Nations Conference at San Francisco, Australia's represent
atives saw to it that this right was preserved.28
We are, therefore, entitled to our policy of Australia for the
Australians and for those whom we choose to admit?but we shall
only exercise that right successfully on certain conditions. (1) In
reference to, and administration of, our immigration restrictions, we
should endeavour to avoid hurting the feelings and dignity of other
peoples- Both India and Japan agreed in the years immediately
following the firstWorld War thatAustralia possessed the inherent
right to determine the constitution of its own population, but not
on the basis of colour. For in spite of the attempt in the dictation-test
formula to find a non-colour means, itwas realized in the "twenties",
as in 1901 and now, that exclusion of Orientals was meant, and it
was also felt that colour was not free from the connotation of in
feriority. As Daniel Lee, a thoughtful Chinese newspaper corres
pondent,wrote in theDaily Telegraph (July 4, 1945): "You have ex

plained tome repeatedlywith sincerity that the policy is by no means
a racial discrimination against the Chinese. But the fact remains
that since 1901 not a single Chinese has been allowed to enter your
country as an immigrant, while thousands of Europeans, including
27M. F. Ashley Montagu, Man's Most Dangerous Myth, The Fallacy of

Race, (2nd Edit. 1945) pp.128, 132, and the whole Chap. 8. Compare W. M.
the World Crisis
Krogman, "The Concept of Race", in The Science of Man in
(Ed. by R. Linton, 1945), pp.38~62.
28Article 2, clause 7 of the World Charter, denies the United Nations
authority "to intervene in matters which are essentially within the jurisdiction
of any State." Correspondents stated that Australia's insistence on this clause
was designed to ensure the inviolability of the White Australia policy.
22

WHITE AUSTRALIA POLICY September,1M5
Italians and Germans, have been received by you, simply because
they were born "white". My friends, just close your eyes for a
moment and think. If you were a Chinese, would you believe that
this was no proof of racial discrimination?" Other Chinese, whom
it is a privilege to know, think along the same lines, and so do
thoughtful Indians. The latter feel hurt in particular by a para
graph in the regulations governing the temporary domicile in Aus
tralia of certain classes of Indians, merchants, students and their
wives and minor children, and Anglo-Indians, under an arrangement
made with the Indian Government.29 The paragraph to which ob
jection is taken, deals with Anglo-Indians, and refers to the practice
of regarding persons of fiftyper cent, or more of Indian blood as
Indians, and those with less than fiftyper cent- Indian blood as
Europeans. The latter may under special circumstances be granted
permanent admission to Australia. In other words, a major propor
tion of British European blood liftsa person into theEuropean group.
This discrimination in favour of Anglo-Indians as compared with
Indians is interpretedby Indians as showing quite clearly that our
policy is really a "white-race" policy. It is. moreover, especially
galling to Indian sentiment.
Can anything be done to enable us to realize our Australian ideal
without putting a slight on cultured colouredmen and women, which
is calculated to promote ill-feelingand irritation?30
(1) Avoid the Term "White". Consideration should be given
to the avoidance of the word "white" with regard to immigration
policy by politicians and the general public.31 We are removed by
over two score years, and two world wars from the period when
feelings ran high lestwe should be swamped by uneducated people
from the "East". As a consequence of our part in these wars and
in the Councils of the world, we can settle mutual immigration prob
lems in a rational and friendly way without, as Daniel Lee says in
the article referred to, political leaders shouting noisily, "White
29 Similar were in existence between Australia and China,
arrangements
Japan, Ceylon, Burma, Hong Kong, Straits Settlement, Annam, Egypt, the
and Hawaiian Islands. See A. H. Charteris, in op. cit., p.84.
Philippines
30The words of Mr. Chamberlain, Secretary of State for the Colonies, in
1897 to Colonial representatives. It should be remembered that much of the
pressure for the development of a White Australia policy came from the masses
of people who only met the uneducated coolie class of Chinese and Indians. This
explains much of the prejudice.
31The term "White Australia" is used in the Official Year Book of the
Commonwealth of Australia, 1937, p.370 with reference to the exclusion of
Asiatics and other coloured immigrants.
23

Australia", to the resentment of all Asiatics. In other words, let us

be less emotional about our dogma, and at all costs avoid using it
as a political football, for this can only give rise to misunderstanding
in the East. Why not refer to the policy inActs and speech simply
as the Australian Immigration Policy?
(2) In the second place, we should be quite explicit with regard
to our Immigration policy, both on its negative and positive sides.
Let us give our reasons, for in the leaders of the great eastern and
of European peoples alike, we have to deal with reasonable person
alities, even though different histories are focussed in them. Oriental
leaders are quite aware that some of their own nations have imposed
very stringent restrictions on immigration into their countries.
Amongst our reasons we would naturally emphasize our intention to
preserve and raise our standard of living, that is, our economic, social
and political way of life. We also would make clear that, in our
opinion, it would be unwise for Australia at this juncture to experi
ment with minority groups situations, or to risk cultural or biological
inter-mixture with peoples, whose history and background of life
is very different from our own; for rightly or wrongly, we think
this would be good for neither. In any case, we would not counten
ance the permanent settlement in our country of any persons of any
nation, to whom we would not be prepared to grant complete Aus
tralian citizenship.
This position would be clearly understood. Of course, there
is nothing new about it, but it is a reasoned, as distinct from an
emotional, dogmatic, "White", approach.
(3) These two conditions, however, still mean total exclusion of
certain peoples. Obviously, courtesy and frank explanation are not
sufficientin a world so closely knit by air, radio and a United Nations'
Organization.
a. We shall, therefore, at least, as for many years past, admit,
and let us hope, make welcome, merchants, students, scholars, artists,
athletes and visitors for non-permanent periods?an arrangement,
which if reciprocal, will help us to understand one another, in spite
of differences in pigmentation and history?an essential step if a
co-operative world of nations is to be realised.
Is a Quota System Possible?
b. The real
problem, however, is: Can the ban be removed, in
principle at least, on the permanent immigration of Indians, Chinese
and possibly some other Asiatic peoples? This would mean the set
ting up of a system by which a small annual quota of their nationals
24

would be allowed to settle in Australia. I have good reason for
saying that even a token quota of 40 or 60 approved immigrants
wou'd serve the purpose, and seeing that the American quotas for
Chinese, Japanese and a group including Indians, were 100 each, this
wouIH be reasonable.
Such a suggestion is not new. It was made to Queensland in
1877 by the Secretary of State for the Colonies, to the effect that
Chinese immigration should be recognized "under careful regulations
as to number and occupations of the immigrants, rather than in its
discouragement by final legislation-" A respected and naturalized
Chinese resident in Sydney put forward the same suggestion again in
1888.32 quotaA system on the American model was also urged on
the Commonwealth Government in 1924 as a means of regulating the
numbers coming into Australia from south-eastern Europe, and in
deed theAmending Act of 1925 made provision for this, and by ar
rangements with various governments, quotas were set.33
Since, however, the suggestion of such a modification of the
hitherto total exclusion of permanent Asiatic immigrants, has given
rise to emotional outbursts,34 it is necessary to examine its implica
tions very carefully.
(i) One argument against it is that a small quota will be the
thin end of thewedge, or a breach of the dyke, and the smaller quotas
will be followed by larger.35 But why? This has not happened in
the case of the United States of America. The maintenance of the
quota at a fixed number or its increase will be a matter for Austra
lia's decision. Moreover, if we develop Australia, build up its popu
lation, and do our part in raising the living conditions of all peoples
everywhere in accordance with the spirit of the United Nations'
Charter (Article 1, clause 3),36 we need not fear that any pressure
will be brought to bear on us. It is worth remembering that none of
these great Eastern nations have shown, or show, any strong urge
for their nationals to emigrate to Australia. They have been more
inclined to restrain them. The Chinese who came out last century
32 M. cit. pp.45, 82.
Wirard, op.
33A. H.
Charteris, in The Peopling of Australia, pp. 87-9.
34 In the heat of
reaction, the suggestion of a quota of approved immigrants
is ignored, and references are made to wholesale indiscriminate of
immigration
Asiatics, or to a nefarious alliance of communists and to undermine
capitalists
the Australian standard of living, each for their own ends.
35The Vice-President of the Executive Council in the Sydney Morning
Herald, July 10, 1945.
36 "To achieve international cooperation in solving international problems
of an economic, socia1, cultural or humanitarian and in promoting
character,
and encouraging respect for human rights, and for fundamental freedoms' for
all, without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion."
25

mostly did so in the hope of gathering wealth and returning home

Others were induced to come. And to-day, the Chinese, and also
the Indians love their own country. Let us help them build up their
own economic, social, and educational life, and they will have no
need for emigrating. Indeed, emigration will not solve their popu
lation problems. A member of the Australia-India Association,
Sydney, who is responsible for the running of an Indian Club, and
sees and with his keen helpers, gets to know many thousands of
Indians?sailors and soldiers especially, finds that not one of them
expresses any desire to return and settle in Australia, and in twelve
months only two have said they would like to visit Australia as
tourists. I am assured that Indian farmers are not likely to be
attracted to Australia. On the other hand, professional men some
might care to come. It may be of some comfort to us also to realize
that northern Australia was known for some hundreds of years to the
peoples (Malays and Macassars) of the Indonesian Islands?but apart
from fishing around the coast, they were not attracted to it?nor
has any one else, with any success, since 1788.
(ii) A second fear is that, even though only a small quota were
admitted, "the high Asiatic birth-rate, rapidly multiplying in Aus
tralian conditions the number of each year's quota," would in the
not far distant future turn White Australia into a coloured continent.
Apparently oriental peoples are likened to certain animals which,
when brought to Australia, thrive and multiply exceedingly. This
belief in the abnormal fecundity of oriental peoples is not as well
founded as many imagine. Visitors notice a dozen yellow or brown
Skinned children playing together in a street in Honolulu or China,
and credit the lot to one pair of parents, when two or three pairs
may be involved. But, as a matter of fact, there is nothing excep
tional in Chinese or Japanese fertility. Thus, an examination of
2640 farm families in seven provinces of China showed that the
family consisted on the average of about 5.5 persons, as compared
with 4.4 persons per farm family in the United States. Likewise a
very thorough study of a village (Ching Ho) showed that the average
biological family unit was only 4.8, as compared with the average
family of 4.3 in theUnited States in 1920-37
Similarly, "an examination of birth-rate statistics gives no sup
port to the view, that the Japanese are an extraordinarily fecund
people. The highest birth-rate shown for Japan is under 35 per 1000.
The English birth-ratewas about 34 per 1000 in 1880 and theGerman
37 These studies were made in the "1920V. See E. F. Penrose, Population
Theories and Their Application, pp.109-110.
26

WHITE AUSTRALIA POLICY September,1945
birth-rate showed this same figure as late as 1904. In 1931, the
Japanese birth-rate was 32.16 per thousand." Moreover, the birth
rate in Japan had been falling probably for two decades up to 1934
and was still declining.38
The popular notion that Oriental people who have migrated to
a better social and economic environment than their homeland, in
crease at a rising rate, is not borne out by the Japanese in Hawaii.
Between 1884 and 1907, 180,000 Japanese contract labourers had
been brought to Hawaii; of these 74,000 remained in 1907 when this
migration practically of an agreement
stopped as a result
between
Japan and the United The masculinity was
States. naturally very
great, though many "picture brides" were brought in, and by 1930
there were 861 females to every 1000 males- At first the great
majority were young adults and the rate of increase was high, but
this rate was not maintained even when the proportion and total of
females increased. In 1910 the number was 79,675; the increase
during 1911-20was 37.1%; 1921-30, 21.7%; and 1931-40, 13.1%, the
1940 total being 157,905. Of this figure, 77% were Hawaiian-born.
An examination of the facts shows that "the rate of increase is now
slowing down considerably, and all signs point to a gradual levelling
out in numbers." Incidentally, the Japanese rate of increase during
1931-40 was only half that for people of Hawaiian ancestry.39
In India the birth-rate is about 37 per thousand per annum.
This is maintained amongst the Indians in Fiji, who with a death
rate there of only 10..15 as compared with about 22 per thousand in
India, increased from 1931 to 1941 by 26.5 per cent, to a figure of
97,069. It should be remembered that the Indians are "mainly on
low wage and living standards."40 This may have some bearing on
the high birtl^ rate. In South Africa, the Indians increased (almost
wholly by natural causes) during 1921-1936 by 33^% to 219,928, 82%
of whom were born in South Africa. For the same period the Aus
tralian increase was
30%, 24.12% being due to natural causes. The
average annual percentage increase of Indians in South Africa for
1921-36 was 1..784 as compared with 1.416 for Australia (including
gain from immigration).41 This increase is even greater than that
38 E. F. 102-3. was Ibid
Penrose, op. cit., pp.99, Contraception practised.
pp.104-7.
39F. M. Keesing, The South Seas in theModern World, p.356, The
Japanese
figure are used as a reliable basis for thinking on population problems connected
with oriental peoples. Japanese, even very young persons, are most to
unMkely
be considered as desirable immigrants by any nation for ? very long time to
come.
40 Those on wages earn about or 2/6 a and some less. See M.
2/- day F.
Keesing op. cit. pp.278 and 358.
27

of Indians in themass in India, where it is about 15 per thousand
per annum, the result of the heavy death rate. Figures are not avail
able for the birth-rate amongst the educated groups in India, but I
am assured that whereas formerly, families included seven and eight
children, now in such groups there are only three or four children.
Thus, given education, a rising standard of living and social responsi
bility, the Indian population trend would approach our own. Un
fortunately, the Indians outside of India have never lived in such
social and economic conditions, which would provide a test of this
generalization?in other words, they have not had a chance to show
that the birth-rate would fall.42
The figures and facts show that in our consideration
above of a
quota system, we must rid our minds of the "bogey" that Asiatic
peoples manifest abnormal fecundity rates either in their home lands
or in the lands to which they emigrate. India in the mass is an
exception, but we can
confidently expect that "with the spread of
education and a sense of responsibility, with greater interests outside
the family, with the industrial employment of women, with a know
ledge of birth-control, and with changes in social prejudice and
religious tradition," the effect of raising the standard of life there
will diminish the birth-rate.43 We can also be just as confident that
if Asiatic persons of reasonable education were admitted to settle
in Australia, to become full citizens, and were permitted, and indeed
compelled, to fit into our educational, industrial and general
social^
pattern, sense
their of social responsibility would be such that we
would find their family size approximating to our own.
An Extreme Result of a Quota System.
As there is so much fear lest a small quota of Asiatic
peoples
should be our undoing, let us picture an exaggerated and abstract
situation., Suppose we fix the annual quota of a certain nation at
40. Suppose further that the 40 who immigrate to Australia consist
each year of 20 young couples who give birth to 5 children each who,
in their turn, reach adulthood, and marry and produce 5 children.
In 20 years, there would be 800 immigrants who would have
1600 children, a total of 2400. In 30 years, the number of immi
grants would have reached 1200 and their offspring2600, together
41 Australia's annual rate of increase from 1901 to 1936 was
average 1.66%,
while, the gain from natural increase during the heavy immigration years of
1925-1929 was only 1.27% per annum.
42 See P. M. The Economic Problems
Lad, of Modem India, pp. 82-100.
43 A. V. Food and Population in India"; International Affairs,
Hill, "Health,
Vol. XXI, No. 1, p.43.
28

with a possible 800 grandchildren,making a total of 4600. In 40
years the grand total could reach 8500.
But the conditions are highly improbable, if not impossible
that all immigrants should be youngmarried couples and that they,
and especially their children, though accepting our standard of living,
should not retard their birth-rate below that which would ensure
five children marrying and reproducing. We could rest assured that
their rate of increase would soon conform to our own, and the average
number of childrenwould tend to be halved. The total in SO years
would be nearer 3500 and in 40 years, 6200, and only these figures
if the immigrants came in as married couples, and none of them died.
A conservative estimate puts the Australian population in 30
years at between 8 and 9millions, apart from immigrationgains. 3500
Indians plus 3&00 Chinese and 3500 other Asiatics, a total of 10,500
should not affect the Australian population or its culture in any
marked degree in that time.
In America the Chinese, Japanese, and other coloured immi
grants each constitute .1 per cent, of the total population, or .3 per
cent, all told. That corresponds to 27,000 in an Australian popula
tion of 9millions. This proportion is surely a safe one, half of which
would not be reached by a total annual quota of 120 to Indi$, China
and another Asiatic people or group.
Australia, however, hopes to exceed*
the nine million mark
through a policy of European immigration, reaching for some time
at least, a rate of 70,000 a year. A total increase of 140,000 per
annum is suggested by the Minister for Immigration.44 In 30 years
the total population would exceed 11,000,000.? Thus, the admission
of a small annual quota of Indians and Chinese would be less signifi
cant still from the point of view of the constitution of the population.
There is also another source of increase of persons of Chinese
"race", namely, the Chinese who have been in Australia since the
"1880's." Since 1881 the male Chinese decreased from 38,274 to
9,311 in 1937, whereas the females increased from 259 to 1,535,
of whom 1,358 are Australian citizens. While the total number of
Chinese will continue to decrease for some years, an increase based
on the number of females of Chinese extraction, but of Australian
birth and citizenship, will begin in due course. There is every reason
to believe that the increasewill be at the normal Australian rate, for
Chinese born inAustralia have all the privileges and responsibilities
44 The Hon. A. A.
Calwell, The Sydney Morning Herald, August 3, 1945.
This figure is about 2% of the present population. If immigration makes up
for the falling birthrate, this simple arithmetical increase would be maintained.
29

of Australian citizenship, and have a hgher standard of living than
do most Chinese in China.
The problem of miscegenation in relation to a quota system can
easily be exaggerated. Those Chinese or Indians migrating to Aus
tralia would not come with the fixed intention of seeking marriage
mates, especially if women as well as men came. Some mixed mar
riages will probably occur between the children of immigrants and

Australians, but as their school life and much of their social activity
will have been the same, no great problem should be involved.45
Opinions and the Quota System.

Some reactions to the suggestion of the quota system imply that
few, if any, Australians, would tolerate for a moment any modifica
tion of the White Australia policy. A candid examination of
opinions, however, shows that this is not so?
In April, 1943, "Australian Gallup Polls" published the results
of a "sample referendum" on the question: "After the war, would
you alter theWhite Australia policy to admit a limited number of
coloured people, such as Chinese and Indians?" 51% opposed any
alteration, 40% favoured limited coloured
immigration, and 9% were
undecided. The percentage of those
favouring a quota system
ranged from 50% of owners, managers and professionals; 30% of
farm-owners; 38% of the white-collar group; 39% of skilled and semi
skilled workers; 30% of unskilled workers; and 23% of farm-workers.
Almost a year later, a similar survey showed a slight rise in the
opposition to the quota system, from 51 to 53%, and more indecision,
from 9 to 12%, while only 35%, as compared with 40% voted for it.
As before, all the economic groups, except the well-to-do opposed it.
Semi-skilled workers were 2 to 1 against it; and the same was true
of Labour Party supporfers.
Thus inMarch, 1944, 35% favoured the quota system and 12%
were undecided, while a year earlier, the percentages were 40, and 9,
respectively. These minorities and indecisions must not be ignored.

In July of this year, the Sunday Sun, Sydney, asked for letters
giving opinions on theWhite Australia policy and future immigra
tion. 109 letters were received. These, of course, do not represent
a sound sample of the population, but it is interesting to notice that
51 of the writers, 47%, would allow coloured people to settle in Aus
tralia- Of these 18 favoured the quota system; 16 desired such
45 In the 1933 census were 3503 Chinese of mixed-^ood. No doubt,

jbhere
the relative absence of females amongst the Chinese immigrants last century,
was a potent cause.
30

conditions as intelligence,health,money and character, togetherwith
regulations regarding their living conditions and wages when they
enteredAustralia. 3 wanted Asiatics for cheap labour.
On the other hand, 28 were directly opposed to allowing coloured
people to immigratehere, and 3.1 implied their opposition and talked
of European immigration.
Late in July, I made a survey of opinions in Sydney; this showed
58% in favour of admitting a small annual quota of Indians and
Chinese, while 39% were opposed and 3% were doubtful. It is in
teresting that those under 35 years of age were 59% in favour, while
those over 35, and with longer conditioning in our attitudes were only
35% in favour. This was not a Gallup Poll, though all groups were
represented; the purpose was to ascertain people's attitudes on White
Australia and related questions. But this result, along with the
others mentioned, shows that there is certainly a strong minority
opinion in this countrywhich is not opposed to a quota system. It
may not be very vocal, but an examination of their opinions and
reasons, shows that they are thinking, and are concerned, and in
many cases are convinced.46
Conditions Governing a Quota System.
A quota system does not mean the absence of all other conditions
of entry, apart from the limitations on number. Few who favour the
suggestion, imagine that it does- What we have to consider is
whether or not the time has come to abandon the negative exclusive
dictation-test method for preserving Australia as almost wholly
British and European in extraction and outlook, and to substitute
for it a positive method, which, while limiting quite severely the
numbers of oriental persons who can settle in Australia, will be posi
tive in form and will not be galling to the sentiment of the peoples
concerned.
I have good reason for suggesting that the following conditions
governing the admission of a small annual quota, would be acceptable
to Indian thought and sentiment. I believe, too, that something
similar would be acceptable to the Chinese.
46 In passing, it should be noticed that the

feeling against Italian immigra
tion is very strong. My own survey showed that 25% would exclude them
altogether, while another 64% would admit them only under very definite re
strictions and regulations. There are many other evidences of this hardened
attitude. The reasons are found to some extent in the part played by the ItaMans
in this war; but also by their tendency to make "little Italies", and not to
assimilate. Many regard them as trouble-makers, and attribute a number of
bad qualities to them. There is also a religious aspect to the opposition. The
Returned Soldier Organizations, too, are much concerned.
19 31

September,1945 THE AUSTRALIAN QUARTERLY
1. Australian economic standards governing wages and condi
tions of work should not be endangered by Indian settlers and any
legislation for this purpose would be acceptable. A period of two
years or so after arrival, before full citizenship is conferred, would
be a reasonable requirement.
2. Any Indian settler should know English or at least learn
English within two years or so after arrival, and any regulation for
ensuring tMs condition would be unobjectionable.
3. The grant of Australian citizenship to an Indian settler could
be made dependent upon the possession of a certain amount of pro
perty at his disposal inAustralia
4. Any Indian settlers in Australia, after getting full citizen
ship rights, should regard themselves only as Australian citizens and
not depend on the protection of the Indian Government. On the
other hand, such Indians should not be discriminated against in any
way.
5. They should not form separate colonies or groups; their
children should attend ordinary public schools; any tendency to keep
up their separate identity should be discouraged.
6. There should be no interference with religion, but Indians
should not claim any special privileges for their religious buildings,
ceremonials, etc. They should, however, have full liberty to follow
their own religion in their own homes.
7. Indians would be bound by ordinary Australian laws; for
example, polygamy would not be allowed- An Indian with more than
one wife need not be admitted.
8. An Indian, who is allowed to settle, should be allowed to bring
with him his wife and minor children only. The question of un
married adult daughters would need to be considered carefully.
9. Any existing status of marriage at the time of arrival should
be recognised, but after arrival every marriage should be registered
according to Australian law and no special privileges should be
claimed for any marriage celebrated according to Indian rites, though
no objection should be taken to any additional celebrations by Indians
in their own homes.
10. Any personal law applicable to Indians in India on account
of religion should no longer be valid, but they should be subject to
Australian law only.
11. Professional qualifications already obtained and registered in
India should be recognised in Australia on the basis of reciprocity
32

Other Considerations foran "Australia forAustralians" Policy.

The maintenance of "Australia for theAustralians" is not assured
by deciding either on total exclusion or on a quota system of Eastern
peoples. We have still to show that we plan, and attempt, to make
full use of our continent. This implies increase of population, both
by natural causes and by immigration, the falling birth-rate making
the latter necessary. With regard to the increase of our population,
it is worth pointing out that from 1881 to 1922, Australia's annual
increase per 1000 was 22, as compared with the United States of
America 19, Canada 18, Japan 11, and England and Wales 9.
Ourfurther increase depends on a number of factors, such as
our economic absorbtive capacity, which can be easily over-estimated;
our psychological absorbtive capacity, which is not high; the immi
grants' capacity for being assimilated, which varies with different
peoples; and the willingness or desire of peoples abroad to emigrate
to Australia, which may not be very marked for some years, for they
have their own countries to rebuild.
In this connection, we should be quite frank. Australia is too
often in glowing
advertised and misleading phrases. It has open
spaces, but they are not rich. "Watering the inland" is a glorious
phantasy, but an Australian source of water adequate for the purpose
has not yet been found. A study of the distributionmaps (in the
Commonwealth Year
Books) of our population, wheat, agriculture
generally, dairying, cattle, and sheep, must make all thoughtful people
hesitate before clamouring for rapid increases of millions of popula
tion- It is time we told the world the reasons why so much of Aus
tralia is empty, and, as far as we can at present see, cannot sustain
a vast population. The narrow strip reaching about 200 miles inland
along the east and south-east, on the soijth-west of the continent
and
may, through industrialisation
and intensive settlement, carry a much
greater population than at present, but much planning and develop
mental work is required before that can eventuate.
We are sometimes urged to rush into population schemes in the
interest of self-defence; but we noW realize that freedom from attack
depends only in part on our readiness to defend the continent, even
though our capacity to do so increased very greatly. It depends
much more on a positive world peace-policy and machinery, on co
operation for dealing with an aggressor and for removing the causes
which make
for discontent and aggression.
A potent cause is the economic one. This is of special concern
to us, for our really fundamental dogma is the maintenance and rais
33

ing of the standard of living, of all groups in the community. But,

as we have seen, our restrictive immigration policy is causally con
nected with this objective, forwe fear a rush of workers here, who
through competition, would lower the standard of wages and living.
We recognise, however, that our standard of living is inter-related
with that prevailing in other countries: therefore, for that reason
alone, we should do all we can to raise that standard wherever it is
lower than ours. In doing so, we should give the lie to the falla
cious doctrine that there are different standards of living amongst
different peoples?some lower, some higher, and that these are
eternal. It is quite possible that some eastern peoples, for example,
would be stronger workers, clearer thinkers, and even less docile,
if they had a more varied and adequate diet, good medical services,
better hygiene, education, literature, wireless and so on- After all,
there is only one minimum standard: health, strength, work under
good conditions, capacity to take part in government, and opportunity
for leisure. And we will keep these desirable conditions here, pro
vided all people everywhere enjoy them.
Finally, this implies, ifwe are not to be hypocrites, that we
practise what we preach. are responsible
We for the native peoples
of Papua and New Guinea and for the Aborigines of Australia. At
long last, after much argument, we have decided to abolish from the
former Territories the indentured labotir system, which we long ago
decided should not be used for our advantage in Australia. We
shall now be judged by our sincerity in raising the standard of living
for the Papuans and Melanesians?and alsofor the AbQrigines. In
"White Australia" we still have over 50,000 pure blood chocolate
skinned Aborigines, and nearly 30,000 "mixed-blood" Aborigines. We
failed in the past and we became pessimistic. But we believe now
that there is ground for hope that theAborigines, both full-blood and
mixed-blood, can attain the stature of full citizenship and make a
valuable contribution to the development of Australia especially in
the northern regions.47 It is a matter of our own intelligence, sin
cerity and determination
If we face squarely these tasks, remembering that we are part
of a great functioningunit, theUnited Nations, we will finda solution
of our population and developmental problems. Of these, immigra
tion, whether from Europe or Asia is one. This one, however, if
wisely ordered, will weave us further into that great fellowship
of peoples, which we feelmust come into being, if the human race is
to persist and reach a worthy goal.
47A. P. Elkin, Citizenship for theAborigines, (1944).
34


Rethinking The White Australia Policy

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Re-Thinking the White Australia Policy

This content downloaded from 143.92.1.41 on Thu, 16 Jan 2014 20:01:36 PM

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Australia, which is fully recognized by the United Nations as abso

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While, however, devotion to this ideal is sincere, and while it is

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Church Assembly inMelbourne expressed "dissatisfaction and con

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Origins of theWhite Australia Policy.

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indentured coloured labour, which, incidentally,was meant to be

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13 M. op. tit. S. H. Roberts, "History of the Contacts

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Chinese immigration to the gold mines, to be discussed next, but it

By far the most potent source of the Policy, and particularly

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whole, according to a statement by Sir John Robertson in the New

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18 op. tit. p.155 from Henry Years

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This content downloaded from 143.92.1.41 on Thu, 16 Jan 2014 20:01:36 PM

This content downloaded from 143.92.1.41 on Thu, 16 Jan 2014 20:01:36 PM

The Fundamental Factor is Cultural Difference, not Colour.

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physical traits, for "immigrant peoples who bear a distinctive racial

Moreover, intermarriage means half-castes and mixed-bloods,

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feriority. As Daniel Lee, a thoughtful Chinese newspaper corres

pondent,wrote in theDaily Telegraph (July 4, 1945): "You have ex

27M. F. Ashley Montagu, Man's Most Dangerous Myth, The Fallacy of

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This content downloaded from 143.92.1.41 on Thu, 16 Jan 2014 20:01:36 PM

Australia", to the resentment of all Asiatics. In other words, let us

This content downloaded from 143.92.1.41 on Thu, 16 Jan 2014 20:01:36 PM

This content downloaded from 143.92.1.41 on Thu, 16 Jan 2014 20:01:36 PM

mostly did so in the hope of gathering wealth and returning home

This content downloaded from 143.92.1.41 on Thu, 16 Jan 2014 20:01:36 PM

This content downloaded from 143.92.1.41 on Thu, 16 Jan 2014 20:01:36 PM

This content downloaded from 143.92.1.41 on Thu, 16 Jan 2014 20:01:36 PM

This content downloaded from 143.92.1.41 on Thu, 16 Jan 2014 20:01:36 PM

riages will probably occur between the children of immigrants and

Opinions and the Quota System.

respectively. These minorities and indecisions must not be ignored.

45 In the 1933 census were 3503 Chinese of mixed-^ood. No doubt,

This content downloaded from 143.92.1.41 on Thu, 16 Jan 2014 20:01:36 PM

46 In passing, it should be noticed that the

This content downloaded from 143.92.1.41 on Thu, 16 Jan 2014 20:01:36 PM

This content downloaded from 143.92.1.41 on Thu, 16 Jan 2014 20:01:36 PM

Other Considerations foran "Australia forAustralians" Policy.

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ing of the standard of living, of all groups in the community. But,

This content downloaded from 143.92.1.41 on Thu, 16 Jan 2014 20:01:36 PM

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