RHODESIANA

Publication No. 2
of
The Rhodesia Africana Society

1957
 CONTENTS
Page
THE EFFECT OF HISTORY ON THE AFRICAN, BY
R. HOWMAN _ 1
SOME NOTES ON POLICE PIONEER DOCTORS AND
OTHERS BY COLONEL A. S. HICKMAN, M.B.E 3
FRANK WILLIAM BAXTER, V.C., BY 'REGULUS' 16
THE MAZOE PATROL, BY HUGH POLLETT 29
NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS 39
OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY 40
CONSTITUTION OF THE SOCIETY 41

ILLUSTRATIONS
Page
1. DR. ANDREW MILROY FLEMING, C.M.G., C.B.E. 11
2. LOWER UMGUSA BATTLEFIELD—22ND APRIL, 1896 17
3. GREY'S SCOUTS MEMORIAL GATES, BULAWAYO
MEMORIAL HOSPITAL 25

(iii)
 FOREWORD

BY HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR-

GENERAL OF THE FEDERATION OF
RHODESIA & NYASALAND, THE RT. HON.
THE EARL OF DALHOUSIE, G.B.E., M.C.

By its intention to further the collection and

preservation of historical and other documents of
importance the Rhodesia Africana Society merits
widespread approval.

All who love their country will realise the value

of presenting its story to the modern generation.
This the Society seeks to do and in a way that can
scarcely fail to arouse interest, and anyone reading
this publication will inevitably look forward
to reading the next one.

It is much to be hoped that in the future Rhodes-

iana receives the ever increasing distribution it
deserves.

(v)
 The Effects of History on the African
by R. Howman
"History without culture bears no fruits,
Culture without History has no roots."

Many of you will have noted recent headlines in the Press—"Africans

plan to restore ancient empire"—"Mambo explains history of Zimbabwe".
What was ancient historical gleanings from early Portuguese records, and
speculative theories by Europeans, has suddenly become a lively administrative
problem of the present day. It is a most interesting development in African ideas
which reflects the importance of history as an influence in contemporary life.
Twenty odd years ago and more no Shona traditions made any reference
to Munumutapa. There was an historical vacuum and had it not been for
Portuguese sources the oldest indigenous traditions would have stopped at a
Murozwi "Mambo" named Nechasike (the creator).
In the last few years, however, Africans have started to tack additional
names and glories on to the chieftainship trees compiled by the Native Affairs
Department, and although it was always a problem to distinguish fact from
fiction it is now also a problem of separating indigenous legend from imported
legend of European origin.
For instance a Buhera family tree now adds the two names of Munumu-
tapa and Kasarinate, his son, as the ancestors of Nechasike and makes them the
first two holders of the Mambo title. This name Kasarinate seems to be their
version of Quesarynugo whom a Portuguese writer referred to as the Munumu-
tapa. Von Sicard gave the name as Kesarinugo (Nada 1946).
Again, in the 1957 Nada, Robinson gives an account of Warazwi history
in Bikita which brings in a Mambo Chinango Munumutapa.
Both of these are Warazwi groups which have been quick to assert that
Mambo and Munumutapa were one and the same person. But the Waduma
people have now lodged a claim to Munumutapa as their direct ancestor, a
Makaranga, whose dynasty was overthrown by the Mambo.
We have the Samuriwo clan claiming before the Federal Supreme Court
to be Warazwi, although a few years ago their antecedents were subject to much
doubt. It is their leading business man in Salisbury who made contact with the
Press.
It is not only the names of Portuguese origin, but the glories attributed
to those names, that are being incorporated. Indigenous legends now speak of
"great and powerful kings", of "empires stretching from the Zambesi to the
Limpopo", of the "builders of Zimbabwe"—and make these ideas their own;
stating them as facts. You may remember the newspaper quoted Samuriwo as
saying, "The re-creation of the Warazwi empire would take in all the Africans in
the Colony with the exception of the Matabele."
1
 How did this reconstruction and adaptation of the past take place and
why?
I think the clue is to be found in school history books. The Waduma
tribal history, when written out, followed almost word for word in some para-
graphs, a Standard IV reader of the Morgenster Press and I think if anyone
would care to investigate all school readers he would uncover the base upon
which new tribal legends are being formulated.
These history books are written in a very simple direct style without
much regard to historical arguments, nor to the many 'perhaps' and 'it is
possible-s' of serious historians, and without any allowances for the Portuguese
practice of magnificent description. So what is largely conjecture becomes fact
in school and is suitably adorned for tribal legend.
It is worth directing special attention to school readers for they will
probably provide the material which the nationalistic spirit, as it grows, will
turn to for nourishment and support. We must expect the African, no matter
how much he may appear to be taking over Western ways, some time or other,
to seek a return in some degree to his past and in doing so glorify it, distort it,
and, without regard to historical accuracy or doubts, mould it into something
emotionally satisfying.
For the historian this process will be viewed with dismay as he sees his
'history' taking on some very odd forms. For the student of society it offers
him a fascinating opportunity to watch just how a people appropriate history for
the emotional and political satisfaction it can give them. For the administrator—
well his task becomes even more confusing than before.
At present we see the tribal consciousness beginning to appropriate
remote history. Claims and counter-claims appear. But if, for instance, enough
of what we call the Mashona people were to be convinced that they were
Warozwi then I think one interpretation of history, like a dialect, would tend to
become dominant and be vehemently asserted as the truth.

2
 Some Notes on Police Pioneer Doctors
and Others
by Colonel A. S. Hickman, M.B.E.
(With acknowledgement to the Central African Journal of Medicine)

"Tropical Victory", an account of the influence of medicine on the

history of Southern Rhodesia for the period 1890 to the close of The Chartered
Company's regime in 1923, although only published in 1953, is now a collector's
piece. Even the author, Dr. Michael Gelfand, O.B.E., M.D., F.R.C.P., has no
copy.
It is a book which should be read widely, not only by medical practi-
tioners, but by every layman who can borrow a copy, and I hope there will be
so great a demand for it that its reprinting will result.
It is obvious that Dr. Gelfand has done a great volume of research in
order to assemble his facts in such readable form, and the community owes a
debt of gratitude to him for recording the work of the early doctors and nurses,
and others who assisted them, before their deeds are forgotten in the press of
modern development. They should never be forgotten; "the successful struggle
of the European pioneer and settler against fever and disease" would never have
been successful except for their devoted work, and this country, of which we are
so proud, would have made no progress. It would have remained as one of the
backward areas of Africa. Medical and nursing aid was also brought to the
primitive African, "gradually overcoming his superstitions and prejudices".
As an illustration of how he has thrived I note that there were not more than
100,000 people living in Mashonaland when the Pioneer Column arrived, and
these miserable tribesmen existed from day to day, decimated by internecine
warfare, raids by the Matabele, famine and disease. Now throughout Southern
Rhodesia there dwell over 2,000,000 Africans, and as year by year their health
and mode of living improves, their numbers are increasing rapidly and their
physique is better.
These results, both for the Europeans and other races who live here,
were only achieved through much devoted work and at the cost of many lives.
Although it is true that the Pioneer Column reached its destination
without a single fatal casualty it moved from Fort Tuli to Salisbury in the dry
season of 1890, from July to September; further, there was excellent march
discipline, and no attack by the Matabele.
But the rainy season of 1890/91 was a different story. There were excep-
tionally heavy rains and many of The British South Africa Company's Police
fell sick or died of malaria or dysentery, which also took a severe toll from those
who were on the expedition to Manicaland, and those who carried out despatch
riding between Fort Salisbury, Fort Charter, Fort Victoria and Fort Tuli. These
men suffered from short or unsuitable rations and inadequate clothing, and
flooded rivers added to their misery. Similar conditions applied to those who
had gone prospecting after the disbandment of the Pioneer Corps, and to new
arrivals entering the country. It must be remembered that in those days the
3
cause of malaria was unknown. It was thought to emanate from unhealthy
vapours and it was not until 1898 that the true facts began to be known, and in
the meantime the anopheline mosquito held sway.
Dr. Gelfand's book is very fittingly dedicated to the Right Honourable
Sir Godfrey Huggins, C.H., K.C.M.G., F.R.C.S., M.P. (now Lord Malvern)
as Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia "who has devoted his life to the well-
being of this country . . . "
The object of these notes is to pay tribute to the Southern Rhodesia
Medical Service in particular, and to its Federal successor. I am at present,
sponsored by The British South Africa Company, engaged on research into the
early records of The British South Africa Company's Police, and the Forces
which stemmed from it, and during the course of my work have come upon
numerous references to medical men associated with the police in the early
days. I feel that some of this information will be of interest to those who practise
today in different conditions, but with the same tradition of service to the
community. This is by no means medical or surgical services only, but starting
with Dr. Leander Starr Jameson, Administrator of Mashonaland, and continu-
ing to Lord Malvern, medical men have played an outstanding part in the
general development and advance of this Federation.
The present Medical Director, Dr. R. M. Morris, O.B.E., is closely
connected with the early days, being a son-in-law of the late Lt.-Colonel C. H.
Divine, D.S.O., V.D. Charles Divine, a descendant of 1820 Settlers, joined The
British South Africa Company's Police from Cape Town on 27th February,
1890, served as a trooper in E Troop (Fort Tuli) under Captain A. G. Leonard,
was later promoted to corporal in D Troop, and took his discharge on 9th
November, 1891. As a young man he earned the commendation of his com-
manding officer who described him as "fiery, impulsive, yet full of initiative".
He was one of those unfortunates employed on despatch riding on the Pioneer
Road between Fort Charter and Fort Victoria in 1891, but survived these
rigours to live to a ripe and distinguished old age.
Divine on one occasion shared a tent with Trooper J. W. Eksteen at Fort
Victoria. He found his companion suffering great pain from a bad attack of
lumbago. He went to the doctor (not named), asking him for something to
relieve Eksteen. In his words he says, "The only thing he could give me was a
mustard leaf. I half filled a pannikin with whisky, made Billy drink it, clapped on
the leaf and covered him up well, and soon he dropped off to sleep. Next
morning he was still asleep and about 9 a.m. I began to get anxious and had an
idea that as he had not had any liquor for so long he might be suffering from
alcoholic poisoning. However, at about 10 a.m. he stirred. I asked him how the
lumbago was. He said the pain of the lumbago had quite gone, but he felt a
burning sensation where I put the leaf. I took it off and it certainly did look as if
that part had been burned. I had not known at the time that a mustard leaf
should not be left on for more than 20 minutes. However, I cured Billy Eksteen
of his lumbago!"
It is through the kindness of Mrs. R. M. Morris that I am gleaning much
of my information about our early police, since she has lent me her father's copy
4
 of Captain A. G. Leonard's very frank book, written almost in diary form,
"How we made Rhodesia".
Accompanying the Pioneer Corps on the march to Mashonaland were
Surgeon Captain A. J. Tabuteau, Surgeon Lieut. J. Brett and Surgeon Lieut.
J. W. Lichfield, all of whom are referred to in "Tropical Victory".
With the Pioneer Police were Surgeon Captain Richard Frank Rand and
Surgeon Lieut. E. Goody. Dr. Rand, who was highly qualified—F.R.C.S.
(Eng.) 1883 and M.D. (Edin.) 1889—had practised for a short time in Jamaica
and had experience of malaria. He was "the best known doctor in Rhodesia in
the early days."
His date of appointment to the Company's Police is not known, but on
the Pioneer Column he is shown as posted to the Headquarters Staff which
travelled with B Troop. He was sent with Major P. W. Forbes to Manicaland,
where members of A Troop under Captain (later Sir) H. M. Heyman were
employed in the occupation of that area, and involved in skirmishes with the
Portuguese.
During this period there occurred a ghastly yet heroic episode which
illustrates the hazards to which the Pioneer police were exposed. Troopers
Thomas William Glover and T. Matthews, of A Troop, were stationed at a
detached post near Macequece, when both went down with malaria and were
deserted by their native servants. Matthews died on 17th March, 1891, and for
over a week Glover lay helpless with the corpse in the same hut. He was at his
last gasp when rescued by Lieut. the Hon. Eustace Fiennes. His note reporting
sickness had been brought to (Old) Umtali, where a rescue party was organised,
consisting of the officer, Sgt. Thomas Paxton and Trooper B. O'Hara, all of them
good swimmers.
They set out in torrential rain with a small bottle of quinine (in powdered
form) and brandy, and successfully crossed several rivers, travelling along
slippery mountain paths. They found the Revue River 'raging like a miniature
sea', but in spite of this Lieut. Fiennes attempted the crossing alone; he was
carried down stream for half a mile and was once entangled in reeds. Neverthe-
less, he managed to gain the far bank and at Macequece took care of Glover,
removing him to a new hut. He was joined next day by the two police, reinforced
by two prospectors and a doctor (who could only have been Rand). They had
crossed the rivers with the aid of a stout rope; to say the least, a most uncon-
ventional way to visit patients.
Then came the problem of the return journey with the sick man. For a
couple of days the party remained at Macequece to allow the rivers to subside,
and in the meantime built a small raft. Lieut. Fiennes and another man swam
with a leading rope, the others swimming beside the raft in order to steady it. In
this way Glover came back to (Old) Umtali, being carried in a rough litter over
the mountain tracks. He recovered, leaving the Police in January, 1892. At the
time of his ordeal he was 32 years of age, but lived to be nearly 92, a great tribute
to the attention he received and his own magnificent constitution.
Dr. Rand returned to Salisbury after the Portuguese dispute had been
settled, continuing to serve as police surgeon until he resigned in 1892 to become
Salisbury's first private practitioner. He was famous for his fever cure known as
5
 "Rand's Kicker", apparently an effective but most unpleasant mixture. He was
regarded with great affection by his patients, but "Tropical Victory" provides
many other details of his career. He lived at Hartley for some time in the 1920's,
but the place and date of his death I have yet to trace.
Surgeon Lieut. E. Goody, (his Christian name is not on record, nor have
I yet found any particulars of his early career) was also obviously a man of
character and determination. The first reference I have found to him is in May,
1890, when he was at Elebe in Bechuanaland, treating men with fever. In
September of the same year, when the Pioneer Column was reaching Salisbury,
he moved to Fort Tuli, where he was with Captain A. G. Leonard, commanding
E Troop of the Company's Police.
The Shashi River at Tuli is about half a mile wide, but on 4th March,
1891, Dr. Goody, travelling in a punt with Trooper Glasson, a former Thames
waterman, crossed the flood waters in 25 minutes, starting three quarters of a
mile above the drift, and landing a quarter of a mile below it. Either his horse
swam behind the boat or he was given a horse on the left bank, because as soon
as he was across he rode on to Umzingwane Post Station on the Pioneer Road,
a distance of 34-35 miles from Fort Tuli, on a report that a traveller had broken
his leg. He found that the injured man was a Cape boy, attended to him and
then rode onwards to other post stations to inspect them on account of the
prevalence of fever patients and the unsuitability of 'bouilli' beef and biscuit
rations for such cases. At this time Captain Leonard notes that there were a lot
of men suffering from malaria in hospital at Fort Tuli but that they could not
receive proper attention for "a man down with fever . . . requires beef-tea, sago
and such slops besides wine and spirits to nourish him".
The plight of the despatch riders had been noted previously by Lt.-Col.
E. G. Pennefather, Officer Commanding The British South Africa Company's
Police, and in late February, 1891, Captain Leonard had received orders from
him that the mails were no longer to be carried by men and horses but by a
Scotch cart and oxen. This, of course, would slow down the whole system and it
was not long before Dr. Rutherfoord Harris, Rhodes' secretary, sent orders to
return to the old method, and 8 Company's Police were sent across the Shashi
river on 12th March to re-establish the post stations between Fort Tuli and
Fort Victoria.
On 14th March came instructions to countermand this order, and on the
22nd a telegram with Rhodes' instructions reading as follows, "I re-affirm orders
to re-establish post stations with salted horses only however to be used for
special despatches when so marked. This is final instruction."
Captain Leonard's natural comment was that he wished Rhodes would
make up his mind once and for all, but the stations were re-established and
thus Dr. Goody's responsibilities were increased, especially to the end of the
rainy season.
In April, 1891, rumours reached Fort Tuli of a threatened expedition by
Boers from the Transvaal who intended to cross the Crocodile (or Limpopo)
river and enter the new territory of the Chartered Company. Captain Leonard
then received orders from Rhodes to have 25 men in readiness to occupy a
position in Chibis' country, probably near the Nuanetsi river, where they would
6
be controlling one of the main tracks made by Boer hunters in former times.
This project was shortly afterwards abandoned, and the new plan was
obviously to deny the 'filibusters' any crossing of the Limpopo. With this end
in view, and with the co-operation of the Bechuanaland Border Police, measures
were undertaken to fortify and garrison the approaches to the drifts.
Captain Leonard therefore sent 20 men under Lieut. W. Hicks-Beach to
erect a small earthwork to command Rhodes Drift and to man it. He also sent a
party of 25 men under Lieut. W. A. Barnett to cut a road to a place about 30
miles downstrean from Pont Drift.
During this period, on the 21st April, Mother Patrick, her Sisters and
Father Prestage arrived at Fort Tuli, to remain until the weather became more
settled and then to continue their journey to Salisbury. Their presence was a
godsend to the Police who were sick. On the 5th of May the up-country mail
came in by Scotch cart, and with it Lieut. William Bruce, who had been in
Manicaland, Lieut. R. H. Ord-Capper and Trooper E. E. Riley, all down with
fever. The two officers soon recovered, but Riley, who had only joined the
Police in December, 1890 and was described by Leonard as a smart dapper-
looking fellow, formerly an officer of the Bays, died on 8th May, "in spite of
every attention on the part of Goody, and of devotion on the part of the sisters".
He was in a bad way when he arrived, and fell into a state of coma from which
he never rallied. His death is ascribed to exposure and "want of system", and
the fact that he had not an iron constitution.
In the same week there was another death, a prospector named Craven,
who with a companion had been living in a rude shelter near the fort. Dr.
Goody examined the corpse and ascribed the death as being due to "natural
failure of the heart's action, brought on by weakness from exposure and undue
(sic) nourishment".
About this time Captain Cecil Keith-Falconer, formerly Aide-de-Camp
to Lady Loch at Cape Town and commanding C Troop (Fort Victoria) of the
Company's Police, came down to Fort Tuli suffering from what appears to have
been a nervous breakdown. He brought vivid stories of the privations suffered
by the pioneers, and I note subsequently resigned on 30th August, 1891.
Captain Leonard in his comments on the situation records that after
nearly 15 months out of a total of 700 men only 15 had died. He was in a position
to know because he received all up-country reports and consolidated them into
one regimental state, which he forwarded to Rhodes' secretary. He adds "a
large percentage of men have been down with fever—at Tuli 34 per hundred
alone—but the death rate has been absurdly low and not even to be compared
with the mortality in many parts of Great Britain!"
In June, 1891 it was estimated that 100-130 Boers, with nearly 100 native
servants had congregated on the right bank of the Limpopo. As far as my
research has gone I gather that five of the following six drifts were guarded by
The British South Africa Company's Police, namely Rhodes, Pont, Massibis,
Main, Middle and Lower (near Tuli) and that the Bechuanaland Protectorate
Police, commanded by Goold-Adams, were in support.
In defence of three drifts had been 70 men with two Maxims, but
on the 3rd June they were reinforced by 64 more men under command of
7
 Lieut. S. Flower, and two more drifts were protected.
Now we come to Surgeon Lieut. E. Goody's great day—the 24th of
June, 1891. On that day he was at Main Drift. The officer in command, Lieut.
Ord-Capper, was away on the higher veld with another bout of fever. Goold-
Adams was at a lower drift and Dr. Jameson had left only that morning for
Matibis' kraal. So Dr. Goody was the only officer present when the Boer
trekkers in full force arrived at the far bank of the drift. Immediately he sent
mounted men to call in Dr. Jameson and Goold-Adams, and when Colonel
Ferreira, C.M.G., the leader of the trek, his secretary Jerome, and in all a group
of 4-5 armed men, crossed the drift in advance, he made them prisoners. Leonard
remarks ". . . the doctor had his head screwed on the right way and did the
right thing."
There is another report, however, that Trooper H. W. Chawner in charge
of the Commissariat, who had nine years previous service in the Cape Mounted
Rifles, was consulted by the duty sergeant in charge of the camp and advised
him to disarm the Boers, make them prisoners and "send for the Doctor"
(Jameson).
This does not detract from Dr. Goody's initiative because his was the
ultimate responsibility.
On Dr. Jameson's return negotiations took place which resulted in the
Boer expedition turning back, whilst Colonel Ferreira and Jerome went as
prisoners on parole to Fort Tuli and then on to Salisbury to establish a com-
mercial enterprise in which British South Africa Company officers and officials
had a share!
Very little more is known of Dr. Goody; in August, 1891 he rode in to
Fort Tuli from Middle Drift and was replaced by Dr. Sieveking. There is the
possibility that he travelled up the Pioneer road towards Salisbury and died at
Narka Pass in the Victoria district later the same year. I would very much like
to know something more about Dr. Goody. Perhaps one of my readers may be
able to trace his early record through the British Medical Association.
There is no record of how Dr. Sieveking reached Fort Tuli, whether from
the north or south, but before his first month was out he had been down to
Rhodes Drift to see a Commandant Meyers and had "done all he could for
him." I have no other record of Commandant Meyers or the disability from
which he was suffering, though it looks as if he might well have been a Transvaal
official.
The next trouble was nearer home—still within the first month of his
service in August, 1891. One of the most promising troopers, who had only
joined on the 27th of April and come to Fort Tuli with a batch of recruits under
Captain the Hon. Charles White (later Chief Commissioner of Police), was
afflicted with delirium tremens. This youth of 19 who served on the provost staff
under the constant observation of officers and N.C.O.'s had shown no signs of
his heavy drinking until he ran amuck along the road with a drawn sword! He
had been patronising Homan's canteen, on the left bank of the Shashi river near
the drift, opened only a month before. He was put under the observation of
Sieveking who diagnosed D.T. He was discharged from the Police towards the end
of September.
8
 Dr. Sieveking was eulogised by Captain Leonard in the following words.
"Sieveking . . . I find is a kindred spirit, and most charming companion. Most
amusing and full of humour, he keeps me alive with his genuine fun and true wit.
I tell him he has mistaken his profession, or rather is a good actor lost to the
world of art, but not to his friends. For, as a doctor, he is very clever, earnest
and painstaking, full of energy and always at work. There was no hospital to
speak of before he came, but he has lost no time in having an excellent one built,
while all his arrangements are as perfect as possible. It is great fun to see him
take off people . . ." This is indeed a tribute from one who was most critical
about many of his fellow men; his book is full of pungent comments.
On one occasion Dr. Sieveking rode with Captain Leonard to search cer-
tain local kraals for missing rifles, and finally when Leonard left Fort Tuli on the
21st of September to ride to Salisbury pending his resignation from the Police,
Sieveking, with two other officers accompanied him on the first stage—14 miles
to Ipagee, where they put up at Campbell's wayside hotel for the night. After
that I have no further information.
Now for the medical orderlies. It is stated in "Tropical Victory" that
Spun and Reynolds performed duty for A Troop of the Company's Police and
Farmaner for B Troop. Of Spun I can find no trace in any of the Troops, the
nearest approach to his name being Trooper H. S. Spring, who attested in
March, 1890, but served only in C Troop (Fort Victoria) until his discharge on
the 16th of September, 1891 on the grounds of ill-health.
Trooper W. C. H. Reynolds, however, is recorded as having joined in
April, 1890 and to have served in B Troop of the Police in the Pioneer Column.
It is not known when he transferred to A Troop from which he took his dis-
charge on the 30th September, 1891. I can find no other details about him.
On the other hand Trooper George William Farmaner has left his mark.
Apparently in civil life he was a haberdasher; he was one of the early recruits
for the Police, having attested on the 2nd December, 1889 and being posted to
B Troop (Fort Salisbury) until he was discharged on the 15th of September,
1891. He then joined the Survey Department as a clerk. In the same year,
probably before he left the Police, he acted as medical orderly to Dr. Rand. The
late Hon. Lionel Cripps, first Speaker of the Legislative Assembly of Southern
Rhodesia, writes favourably of him as follows, "I had a spell in hospital, then
managed by Rand, with Farmaner as orderly, and very nice and clean did he
keep himself and the huts where the patients were put up."
In 1893 he joined the staff of the Civil Commissioner in Salisbury and on
the 1st June, 1894 was appointed Civil Commissioner, Umtali, where later he
was Acting Magistrate.
On 1st December, 1898 he became Civil Commissioner, Salisbury, and
there we must leave him; he was obviously a man of versatility.
There were two former medical students serving in D Troop of the
Company's Police who deserve special mention, Sgt. Charles Edward Judge and
Trooper Carte. Sgt. Judge belonged to Kimberley where his father was Mining
Commissioner, and joined the Company's Police on 24th February, 1890; he
was promoted to Troop Sgt. Major on 15th September, 1891 and took his
discharge on 15th December of the same year. He was educated at Bishops,
9
Cape Town and was an ex-medical student though where he trained I do not
know. He was a good rugby player and is described as a very fine character. He
served as a sergeant in the Victoria Column in the Matabele War of 1893, and
as a trooper in Gifford's Horse in the 1896 Rebellion. Sad to say he gave way to
drink and is said to have met his end by falling down a mine shaft near Bulawayo
before 1903.
Not even the initials of Trooper Carte are recorded, but he is described as
Irish and an ex-medical student. He served in D Troop of the Company's Police
from 6th July, 1890 to 31st January, 1892.
Both these men were stationed at Fort Charter during the rainy season
of 1891, where they earned the gratitude of the other men for doing their best
to tend the sick and injured. The sick were mostly fever cases but there was one
man, Trooper R. H. Barber, who had been shot through the knee in a revolver
accident. On the night of 6th February, 1891, he lay on a bunk in a hut where,
on the opposite bunk Trooper H. Rayner was dying of fever. During the night a
donkey put its head in where the door should have been and started to bray. It
sounded like the last judgement and poor Barber was most upset, to say the least
of it, until Trooper Carruthers-Smith, the grand old pioneer who only died on
3rd June, 1957 in his 86th year, came in to comfort him. Barber was discharged
as medically unfit on 15th July, 1891 and I have no record of his subsequent
history.
Now for some notes at random. Surgeon Captain Edward Charles
Frederick Garraway served in K Troop of The British South Africa Company's
Forces in the Jameson Raid of December, 1895, was taken prisoner at Doornkop
in the Transvaal, and with other members of that ill-fated expedition was
repatriated from Durban in the 'Harlech Castle' in February, 1896 to Rockshire,
Ferrybank, Waterford, Ireland. I have certain particulars, incomplete, of those
who were killed and wounded at Doornkop, but that is another story. Suffice it
to say that the Boers behaved in a most humane way to their sick and wounded
prisoners. Dr. Garraway in later years became Resident Commissioner in
Basutoland; I should like to learn more about him.
Surgeon Major F. H. Holmden of the British South Africa Police was
one of five medical men who went through the siege of Mafeking from the 13th
October, 1899 to the 17th May, 1900. Of these Major R. S. S. Baden-Powell
(later Lord Baden-Powell of Gilwell) reports "all worked with conspicuous zeal
and skill under a never-ending strain of work; all of them very frequently under
fire in carrying out their duties, even in their own hospital."
At the Victoria Hospital at Mafeking there were 70 beds. Of the com-
batants a total of 316 was reported as killed, died, wounded or missing, but in
addition there were 41 casualties amongst the white and 487 amongst the native
non-combatants. For his devoted services Surgeon Major Holmden was
awarded the D.S.O. I wish I knew more about him too.
I have no doubt that with further research many more incidents about
our early doctors will come to light, but in the meantime I pass over several
decades and come to the time when I joined the British South Africa Police in
August, 1924. I had applied from the Transvaal and was told that I would be
accepted if I passed the official medical examination in Salisbury. I was advised
10
 to undergo a private examination before setting out in order to guard against
a fruitless journey. In those days recruits had to pay all expenses to their place of
attestation, and there was no lack of candidates.
On arrival in Salisbury I was passed by that grand old doyen of the
medical profession in Southern Rhodesia, Dr. Andrew Milroy Fleming, C.M.G.,
C.B.E., (later Fleming-Bernard and Laird of Dunsinane).
He had been working at the Kimberley Hospital as resident surgeon and
was there personally engaged by Rhodes for service in the Company's territory
in 1894, assuming his duties as Medical Director and Principal Medical Officer
to the Police at the age of 23.
On the outbreak of the Mashona Rebellion in June, 1896, he became a
member of the local Defence Committee in Salisbury and was in charge of the
laager hospital, which was established in the gaol and occupied two cells facing
the prison yard, with a native hospital near the stables. He was assisted by his
young wife, the Dominican sisters and several volunteer nurses. He also accom-
panied several of the patrols sent out to engage the rebels. He was with the
Hartley patrol under command of Captain the Hon. Charles White, which was
out for 10 days in July, 1896, and after several skirmishes in which casualties
were suffered, relieved the garrison of 10 who had been invested at Hartley Hill
by Matshayangombi's men. For his services in the Rebellion he was later
awarded the C.M.G.
Dr. Fleming had a most distinguished career both as a medical practi-
tioner and as an administrator. He could be very peppery but had the kindest
heart.
When I was a young officer in 1929 I went down with a bad dose of fever
which I had collected at Mtoko. I was laid up in my room at the mess where
there could be little attention. When Dr. Fleming heard of it he came personally
to see me, rolled me in blankets, and himself drove me to hospital. I shall never
forget his consideration, and was especially impressed on account of his senority
and standing. He had dealt with many fever cases in his time.
He and his wife and daughter were very keen and accomplished horse-
men and were great supporters of the Salisbury Hunt Club, of which the late
Captain V. A. New, ex British South Africa Police, was Master. When the Hunt
Club ceased to exist the Officers Mess of the British South Africa Police used to
organise a mounted paper chase every Boxing Day. On one occasion there had
been heavy rain the night before and the going was somewhat sticky, with pools
of water to be avoided. I was riding through the bush with Lieut. H. W. Clemow,
later chief of the C.I.D., when somewhere beyond where the new Racecourse is
being laid out, we came on Dr. Fleming lying on his back in a pool of water, in
fact, up to his chest in it, with his horse standing nearby. He was no chicken,
and to us a very senior officer of the Force, so we rode up and asked if we could
help. We were told in no uncertain terms to leave him to look after himself and
to ride on and join the hunt. That was his attitude to the sport, and he was
mighty tough.
I have vivid memories of one further episode. In 1930 a serious outbreak
of smallpox was reported in the Chiweshe Reserve, which lies between the
farming areas of Concession, Bindura and the Umvukwes. Chief Chiweshe had
12
failed to notify the epidemic and there had been many deaths with the strong
possibility of the disease spreading far and wide. I was detailed to accompany
Dr. Fleming and render him all the assistance possible. We drove to the Chief's
kraal in the southern part of the Reserve, and here an extraordinary sight met
our eyes. There had been an orgy of beer drinking the night before and the
participants were lying about in all attitudes sleeping it off, amongst them was
the Chief, and everywhere there were empty pots which had contained the beer.
Dr. Fleming saw red and, moved with righteous indignation, rushed about the
area kicking to pieces all the pots which came in his path and seeking others to
shatter. Little by little the bleary-eyed drinkers came to their senses and the
Chief was given a most fearful dressing-down for concealing the smallpox cases
and allowing his people to die.
At the end of Dr. Fleming's inspection he instructed me to remain,
organise a complete cordon around the boundaries of the Reserve, prevent
movement between kraals, and inoculate all within the cordon. It was a formid-
able task but was accomplished with the aid of the Native Affairs Department
under Major F. J. Wane at Amandas, and extra police sent from Salisbury. I am
glad to say that the disease did not spread beyond the Reserve.
I cannot quote chapter and verse, but after Dr. Fleming retired from the
post of Medical Director in about 1931 having, I think, 37 years service with the
Chartered Company and the Southern Rhodesia Government, he went to
Mazoe as medical officer to The British South Africa Company's Citrus Estate
and later to Wankie to serve the Colliery in the same capacity.
He died only recently, full of years and honour.
The doctors about whom the following incidents relate were not actual
pioneers of Rhodesia, but they inherited the pioneer tradition. Dr. M. H. K.
Kane was G.M.O. at Gwanda in the 1920's and was very fond of hunting, in
fact, on one occasion he was rather indiscreet in his distribution of game meat
to the police at West Nicholson.
In October, 1926 a murder was reported in the Legion Mine compound
which necessitated a very long journey over bad roads. I was detailed to investi-
gate and to accompany Dr. Kane who would perform the post mortem examina-
tion. We set out in the doctor's car travelling a long way round via Kezi and the
Antelope Mine, and dealt with the case, which proved to be a simple one. For
the return journey Dr. Kane decided to take an old road, almost a disused
track, running eastwards from Antelope in the direction of Gwanda. This route
was certainly shorter, but the main consideration was the game we might see.
All went well for some distance and until we were miles from anywhere. Then
the sump of the car struck a rock concealed by a tuft of grass and was fractured.
There we were for the night, but the weather was warm and we slept in compara-
tive comfort on a sandy patch beside the road. Next day there came disaster.
The doctor went off and shot a koodoo. I was sitting on the running board of the
car writing up notes, and on the other side was the medical orderly preparing
some koodoo steak for breakfast. Suddenly there was a burst of flame and the
grass beside the road was on fire. Frantically the three of us pushed the car out
of danger, but only just in time. Then for hours we strove to beat out the grass
fire; we were black with ash and the sweat was running down our faces in
13
 rivulets; we were by no means a becoming sight. Finally we had to give up and
return to the car. We had no water except what was in the radiator, and in
desperation sucked out this rusty water through a length of thin rubber tubing
that Dr. Kane had in his case.
Later I walked some distance to a kraal, bringing back eggs and monkey
nuts and encountering a pack of wild dogs on the way. I had also arranged for a
span of eight oxen to drag us on our way the next morning. We started early
and made good progress, but timed our entry into Gwanda and the long ascent
of the hill from the railway station to the hospital, to coincide with the lunch
hour. There is nothing more ignominious than to sit in a motor car behind a
span of oxen!
Then there was Dr. J. H. Kennedy. His father was an old Rhodesian who
had been Quartermaster in the Jameson Raid of 1895, and Master of the High
Court; a famous character of whom many stories were told.
Dr. "Jim" Kennedy, now of Ndanga, was in 1928 G.M.O. at Gwanda.
Once again a murder was reported, this time at Southill Ranch, which was then
managed by Jock Carruthers-Smith, the 1890 police pioneer. On our way we
called at the homestead and were invited to lunch if we could manage it. We had
an unpleasant morning as the corpse of the murdered woman had to be exhumed
12 days after death. She had been killed by her husband, a sub-Chief, and a fine
looking specimen of the old time Matabele. Whilst I dealt with the witnesses
Dr. Jim completed the post mortem examination. Then we set out for the
homestead and were welcomed to lunch. Dr. Kennedy and I sat beside each
other and during the meal a most terrible smell wafted up from the floor.
I knew what it was and so did Dr. Jim and I wonder whether he still remembers
his acute embarrassment which his hostess did nothing to alleviate. We did not
enjoy that meal! Mrs. Carruthers-Smith, the kindliest of women, had been a
nursing sister at St. Bartholomew's Hospital and thoroughly understood the
position, but told me some time later that she was so amused at our confusion
that she decided to say nothing.
I began these notes by indicating that they are a tribute from a "grateful
patient" to the Southern Rhodesia Medical Service and its Federal successor.
I am very proud to display a neat scar on my left knee resulting from the removal
of the internal semi-lunar cartilage by Lord Malvern. At the time of the opera-
tion I was more than a little worried that the knee might become stiff and that I
would have to be boarded out of the British South Africa Police, but the fact
that Mr. G. M. Huggins was to perform the operation gave me confidence, and
I have had every cause to thank him. This was in 1937 when he was Prime
Minister of Southern Rhodesia, but every week or so he entered the operating
theatre to deal with a batch of surgical cases as a form of relaxation, in the way
that some of us might play a round of golf or a set of tennis.
Lord Malvern was appointed as a surgeon major in the British South
Africa Police in 1918 and is still an honorary member of our mess. I first met
him in 1924 when riding back with the Salisbury Hunt Club across the common-
age from Warren Hills. I was then a junior recruit but was most impressed by
his unassuming ease of manner with everyone he met. He certainly did not give
any indication that police recruits might be the lowest form of life!
14
 Shortly after I was first asked to write these notes I had a nasty accident
to my left knee on the tennis court, wrenching it badly and suffering from con-
siderable haematoma. The medical officer who first attended me is the son of a
policeman who joined shortly after the First World War, and the surgeon who
performed the operation and supervised the subsequent massage is a son of the
secretary to the Administrator at the time of the 1896 Rebellion. He it was who
lent me his copy of "Tropical Victory" when I was unable to raise one from the
author.
In conclusion I am sure it will be realised that there is still a large field of
information to explore and that I have only dug into it here and there. "Tropical
Victory" is recommended for further details and I shall be most grateful to any
of my readers who can supply fresh material.
I hope I shall not suffer from any further accidents or illnesses, but if I do
I shall have every confidence in the medical service of the Federation.

References:
British South Africa Company's Police Deferred Pay Register: Central
African Archives L/7/10/1.
British South Africa Company Reports on Administration 1889/98.
British South Africa Company Civil Service Lists.
Roll of Members of The British South Africa Company's Police compiled
by Miss Gordon-Cuming.
Roll of Members of the Pioneer Corps compiled by Miss Gordon-
Cuming.
Roll of the "First 832 members of The British South Africa Company's
Police" compiled at Defence Headquarters in August, 1936.
"How we made Rhodesia" by Major A. G. Leonard. Kegan Paul,
Trench, Trubner and Company, 1896.
"Rhodesian Genesis" by Neville Jones, O.B.E., F.R.A.I., Bulawayo,
1953, for the Rhodesian Pioneers and Early Settlers' Society.
"Tropical Victory" by Michael Gelfand. Juta and Company, 1953, for
Rhodes Centenary Celebrations Committee, Southern Rhodesia.
"Blue and Old Gold". A selection of stories from "The Outpost".
Howard B. Timmins, Cape Town, 1953.
List of Jameson Raid Prisoners, 1896. Pretoria Archives.
Report on the Siege of Mafeking, 21st June, 1900 by Major R. S. S.
Baden-Powell.
Personal Narratives of Pioneer Police.
15

15
 Frank William Baxter, V.C.
by 'Regulus'
"On you at home in Britain with friends on Afric's veld,
Should lie a debt of Honour; and obligation felt
To guard your distant kinsmen from slander's coward blows:
The cruel fabrications and vapourings of those
Who prate of what they know not; the burden of whose song
Is—The Native wears a halo and the Settler's always wrong.
When you hear them ranting libels will you bid them heed their ways,
And listen to the story of Baxter, late of 'Greys'."
Those lines are the opening ones in the first of the poems by Lynn Lyster
in his Ballads of the Veld Land in the section headed "The Umgusa Patrol"; he
prefaced them in his Note with the words "The name of Baxter, of Grey's
Scouts, will ever stand as a synonym for Frontier Chivalry". These poems were
published in 1913 and seem to have been the last reference in print to an out-
standing deed of bravery which brought the Victoria Cross, at long last, to a
local hero.
The interest in recipients of the Victoria Cross resulting from the celebra-
tion of the centenary of its institution last year has been kept up by the various
items in the Press, such as where was the first Cross awarded for operations in
Southern Africa or whose was the Cross found recently in a medal collection ?
It was in consequence of the preparations for the centenary that Doctor H. H.
Curson, of Pretoria, drew my attention to the information on page 141, of
volume I, of The V.C. and D.S.O., by O'Moore Creagh (V.C.) and E. M.
Humphris that "Trooper Baxter was awarded the Victoria Cross by King
Edward" and asked for local information. On my next visit to Bulawayo I
verified the statement by reference to the book at the Public Library and began
to make investigations. I then heard that an old resident of Bulawayo—Frank
(Cocky) Standing—had asked Mr. Ralph Summers, of the National Museum,
if he knew how the initials "V.C." had come to be engraved after a name on the
Matabeleland Rebellion Memorial at the corner of Main Street and Selborne
Avenue, Bulawayo, as the letters were clearly of a later date than the original
work. An examination showed that the distinguished initials did indeed follow
the name of Baxter.
According to a photograph this memorial had been completed in 1900
when Mr. J. Sheriff is shown standing by it. There was nothing on the pedestal at
that time but enquiry has failed to trace when and by whom the additional
details were inserted. No such addition has been made to the cross at the head
of the grave, No. 114 in the No. 1 General Section of the Bulawayo Cemetery on
which the rank, name and unit only are recorded, nor to the name on the
Memorial Gates at the main entrance to the Bulawayo Memorial Hospital from
Fort Street.
16
 -
In the Bulawayo Chronicle of Thursday, 17th January, 1907, the following
item appeared:
"The Last Tribute".
Posthumous Honours : The V.C. for dead heroes.
Reuter's Special Service.
London, 15th January. The Gazette tonight announces that His Majesty has
approved of the Victoria Cross being delivered to the representatives of six
officers and men who would have been decorated, had they survived, namely:—
Lieuts. Melville and Coghill, for saving the colours at Isandhlwana; Trooper
Baxter of the Bulawayo Field Force for helping a wounded comrade on 22nd
April, 1896; Private Spence and Ensign Phillips for valour during the Indian
Mutiny; Lieut. MacLean who distinguished himself on the Indian Frontier
during 1897.
Baxter's award was made therefore more than ten years after the events
and the citation set out in the earlier Gazette of 7th May, 1897, was repeated.
These were the last awards prior to the Great War of 1914/18. It is assumed that
the additions on the Memorial were made following this announcement.
At the time of Baxter's death and of the others there was no provision in
the Royal Warrant for posthumous awards. In fact the first formal indication
that the provision had been authorised seems to be in the amendment dated
22nd May, 1920, over the signature of no less a person than the present Sir
Winston Churchill; this seemed to be a belated sign of approval since there had
been many posthumous awards during the, then recent, war. It has been stated
in the Press that such awards dated back to 1902 and the instance was likely to be
that of Lieutenant Roberts, who died of his wounds before the notice of the
award, for bravery at Colenso on 15th December, 1899. That posthumous award
was not repeated in the cases of Captain D. R. Younger for bravery on 11th
June, 1900, nor of Lieutenant R. J. T. Digby-Jones and Trooper H. Albrecht on
6th January, 1900, until 8th August, 1902, when His Majesty King Edward VII
approved of the decoration being delivered to their representatives; at the same
time three others who had met their death in performing acts of conspicuous
bravery were similarly honoured. The next time posthumous awards were made
Baxter's name was included. It is very plain that King Edward felt that bravery
resulting in death should be recognised by the award of the Cross while his
mother, Queen Victoria, felt it sufficient to acknowledge a recommendation in
the Gazette.
The citation for Baxter's award, in the Gazette of 7th May, 1897, is very
brief; it reads:—"The late Frank William Baxter, Trooper, Bulawayo Field
Force. Trooper. Frank William Baxter, one of the Bulawayo Field Force, on
account of his gallant conduct in having, on the 22nd April, 1896, dismounted
and given up his horse to a wounded comrade, Trooper Wise, who was being
closely pursued by an overwhelming force of the enemy, would have been
recommended to Her Majesty for the Victoria Cross had he survived." In Creagh
it is preceded by an extract from "Sunshine and Storm in Rhodesia" by F. C.
Selous which gives a more graphic account of the particular incident but care-
fully avoids saying anything about the writer's participation in the affairs of
that day. That account is in a book which has a preface dated at Bulawayo on
18
21st August, 1896, and is one at first hand, unlikely to be bettered.
In contrast, the meagre report of Captain Bis.set, who was officer com-
manding the force that went out that morning, to Colonel Napier which ends
"I regret to have to report the death of Trooper Baxter (Grey's Scouts) and four
men wounded", or the news items in the Bulawayo Chronicle of Saturday, 25th
April, 1896, or in the Rhodesia Herald of Wednesday, the 29th idem, tells us little
about what Baxter or any particular person did although between the two many
names are given. Through the help of the Chief Librarian of the County Borough
of Croydon, to whom grateful appreciation is given, it was found that two
newspapers circulating in Croydon carried much more of an account of Baxter's
death than anything from where it took place. The Croydon Advertiser of 2nd
May, 1896, had this:—
"A Thornton Heath Man's Splendid Heroism.
The fierce fighting at Bulawayo a few days since has brought to light a deed of
devoted heroism of which every Englishman will read with pride. Corpl. Wise
having been severely wounded, and having had his horse shot under him,
Trooper Frank William Baxter gave up his own horse to his hurt comrade, who
was thus able to escape; but Baxter himself was assegaied by the Matabele.
Captain Napier, the commander of the expeditionary force, paraded his men on
the following day, and spoke feelingly of Baxter's heroism, as well he might;
for, as the Daily Telegraph says, 'no finer deed of comradely devotion than his
has ever been recorded'. Trooper Baxter is a son of Mrs. Baxter of 119 Bensham
Manor-road, Thornton Heath, and had many friends in the neighbourhood.
We offer to the bereaved family our heartfelt sympathy upon the death of one
whom we are proud to call a local man. We understand that Mrs. Baxter has
another son in the expedition."
The Croydon Times of 6th May, 1896, reported:—
"The account of the gallant deed of Trooper Baxter, who lost his life, under very
distressing circumstances, in South Africa, during the fighting with the Matabele
last week, caused a thrill to run through every English heart. Baxter, seeing a
comrade desperately wounded, and with his horse shot under him, dismounted
from his own steed, lifted the wounded man upon it, started it off for the British
camp, and then turned at bay, a single man, to face the savage horde. The rescued
man escaped, but poor Baxter was assegaied, and immediately took rank with
the heroes of all ages—to the glory of poor humanity a mighty band—who have
entered into the dark valley as a result of the noblest self-devotion. 'Greater love
hath no man than this, that he lay down his life for his friend', and the fact that
Frank William Baxter was Croydon born gives a reflected glory to the place of
his birth. Mrs. Baxter, the mother of this noble man, is a resident of Bensham
Manor-road, Thornton Heath, and I am sure she has the sincere sympathy of
every man, woman and child in Croydon upon having lost so gallant a son."
As already stated, we can read, in the Bulawayo paper, Captain Grey's
recommendations about the conduct of Baxter, Lieutenant Crewe and Trooper
Lester together with the letter of commendation to Lieutenant Windley from
Colonel Napier. So that when Major-General Sir Frederick Carrington,
K.C.M.G., sent in his Despatch from Umtali on 13th December, 1896, reporting
on the operations in connection with the "late" Rebellion in Matabeleland and
19
Mashonaland he was able to submit recommendations in chronological order
for awards for Conspicuous Gallantry in Action for Windley, Crewe, Lester,
Baxter and Grey, in respect of the action on 22nd April; shortly afterwards
Lester was awarded the Distinguished Conduct Medal and we can assume that
it was gazetted at the same time as the award of Victoria Crosses to Captain R. C
Nesbitt and Trooper H. S. Henderson—7th May, 1897. It would be safe to
assume, further, that the General had read what Selous and others had written
since he had not then got to Bulawayo. The Croydon Advertiser took due note
of the memorandum in the London Gazette but did not repeat the earlier fact
that a local man was concerned.
Apart from a few lines in the Rhodesia Herald of the day that the six
posthumous awards had been made there was no particular mention of the
names of those honoured; nothing more was found in The Times than was in
the Gazette and not a mention, so far as I can trace, in the papers circulating in
Thornton Heath. One would have thought the presentation of the Victoria Cross
to a relation would have excited some interest, whether or not the fact had been
recorded in the Court Circular. Yet the truth seems to be no publicity was made
of the award until the Cross was sold to a private person on 17th March, 1909,
for £45; it has since gone into another enthusiast's collection where it is treas-
ured most highly. How appropriate it would be to have it in this Colony! I am
indebted to Messrs. Spink and Son, the well-known medallists, of St. James',
London, for this information.
There have been several accounts of the Umguza fight of 22nd April,
1896; clearly the most trustworthy are those of participants, one of whom was
Selous, another the Bulawayo Chronicle reporter, and those responsible for
drawing up the despatch submitted by the General. From time to time there
have been references to Baxter's deed in subsequent accounts. Apart from Lyster
already quoted, an interesting version by Hugh MacKenzie appears in the
Bulawayo Chronicle Christmas Number, 1902. He dated the action 25th April
and refers to that "big, wiry-haired black dog" of the original reporter which,
quite uninvited, had attached itself to the Afrikander party and had set off the
action, first with its pointing and later with its baying. So impressed was the
paper by that dog that, in a column adjoining the official matter, there had
appeared this:—
"GOOD DOG."
The town is full of badgeless dogs just now, but it is to be hoped that the badge-
less and collarless dog which drew first blood at Wednesday's fight will not be
classed with the rest. He was seen returning with the column into town at the
finish."
On 31st May, 1911, the Bulawayo Chronicle published an account by
Mr. Val Gielgud descriptive of the particular action in which Baxter fell but
there is no mention of him other than to say "we had two men badly wounded
and one killed"; the dog was also forgotten. The part taken by Grey, Crewe
and Lester is a well written description of the activities that day of Grey's
Scouts "some 20 strong". That article was recently reprinted in Number 2,
Volume III (1956) of "The Northern Rhodesia Journal", under the title "Some
Reminiscences of George Grey". The "wounded man called Hook" in that
20
account was Godfrey Blair, a son of Major D. B. Hook, who as a Captain in the
Southern Rhodesia Volunteers was created a Companion of the Distinguished
Service Order for his share in Colonel Plumer's advance to the Relief of Mafek-
ing, when he performed the duties of D.A.A.G. The father wrote an account of
his experiences under the title "With sword and statute (on the Cape of Good
Hope Frontier)", and dedicated it to the Memory of the late Lieut. Fred Crewe,
of Rhodesia, and to his children. One of these, a daughter Blanche, married
Mr. W. S. Taberer, a prominent member of the Southern Rhodesia Department
of Native Affairs. The frontispiece is a reproduction of Frank Dodd's painting
in the Durban Town Hall, which was presented to the citizens by Mr. Rhodes.
There is a copy in the Bulawayo Town Hall and it was one of the illustrations to
the selection of stories of the British South Africa Police, gathered together under
the title of "Blue and Old Gold". This painting goes by the name of "A gallant
deed" and bears the inscription "Lieut. Fred Crewe rescues Lieut. Godfrey
Hook, wounded, in Matabeleland", in the frontispiece; it has frequently been
treated as the scene of Baxter and Wise's separation. Major Hook's work bears
the date 31st December, 1906, for his preface; his frontispiece has also been
reproduced in Kommando (the magazine of the Defence Force of the Union of
South Africa) in the article on certain South African winners of the Victoria
Cross of May, 1956.
Lieut.-Colonel R. S. Godley whose book "Khaki and Blue" did not come
out until 1932/33—there were excerpts about that time in the Rhodesia Herald—
reached Bulawayo less than a month after the day of Baxter's death. He records:
"We heard first-hand accounts of the Umgusa fight, where many gallant deeds
had been done by members of the Rhodesian Forces. Grey's Scouts, under
Captain Grey (a brother of the late Lord Grey of Fallodon), and other volunteers
under Meikle, Van Niekerk, and Brand, with some native levies under Johann
Colenbrander (Old "catch-'em-and-brand-'em"!) were engaged in this affair.
Trooper Wise was badly wounded when mounting to retire, his horse breaking
away, leaving him at the mercy of the oncoming Matabele. Trooper Baxter
immediately turned back to his assistance, helped by Grey and Lieut. Hook of
Grey's Scouts. Trooper Baxter put Wise on his own horse, and sent him off to
safety, himself remaining on foot to cover the retreat. Then Grey and Hook
endeavoured to get Baxter out, but were themselves wounded, Hook's horse was
killed, also the gallant Baxter, whilst holding on to his stirrup leather. Lieut.
Crewe, of the Natal Mounted Rifles, then gave up his horse in turn to Hook,
who by this time was helpless, and with Grey managed to bring him back in
safety—truly heroic actions which should never be forgotten."
Selous' account of this action in "Sunshine and Storm in Rhodesia" is
not readily available to most folk; it was undoubtedly due to it that the recom-
mendation made by Captain Grey for some public mark of sympathy being
shown to the memory of Trooper Baxter won the success that it did. It is on
record that Grey's recommendation was read out to "a grand parade" after the
action and that Colonel Napier, in his address to the 426 white men and 126
Colonial boys within the laager, intimated his intention of bringing to the notice
of "Colonel" Carrington, on his arrival, the bravery of the men whose names
have been mentioned. The following account of the activities in regard to the
laager and the Umgusa fight has been collected from all available sources.
21
 Some months before the first murders the Bulawayo members of the
Rhodesia Horse Volunteers, Matabeleland Division, accompanied by machine-
guns and followed by the Native Police in all the glory of their new uniforms
had been marched to the rifle range to show the flag and to hold a field-day. It is
clear that the smallness of the numbers made an unfortunate impression as the
exercise did not have the hoped for effect in preventing unrest in those who came
from, to quote a newspaper item, "kraals from the Zambesi to the Cape, from
Manicaland to the Kalahari".
For a whole month Bulawayo had been in laager; during the day patrols
were out and about seeking for news of the prospectors or storekeepers scattered
about the country, burying the dead and holding off any Matabele they might
run into whilst escorting back any Europeans they were fortunate to find alive.
As yet they had not been persuaded they could take any offensive part and
were awaiting the reinforcements from the south. It had not taken long to
turn Bulawayo into a fortified camp; at the centre round the Market Building,
on the Market Square, ox wagons were interlaced in an unbroken ring; women
and children were housed in the building itself whilst their guardians took what
repose they could in the wagons. Outside the line of wagons was laid an ingen-
ious tangle of barbed wire; apart from that wire the laager was of the pattern
typical ever since there had been clashes between Boer and Bantu though
"roers" had been replaced by Martini-Henry rifles and a couple of supposedly
deadly guns had been added. Yet optimism did not prevail to the extent of
imagining that this laager was impregnable. There is a reproduction of a photo-
graph showing the Market Building in "Sunshine and Storm in Rhodesia" with
the interlaced wagons and a portion of the wire entanglement; in the recent
Bulawayo Diamond Jubilee Supplement of The Chronicle—Friday, 1st Novem-
ber, 1957—two illustrations have been given to convey the same view almost
identically except that a gun is seen in the foreground of the one.
The Market Building, which has now been replaced by the Town Hall,
was down a slope to the east of the commanding point four to five hundred
yards higher up. On the highest point stood the half-completed Williams'
Buildings with a view towards the Police Camp; it was manned by Gifford's
Horse. They had considerably improved the two storeys by inserting loop-holes
in mathematical precision in case of probable attack. There was another such
outpost at the Gaol, while at two other points to the south and south-east
smaller laagers had been brought into being as outposts, the one manned by
Captain Brand's troop and the other by the Afrikander Corps under Captain
van Niekerk.
On the morning of Wednesday, 22nd April, 1896, the noise of Matabele
gathering in the valley between the Police Camp and the town had roused the
laager before dawn. By the time the sun was up a force had been paraded to
throw out the intruders. From the garrison of over four hundred white men and
something over a hundred Coloureds that force of 120 mounted whites, all the
Coloureds, about 100 friendly Natives and two guns was as strong as was
possible but was more demonstrative than punitive. It should be explained that
the terms "Coloureds" of the daily press and "Colonial boys" of Selous were
members of the Zulu, Xosa, Fingo and other Native tribes who had come into
22
 the country from the south and not "Cape boys" as Gielgud, who follows
General Carrington's Despatch, styles them. The Medal Roll for 1896/97 has
two sections for "Cape boys"—Colenbrander's Corps, clearly all Natives from
the names, and Robertson's, similarly all Coloured folk as we know them.
However, how elastic the differences were between white and white, white and
black, black and black, is shown by the fact that Jan Grootboom, who was a
Xosa according to Selous and the Reverend David Carnegie who employed him
at one time, has his name in the Grey's Scouts portion of the Medal Roll.
Selous has described this force as a "patrol" and the fourth attempt to
remove the worrying presence of rebels, who on the Umgusa River, were too
close to the laager. In the outcome the affair was far from a glorious victory;
had someone been sent in in support of the Colonial boys and Grey's Scouts,
Selous says, the already badly handled Matabele might have been taught a
salutary lesson.
It must have been with the rising of the sun that the rebels drifted away
from where they had been, now Lobengula Street, and were reported to have
moved to the Brickfields. So the force, under the command of Captain Cecil
Bissett, an experienced frontier fighting man, followed them and deployed into
skirmishing order. Captain van Niekerk with his 40 men of the Afrikander
Corps was given the left flank. In the centre was a Hotchkiss gun and a Maxim
gun under Captain Llewellyn and Lieutenant Walsh. These were escorted by the
Coloured detachment and the friendlies, armed with anything from a breech-
loading rifle to a knobkerry, with Captains Selous, Colenbrander and H. J.
Taylor and Lieutenant Windley as officers. With them too were many nota-
bilities and Dr. Vigne's ambulance. Following these came detachments of Brand's
and Gifford's Horse, each some 20 strong, with Grey's Scouts, also some 20
strong, on the right flank. The suggestion of a demonstration was emphasised
by the presence of Mr. A. J. F. Duncan, the Acting Administrator of Matabele-
land, Colonel Napier, the Commandant of the Bulawayo Field Force, and the
dog.
The advance was held up for some while in the Brickfields trying to make
contact with the vanished foe; some accounts say the force was two or three
miles away from the laager before it turned northwards and so round Govern-
ment House. There was some idea that such a movement might lure the rebels
into attack but neither the hold-up for the cutting of the fence round Govern-
ment House, when the force divided to pass round it; nor the delay when the
shaft of the limber to the Hotchkiss was broken delaying things for over an
hour induced the Matabele to show themselves. It was clear that fighting in that
particular type of country, being so open, was not favoured; on swinging
towards the Umgusa, however, there was soon seen to be change in what was
going to happen. The low ridges running along the river banks, all covered with
scrubby bush, made ideal ambush points and fire from across a shallow valley
at once became heavy, particularly on the Afrikanders away on the left flank.
Actually it was the "big wiry-haired black dog" that must have belonged
to one of the Afrikanders and had insisted on ranging ahead, despite all the
whistling and shouting, that drew the first shot. It flushed a "hapless, feather-
crowned warrior" behind a bush, who loosed off his pot-leg gun without much
23
delay and so opened the conflict. This was in the vicinity of Sinclair's house—
a point now as hard to determine as that of the old execution tree near where
Miss Miller had her hospital at the corner of First Avenue and Abercorn Street.
Mr. Duncan by this time had joined Captain van Niekerk and suggested that his
men should charge across the valley and take the opposite ridge; this they did at
a hard-gallop to find themselves still in the thick of it and hard pressed to hold
off their assailants. It was noted that Mr. Duncan was giving a fine example of
how one should conduct oneself on occasions such as this.
Many glances were made towards the guns but the Hotchkiss remained
silent. The pole had been mended by placing a chain round it but the fact was
that the mechanism was still jammed. This failure was the subject of comment
later, and argument arose as to whether it was due to a lack of gunsmiths and
the handling of repairs by a blacksmith, or through lack of tools and spares.
Probably to cover the sinister silence of the gun and partly to help the Afrikan-
ders, the armed Natives and the friendlies were ordered forward. They forced
the enemy back across the river over a mile when they found themselves under
fire from three sides; like the Afrikanders they had got too far forward from the
skirmishing line. Then it was that Selous, who had wanted to get in a shot or
two at the rebels who were away from his section of the battle, had his horse
killed under him and only with the help of Windley was he able to get back to
safety. In the excitement of the action there is no doubt that many wild dashes
were made against the Matabele by impatient but enthusiastic individuals;
Grootboom, although one of Grey's Scouts, and so mounted, was attached to the
armed natives under Selous and had a narrow escape when trying to club a
rebel armed with shield and assegais; it was a silly thing to do from a horse and
he was thrown as he swung his reversed rifle; he was lucky and managed to
rejoin—lucky also for his officer as he helped to cover Selous getting away and
finally handed over his horse for his Captain to ride off. Selous has given us a
very full account of his participation in the day's events; what he did not see
himself he has described from what he heard from others.
In their turn Grey's Scouts had advanced from the right flank and had
got right out in front. It would seem that Bisset's attack developed into a three-
pronged action upon the rebels lining the river banks with no link-up between
each prong so that each in turn, if not at almost the one time, became an
isolated point of battle, surrounded on three sides by enemy. As a consequence
Captain Bisset had to issue orders in the end for a complete return to Bulawayo,
an order which was most unpopular with all ranks but clearly the only thing to
be done. While Captains van Niekerk and Selous and their men were busy with
the activities related above, the Scouts were in the thick of it on the right flank,
trying to turn or roll up the enemy force from their end. Luckily they had not
crossed the river when the recall came but then it was that casualties were
inflicted upon them. Some of the armed, friendly Natives had been wounded by
assegais and axes but no European had been hurt up till then. Groups of
Matabele had managed to infiltrate or had been bypassed in the forward dashes
so that they were able to inflict heavy fire and considerable damage on the
retiring troops as they went past clumps of bushes and scrub which afforded
cover to skulking warriors.
24
 It was in these circumstances that Grey's men suffered so heavily despite
the manner of their withdrawal—some of them stopping in turn to allow others
to go on, dismounting and turning to fire a shot or two, when those others would
open fire in turn, and so on in the involved practice of retirement in mutual
support. Presumably Troopers Baxter and Wise were with Captain Grey's own
group in this exercise while others came under Lieutenants Crewe and Hook,
though no great distance separated one group from another. So while the most
of the troop of Scouts would be hastening back, the few would hold off the
advancing Matabele; when it came to Grey's lot to mount and retire Wise was
shot—whether or not his horse was also hit we do not know but it stumbled,
threw its rider to the ground and made off. All the rest of them were then in the
saddle. Baxter, seeing the plight of his comrade, turned and dismounted, put
Wise in the saddle and gave the horse a smack to hasten its going. Grey and
Hook fell in on each side of Baxter so that he might take hold of a stirrup leather
but were almost immediately hit themselves, Grey across the forehead rendering
him momentarily out-of-his-senses and Hook in the back. At the same time
Hook's horse was shot and, falling dead, threw him off. At that "Texas" Long
ranged himself alongside Baxter who took hold of a stirrup leather with his free
hand—he still carried his rifle—and they made for the supporting line. As soon
as Grey had pulled himself together he went to Hook's rescue, got off his own
mount and put up the wounded man who was hardly able to hang on as he
turned the horse's head for safety.
All found themselves practically surrounded owing to the delays. The
enemy fire was now concentrated on where the Europeans had somehow come
together. In the forefront, however, the mob was armed only with assegais and
axes and Grey was able to hold them off with his revolver while Hook got away
before hot-footing after him. Long and Baxter were not so lucky for there was a
burst of heavy fire out of which a fluky, perhaps an accurate, shot hit the latter
who fell to the ground; Long's horse, freed from the extra weight, lunged forward
and could not be stopped until the other riders were reached so that nothing
further could be done for Baxter whose body, dying or dead, was straight-away
overrun by the pursuing rebels.
There must have been hundreds tackling Grey's small following by this
time; when there came some obvious disentangling of black and white the
forces at the centre were able to pour some enfilading fire on the still rapidly
advancing Natives with great effect, the Maxim introducing something some-
what heavier than mere ranging shots, and the whole line was able to retire on
the guns without further interference and back into Bulawayo.
It was not until Saturday, 4th July, 1896, that Baxter's remains were
recovered when they were interred with full military honours in the graveyard
in the immediate vicinity of where he fell. The band which lead the procession
down Main Street played the Dead March in "Saul"; many of the men of
Grey's Scouts and Gilford's Horse were present together with Colonel the Hon.
Maurice Gifford, C.M.G., Colonel Napier and Commandant van Rensburg.
Grey's Scouts were so proud of their dead that they provided the Memorial
Gates already referred to; it is not amiss to record what is said on the two shields
with intercrossed assegais and knobkerries which adorn each half of the gate.
26
The left one:—"These gates were erected by Grey's Scouts in memory of their
comrades"; the right one:—"Frank William Baxter, born December 29th,
1869, killed in action on the Umguza River, April 22nd, 1896, and Rowland J.
Venables Lovett, born April 2nd, 1872, mortally wounded in the engagement
with the rebel Matabele at Umguza River, April 25th, 1896, died at Bulawayo
Memorial Hospital, April 29th, 1896.
Quite a number of Grey's men have had their names recorded as sharing
in the testing time of that day's retreat, amongst them, in addition to those
already mentioned, S. E. Button, F. C. Farley, Johan Rademeyer, J. Stewart,
J. Clinton, W. D. W. Fynn and H. O. Thackwray; some confusion has arisen
from time to time by Lester being turned into Lister, Button into Batton, Farley
into Varley, Rademeyer into Radermayer, Stewart into Stuart and, in the
Despatch of all places, Wise into Wiseman. Amongst those of Grey's Scouts who
made names for themselves in Rhodesia's history but who were not noticed on
22nd April, 1896, are M. W. Barnard, J. R. Grimmer, P. D. Crewe, A. Giese,
H. G. M. Huntley and W. B. Ramsay; there are only 40 odd on the Medal Roll
for Grey's Scouts. They proved themselves of the highest merit and it is fitting
that one of them should have been awarded the Victoria Cross.
The papers in Baxter's estate were completed by C. L. Norris Newman
who had previously written "Matabeleland and how we got it" and who seems
to have been Reuter's Special Commissioner in Bulawayo during the early part
of the Rebellion; he left for the United Kingdom a day or two after Baxter's
funeral. For all we know his may have been the accounts which were published
in the Croydon papers. It has not been possible to trace the brother referred to
by them. It seems that not everybody came under burgher law and became
entitled to a medal. Certainly, one man who was in the laager at the time did
not get one since, he admits, he worked at his job during the day and was not
called upon at night. It is possible that there may have been others, among them
Baxter's brother.

EXTRACT FROM B.S.A. COMPANY'S REPORT ON NATIVE

DISTURBANCES IN RHODESIA 1896/97.
A reconnaisance in force, having been determined on to ascertain the
strength and positions of the rebels on the Lower Umguza, a force consisting of
110 mounted men and 60 Cape boys, under Capts. Selous and Cardigan, 100
friendlies under Capt. Taylor, one Hotchkiss one-pounder and one Maxim
.303-inch; the whole under command of Capt. Bisset, moved out on 22nd April,
at 6.30 a.m., in a westerly direction, till over the ridge one-and-a-half miles
west of Bulawayo. Direction was then changed to the north, when the dissel-
boom of the Hotchkiss gun broke, allowing the breech of the gun to come
violently into contact with the limber box. This delayed the advance three-
quarters of an hour, while a tree was cut and fitted. The advance was continued
past the west side of Government House and down the slope towards the
Umguza. Order of march: Grey's scouts covering the front, the Afrikander
troop on left flank, Brand's troop forming the rearguard and Meikle's troop on
the right.
27
 On reaching the high ground south of the river, the rebels were seen in
small parties along the rising ground the other (north) side of the Umguza. Fire
was opened by Grey's troop at 500 yards and the advance continued. The fire
was returned. The Afrikanders then pushed on to the rising ground shown on
map, and their fire became brisk. They took up a position there commanding
the river bed which is hollow, and held a good number of the rebels, who returned
the fire. On reaching the crest line, the column took up its position as shown on
map, the Cape boys under Capt. Cardigan being pushed down the slope and
across the river clearing the natives out of the river bed. This advance was very
boldly and well made. On reaching the other slope they continued their advance
parallel to the river, driving the rebels who then showed in force in front of them.
Grey's scouts, were eventually sent in support along the right bank, as report
was made of large numbers of rebels being seen higher up the river. By this time
the Cape boys had got considerably ahead, and Grey had to gallop quite 700
yards before they could come into action, which they did very smartly, bringing
a flank fire to bear on the rebels retreating before the Cape boys, and a strong
attack on the rebels who were then thick in the nullah, at a nice range of from
150 to 200 yards. No further support was sent to Grey and the remainder of the
force kept its original position. The Hotchkiss was then found to be unable to
open fire owing to the accident earlier in the day having put the firing gear out of
order. Before Grey had been in action three minutes, shouts were heard on our
right, and a large body of Matabele were seen not 150 yards off, running down
on our right rear through the bush which was pretty thick just there. If they had
come on quietly we should certainly have been cut up. We had to mount and
retire, the natives were then quite close and pistols were being used.
Unfortunately several horses were shot and several had very narrow
escapes, Trooper Crewe being struck in the back by a knobkerry, and Trooper
Frank Baxter being killed, Capt. G. Grey slight bullet wound on the head, his
hat being shot through, and Corpl. Wise being shot through the shoulder. The
Cape boys on the other side of the river were forced to retire, being almost
surrounded. Capt. Selous was here almost cut off, his horse being killed. The
advance of the rebels was checked by the fire of the Maxim at 900 yards. It being
then 12 mid-day, it was decided to return to Bulawayo. Sufficient use does not
appear to have been made of the force at command, and if the firing line had
been supported by the main body moving parallel with it on the high and open
ground, a great success would undoubtedly have resulted. The friendlies,
armed with assegais, were not engaged; this was the first time they had come
into action with us, and were not absolutely relied on. The Cape boys fought
very well under European leaders but are very wasteful with ammunition. They
are armed mostly with Martini-Henry rifles and carbines; they carried side
arms. Casualties: One killed, four wounded, and two horses killed.
The march into Bulawayo was not interfered with, all proper precautions
being taken to safeguard the flanks and rear.

28
 The Mazoe Patrol
by Hugh Pollett

Although several months have now elapsed since the public was thrilled
and horrified by the accounts of the late Matabele and Mashona rising—accounts
so horrible and disgusting of murders and mutilations of men and women whom
many of us knew and whom some of us held in friendship—I feel bold enough
to think that the following narrative, in which I can now say I was lucky enough
to play a part, may be of some interest to my friends.
I left England for Mashonaland in August, 1894, and therefore had had
some little experience of the country previous to this Kaffir rebellion.
Before beginning my story I propose to mention just a few events that led
up to it.
Sometime in March, 1896, information reached Salisbury (Capital of
Rhodesia) that the natives in Matabeleland had revolted, that several murders
had already taken place and grave doubts were expressed as to the safety of the
people residing in the outlying districts, doubts which unfortunately too soon
proved to be well founded.
By April things had assumed such serious aspects that it was decided by
the Chartered Company to send at once a detachment of the Rhodesia Horse
Volunteers from Salisbury to Bulawayo and under command of Col. (then
Captain) Beal, 140 men left on April 12th.
The distance between these two towns is about 300 miles and as nearly
half the men, through the scarcity of horses, were "footsloggers" it may easily
be understood it took some time to accomplish this journey, more especially as
rinderpest was raging in the country in such a way that no less than 150 out of
200 trek oxen were lost en route.
Col. Beal and his Column had not been long away when grave signs of
discontent were visible among our own Kaffirs, the Mashonas, but it was not
until Sunday 31st May that anything like revolt occurred. News was brought
into town that day that a man named Dougherty had been murdered in the
Lomagundi District by being thrown down a shaft, and large pieces of rock and
stone had been found piled on top of his body.
At the same time natives in the employ of a white man had been found
murdered, but no further act of hostility was encountered until a fortnight later
and, in the meantime, the Government (B.S.A. Co.) was reposing in complacent
confidence.
On 15th June, news reached town that two miners named Tait and
Koeford had been murdered at the Beatrice Mine by a body of natives supposed
then to be Matabeles; the weapons used were knobkerries and four of the
"boys" employed by these white men had also fallen victims.
On 17th June, (a memorable day for Salisbury) the town was again
startled by the news of the murder of a man named Stunt, a prospector, who was
killed on his way out to the Hartley District and later on came the news of two
29
more men falling victims, Van Rooyen and Fourie, traders, whose murders took
place only 12 miles from Salisbury.
At this point grave fears were felt for the safety of Mr. and Mrs. Norton
and their household who were residing at a farm some 18 miles from town on the
Hunyani River and close to where these last two murders had taken place.
These fears were somewhat allayed by the appearance during the day of
Mr. Talbot, one of the gentlemen living there with them, and who, as will be
presently shown, was destined to be the only survivor of that ill-fated party.
He had ridden in to report to the Native Department that all their boys
employed on the farm had run away and assistance was required to bring them
back, otherwise all was well. When Mr. Talbot returned that night he found no
trace of Mr. Norton, his wife, child, nurse or assistants but there were evidences
of a fearful struggle in one of the huts and the floor was literally covered with
blood.
He immediately returned to Salisbury and brought in the news just as the
whole community was at fever heat with excitement.
On 18th June, a mass meeting was held in the Market Hall and by 12
o'clock every man in the place was there to meet the representatives of the
Government (B.S.A. Co.) and see what steps were going to be taken to provide
for the safety of the inhabitants in the town. I need hardly say the meeting was
one of the most extraordinary and exciting that it has ever been my lot to witness.
Anxiety and responsibility together with indignation were visible in every face.
Invectives were freely thrown out on all sides against the Government on
account of the stolid indifference they had displayed whilst all these murders
were happening.
A Defence Committee was ultimately organised which undertook to
protect the town and the women and children.
It was further agreed that every man should turn up that night at the
Barracks to do picket duty round the town if required and two small patrols
were arranged to go to the outlying districts and bring in or give notice to the
people living there.
The first one consisting of five men was sent to the Matokos District to
give warning to the Native Commissioner out there but they never reached their
destination and after one or two narrow escapes ultimately took refuge at the
Jesuit Fathers' farm situated some nine miles from Salisbury.
The second one was sent to the Mazoe District where it was known some
14 men and three women were in laager. A van had already been sent out in
charge of Mr. Blakiston accompanied by Mr. Zimmerman to bring in the women,
but, as it had not returned, great anxiety was felt for the safety of that party.
Before proceeding with the adventures of the Mazoe Patrol I think it
would be as well to give a few details as to what was going on out there before it
started.
The van arrived safely and met with no opposition on the road but it was
considered by all advisable to start back at once as rumours had reached there
that a large "impi" was on its way to that district; therefore a start was made as
soon as possible.
The first detachment consisted of Messrs. Dickenson, Cass, Faull,
30
 Pascoe, Fairbairn and Stoddart and they took with them two donkeys, a cart
and 14 Mashona carriers, being followed later by a second party with the van.
All went well until they got about three miles from the Mazoe Camp, here the
natives started firing at them, and to quote Mr. Fairbairn's report on seeing
some boys striking something on the ground with their knobkerries one of their
carriers was sent to see what it was and he returned saying—"Fundissi is felie"
meaning "Missionary Cass is dead".
Immediately after this Dickenson was shot dead.
Several more rebels appeared on the ridge a short distance off and on the
remaining four men opening fire the 14 carriers threw down their loads and
disappeared.
The party then decided to go back to the Camp but scarcely had they
turned their cart than Faull who was driving was shot through the heart by a
native concealed in the grass, he, however, bit the dust three seconds after, being
shot almost instantly by Fairbairn.
The Kaffirs still kept following them up and succeeded in shooting one
of the donkeys which compelled them to leave the cart and make the rest of their
way on foot.
They soon met the van containing three women and accompanied by the
rest of the men who on hearing the news decided to return at once to the laager
at the Mazoe Camp.
Before reaching their destination they were fired at from all sides and no
less than 50 natives came out of the grass quite close to their rear and seemed
for the moment intent on rushing them. However, by constantly firing and urging
on the mules, they were able to reach the rough laager on the Kopje at the Camp
having lost three men killed in their attempt to come in.
A desultory fire was still kept up by the natives on the laager and the
women were obliged to crouch behind the rocks for shelter.
Shortly after this Blakiston, who was a telegraph mechanic but not an
operator, offered to go to the Telegraph Office (a hut situated about 500 yards
from the laager) if Routledge, the telegraphist, would go also and send a message
to Salisbury asking for relief and describing the situation.
This was undoubtedly one of the most heroic deeds done in the whole
war, both these men knew they were going to almost certain death, yet they were
content to do this rather than let their comrades die unrelieved.
They took a horse with them and reached the Office safely and the message
flashed through to us in Salisbury was, "We are surrounded, send us help, this
is our only chance, goodbye".
Two minutes after sending this, both men and horse lay dead about half
way between the Telegraph Office and the laager.
They had given their lives for their fellow comrades and once more had
made Englishmen swell with pride to know that such men existed and belonged
to that nation which knows none better. The whole of this long desultory war is
marked by brave and noble deeds but none braver or nobler than this.
All through that day and night the enemy kept up a hot fire. A Matabele
boy who was evidently their leader posted himself behind a rock about 400 yards
off and by the way he splintered the rocks in the laager each time he fired was
31
 undoubtedly the best shot of the party.
He never exposed himself and all that was left for the besieged to fire at
was the barrel of his rifle.
He evidently had a great idea of his personality as during the evening he
was heard to yell in his native tongue—"I am a Matabele, why do you leave me
without tobacco?"
During the night the rebels got within 150 yards of the laager and
although some of them were shot, things looked terribly serious for the inmates.
Nothing, however, occurred and day at last dawned when the previous days
tactics of the enemy were resorted to.
At 2 o'clock a stir was visible amongst them all, and the Matabele boy
was heard to call out to his followers to rush the laager. The besieged knew this
meant one of two things, either it was immediate death to them, or that relief
was near. Happily, it turned out to be the latter, as, to use their own words,
under terrific fire Lieut. Judson and his men galloped up to the laager.
Now I must go back to the start of this patrol and give as near as possible
a detailed account of our adventures.
In company with many more I turned up on the evening of the 18th
June at the Volunteer Barracks to do picket duty if required, but finding a
patrol was being got up for the Mazoe relief and having a thorough knowledge
of that District through owning some mining property out there, I volunteered
to go and my services were accepted.
We started at 12 o'clock that night, rather indifferently mounted, though
personally I could not complain as being a light weight I was given a racing
pony that had been successful the week before in carrying off no less than three
prizes.
Altogether, there were seven of us—Lieut. Judson in command, Capt.
(Honorary) Brown, Troopers Hendrikz, Carton-Coward, Honey, Neibuhr and
myself, not a very formidable band but all that could be spared and horsed at
the time.
Nothing much of note occurred until we got to within a mile of the
Salvation Army farm, where Mr. and Mrs. Cass had lived.
From here we could see one of the ridges covered with natives but as
soon as they saw us they bolted into their huts and caves like a lot of scared
rabbits.
We kept a keen look out, however, and proceeded in skirmishing order
until we reached the farm house; here we found evidence of kaffirs having
recently been there, by the still hot embers of a fire.
We had lost our way during the night and it was now 10 o'clock in the
morning and we were only 20 miles from Salisbury.
There were seven miles more to do before we got to our destination but
as men and horses were tired and hungry we decided to off-saddle here for an
hour or so to give the horses a rest and feed, and get something to eat ourselves.
We found plenty of mealies for the horses and some eggs, flour and sour
milk on which we made a very fair repast.
We entered the house by the window and found it quite deserted but it
gave us the impression of having been left hurriedly as everything was lying
32
about in confusion and the food was only partly consumed.
There was a skinned goat hanging up under a tree which had not long
been killed but we decided not to touch it for fear the natives had poisoned it and
left it as a bait.
During this stoppage three of us were posted as vedettes in order to
guard against surprise, but with the exception of my seeing what looked like a
handkerchief being waved at us, and which afterwards was found to be the
corner beacon flag of a farm, nothing further occurred.
Feeling completely revived by the rest and food we started about 12
o'clock to enter the Mazoe Valley, which Judson who addressed us before
starting, pointed out might prove to be a veritable valley of death, one could but
be struck by the strange quietness pervading everywhere.
It was a most imposing sight to see those grand old granite kopjes dotted
here and there, resting in the shade of the still larger and more imposing chain
of mountains that run several thousand feet high and extend both sides of the
valley.
The sun was pouring down, the wind gently rustling in the grass and all
seemed wrapt in peace and quietness.
Now and then the hum of insects would be borne on the wind or a frog
could be heard croaking and splashing in the river close by—it hardly seemed
possible that at any moment we might be brought face to face with an enemy
of illimitable numbers and perhaps fighting for our lives. I had journeyed down
the valley a good many times but never without seeing the natives at work in
their mealie fields or other abundant signs of life around me.
We had not much time left to indulge in thought, for after going about a
mile we had to enter a long stretch of very tall grass terminating in a perfect
jungle in low lying ground. It was a nasty looking place and Judson gave the
order to gallop. He passed through first with Brown, Neibuhr and myself
following, riding in half sections, just as we were passing the thickest clump I saw
the grass and bushes move and knew in an instant what was up.
A dozen shots rang out in quick succession from within six yards of the
road; before I had time to do anything my horse gave a terrible plunge and came
down on his side, pitching me a good ten yards over his head. I still retained my
rifle, having taken it with me out of the gun bucket in my fall.
I tried three times to get up but for the moment was unable to do so as
all the breath had been knocked out of my body. At last regaining my feet I saw
Neibuhr lying in the road bleeding profusely and both his and my horse in their
last agonies of death lying within ten yards of one another.
In the meantime the rest of our party had not been idle and three of the
enemy lay dead in the bush, Judson, who had a double-barrelled gun loaded with
buck shot accounting for two of them. We had now no time to waste as the
natives in front attracted by the firing were coming down from the hills trying to
stop our advance, so after helping Neibuhr, who had been shot through the
hand, on to Judson's horse and getting myself up behind Trooper Hendrikz we
pushed on as quickly as possible. We still had six miles to go and firing was
opened at us now from both sides.
Frequently, when coming to thick patches of grass or bush, we stopped
33
 to fire a volley into them and then galloped by at a smart pace, but in spite of
these precautions shot after shot would come from the enemy concealed in the
grass and we had little or no chance to retaliate.
We were now all impressed with the gravity of the situation and felt that
our chances of reaching the Mazoe Camp were momentarily becoming less.
Judson again addressed us and decided in case any more of us should get
wounded we would stop and endeavour to take up a position on one of the
kopjes where we could hold our own so long as our ammunition lasted.
Fortunately, no further mishap occurred, but after we had gone about
four miles we came upon the donkey cart and the three dead bodies of the men
who had striven to come in as I have before told.
The body of Cass had been carefully covered with grass and bushes, this
respect probably being shown to him because he had acted as Missionary in that
District and had a thorough knowledge of their language.
We now believed it possible that all the inhabitants of the Mazoe laager
had been murdered and that we were riding to our certain doom, but there was
no turning back and we decided in case we found no trace of them in the laager
we should force our way to the Telegraph Office, send a message to Salisbury
and wait for relief, want of ammunition and food being our main difficulties.
Our feelings can better be imagined than described when, on reaching the
last kopje that screened us from the Mazoe laager, we heard sharp firing going
on and could very soon see it proceeded from the Camp and was replied to from
the hills surrounding it.
With a cheer such as men only give under such circumstances we galloped
up to their little fort and were greeted if possible by still louder cheers from the
inmates.
The enemy poured a raking fire at us on our way up, but happily, with
no result although the twigs were torn from the trees around and the road in
places was literally cut up by the bullets.
After our arrival the firing slackened off greatly, but a strict watch had
to be kept and that night we were all posted at various places in the laager and
ordered on seeing anything to "first fire then enquire".
That night the Kaffirs made their fires all around us and some were as
near as 300 yards, at one time we thought they were approaching the side of our
laager under cover of a large rock. Salthouse dropped a few grenades of dyna-
mite and detonators over the side which when exploding sounded like heavy
guns going off and completely scared whatever natives may have been hanging
round there.
At 12 o'clock that night we held a counsel and decided to offer a Hotten-
tot boy we had with us £100 and the best horse we had if he would ride into
Salisbury with a note to Judge Vintcent (Administrator) asking for assistance.
The boy consented to go as soon as the moon had gone down and
started off at 2 o'clock in the morning by which time it was quite dark and cold.
He led his horse as far as the road and just as we supposed he had
reached it we heard a shot, but were unable to form any idea as to whether it had
been fired by the enemy or the Hottentot. Naturally, our suspense was increased
for the safety of the note as well as the boy.
34
 He afterwards told us that on mounting in the road he accidentally
discharged one chamber of his revolver; this, of course, gave warning to the
enemy and several shots were fired at him on his way in, although none, happily,
took effect, and he was able to get within 12 miles of Salisbury where he met
Capt. Nesbitt and 13 more men who had been sent out to look for us. Nesbitt
after reading the note decided to come on (in spite of our having asked for 40
men and a Maxim) and brought the Hottentot back with him. It was about
5 o'clock in the morning we heard heavy firing going on down the valley and
shortly afterwards that gallant little band of 13 men came riding round the
corner having encountered no opposition until within a mile of us and, luckily,
had met with no casualties.
After Nesbitt's arrival a consultation was held and it was resolved to
return to Salisbury as soon as the horses had been fed and rested.
The van, in the meantime, was made safer by two sheets of iron being
placed along each side of it and this certainly saved the lives of the women as a
glance afterwards at the vehicle testified.
The mules, which had brought the van out, having strayed, six men were
dismounted and their horses harnessed to the van.
The following is the order in which we started—advance guard five
mounted men and eight on foot; van drawn by six horses, containing three
women, one wounded man, a driver and a whip. Rearguard men eight on foot
and seven mounted men.
I was one of the latter having been given a fresh horse.
We had scarcely gone half a mile when the enemy opened a brisk fire on
us from both sides and it was quite evident that they had foreseen our departure
and had taken up their positions accordingly.
Behind every tree and rock seemed to be posted a native and although
smoke was seen proceeding from the hills and kopjes yet seldom could we get a
glimpse of the enemy.
A peculiar coincidence happened in the early stages of our ride in. I was
riding next to Lieut. McGeer and asked him if he would mind changing places
with me, i.e. let me ride on his left instead of his right, as I could shoot better
mounted that way. The poor fellow declined as he had his hands full with a very
restive horse, and strange to say, five minutes after, he was shot dead, being my
half section and therefore riding close to me at the time he nearly swept me out
of the saddle when throwing his arms back with his last gasp.
When we got opposite the Vesuvius Mine the firing became terrific and
Capt. Nesbitt and Trooper Edmonds were the first to have their horses shot
under them.
At this point Pascoe got on top of the coach and did much good work
by showing us the movements of the enemy and putting many a telling shot.
The kopjes and grass seemed to be alive with kaffirs several of whom were
mounted and these were undoubtedly directing the movements of the others.
A large number of the enemy now began harassing our rear and the
further we went the more we had to contend with from this quarter until at last
they got so near that we were ordered to dismount and fire three or four volleys
into them, this kept them off for a bit, but they never ceased to harass the rear.
35
 All this time the sun was pouring down and men and horses were getting
thoroughly done up, several of the former were scarce able to lift their rifles to
their shoulders, in fact the whole party was getting into a pitiable plight.
Volley after volley was fired into us from the grass at the road side and
only the erratic and bad firing of the natives can account for the miraculous
escape we had had.
The kaffirs were armed with all sorts of rifles including Lee-Metfords and
Martini Henry but a great many had muzzle loaders into which they crammed
almost anything that came handy, potlegs and even stones, as some of the
missiles that were afterwards taken out of the wounded horses testify.
The "footsloggers" when too tired, held on to the stirrup leathers of the
mounted man and were thus able to gain a little help and the women in the van
were kept busy handing ammunition out to the men whose bandoliers were
exhausted. The worst had however yet to come, and at the very place where we
lost our horses coming out.
Before getting there the advance guard were ordered to fire into the bush
and grass where last time the enemy had hidden, but strange to say, whether
they anticipated this action on our part or whether it was by accident, they had
removed themselves just about 50 yards higher up the hill and here such a
fusilade met our advance guard as to completely disorganise it. Two of the men
Van Staaden and Jacobs were killed together with their horses, Burton and
Hendrikz were both shot through the face, three of the horses in the van fell
mortally wounded and two more horses were killed in the rear guard..
Truly it seemed to us now the Valley of Death.
The grass was simply swarming with blacks and it seemed for a moment
that here we must take our last stand, but the stubborn resistance offered by our
men proved too uninviting for the enemy to rush us and in less time than it
takes to tell, the dead horses had been cut free and the others gallantly pulled
the van up the hill.
Again I had another narrow escape as in trying to remount my horse I
saw a Kaffir only a few yards off placing a cartridge in his rifle which I knew was
meant for me—however, as my rifle was loaded I succeeded in placing him
'hors de combat'.
In the meantime, Arnott and Hendrikz, two of the Advance Guard who
had got cut off from us, rode into Salisbury as fast as they could but both horses
were badly wounded and eventually died. They reached the town about 5
o'clock in the afternoon.
The gloom that fell upon the laager in Salisbury on receipt of their news
can hardly be described. Hendrikz's face was covered with blood and that
combined with Arnott's account of our position contributed to the gloom.
Arnott asked for 100 men and a Maxim as he considered our party could
not be rescued with less, and without this help they could never hope to see us
again.
After a long debate the Defence Committee decided that it would be
worse than folly to send so many men and rifles at a time when their position in
Salisbury, where there were 180 women and children was getting desperate.
36
 This decision was strongly criticised at the time, but it was a far more
defensible decision than appeared at first glance, more defensible too than many
other decisions arrived at by the same committee.
All this time we were plodding slowly onwards and nearing the exit from
the valley. A slight cessation of firing caused us to be suspicious of the enemy's
movements and soon we found out that they had altered their tactics and were
making for the kopje commanding the entrance of the valley.
Lieut. Ogilvie, Lieut. Judson and myself having the only three horses that
were not wounded galloped on to try and reach the top of this kopje before the
enemy.
We succeeded by getting up the opposite side and rather surprised some
60 or 70 natives who were coming up at the foot by letting them have two or
three volleys in quick succession.
Then, for some reason I can never quite account for, I proposed we
should cheer which might perhaps make the enemy think reinforcements were at
hand, anyway our own fellows with the van were so misled and took up our
cheers most lustily.
This had the desired effect and the natives immediately began to with-
draw and thus afforded us time to get into the open country.
The enemy, however, soon found their mistake and immediately pursued
us again with raking fire, but finding they had to expose themselves much more
now in order to get a shot at us they very soon decided this was not the kind of
warfare they liked.
A few of the more reckless spirits still kept up a desultory fire until we
got to the Gwebi River, about 12 miles from Salisbury. Here we off-saddled for
a time but a false alarm caused by a troop of sesabi buck coming through the
grass induced us to push on to Salisbury where we ultimately arrived at 10.30
that night. We had had 12 1/2 hours incessant fighting and lost three men killed,
five wounded and 11 horses besides a foal that had followed its mother out there
and two dogs.
When we arrived the whole town was in laager and of course the first
sign of life we stumbled against was one of the pickets, on hearing who we were
his excitement was so great that he rushed towards the laager with the news.
The main guard seeing him run in gave the alarm and in a moment
everyone knew the pickets were coming in. As we drew near the whole wall of
the laager presented one long line of rifles, but fortunately the picket soon made
himself understood and such was the excitement at the moment that I do not
think he was even censured for his conduct.
By the time we arrived at the laager gates every man, woman and child
in the place had turned out to do us honour and we were greeted to use Mr.
Salthouse's words "as men and women might be who returned from the dead".
Cheer after cheer went up and I think we deserved them.
The following is an Extract from the "Rhodesian Times" of that date:
"And well they deserved the cheers that were showered upon them. They had
done a deed that will be remembered as long as Mashonaland lasts and had
proved that a body of Mashonalanders chosen practically at random is just as
plucky a set of men as the world can show".
37
 On 24th June, Mr. Justice Vintcent received two telegrams, one from the
High Commissioner at Cape Town expressing his deepest sympathy, and hearty
congratulations to the Mazoe Patrol for the valour they displayed in bringing
the women in from that district, and the other was from the Secretary of State,
London, as follows:—
"Her Majesty's Government highly commends the gal-
lantry of the Patrol in bringing in women from Mazoe and deeply
regrets the loss of valuable lives."
Capt. Nesbitt has since been mentioned and recommended by Major General
Sir F. Carrington for services in this Patrol and eventually was granted the V.C.

38
 Notes on Contributors
R. HOWMAN was a Native Commissioner and is now Local Govern-
ment and Research Officer in the Department of Native Affairs. He has a B.A.
degree (South Africa) in Social Anthropology, and was awarded the Beit
Fellowship for post-graduate study in Sociology and Race Relations at London
University 1935-39, with six months in the United States. In 1951 he visited
British East and Central African Territories on an official study of African
Local Government and Courts. He is the author of "African Local Govern-
ment for Southern Rhodesia" and numerous articles in NADA.

COL. A. S. HICKMAN, M.B.E., was for 31 years in the service of the

British South Africa Police. He rose from the rank of Trooper to Commissioner
retiring in November, 1955. He has been a constant contributor to the Police
Force Magazines, the Outpost and Mapolisa. He has always shown a great
interest in the tradition and history of the B.S.A.P. and probably no one in
Southern Rhodesia has a greater knowledge of present and past personnel. At
present Colonel Hickman is engaged on compilation of Register of those who
served in the British South Africa Company's Police. It is hoped that this work
will be completed this year. His address is St. Keyne, 4 York Avenue, Highlands,
and he will welcome any items of interest either on B.S.A.P. or Rhodesian
history.

"REGULUS" is the nom-de-plume of one who "has got together a

fairly comprehensive collection of what has been written about the Colony. Has
a deep interest in local history sharpened by many years in most of the distant
parts where civilisation has not made much change so that there is always
something to enquire about and time to do it. No specialist, but one happy to
be engaged on a variety of enquiries ranging from the doings of yesterday right
back to the first ones recorded."

HUGH POLLETT was a young man at the time of the Mazoe Patrol.
He is shown in the photograph as a fair, slim man of about 20 years. He came
out from England in 1894 and engaged in mining operations. Later he became
a stockbroker in Salisbury.

39
 COMMITTEE MEMBERS
OF

THE RHODESIA AFRICANA SOCIETY

CHAIRMAN:

H. A. CRIPWELL, ESQ.

ACTING HON. SECRETARY/TREASURER:

G. B. DA GRACA, ESQ.

REV. FR. M. HANNAN, S.J.

COL. A. S. HICKMAN, M.B.E.
G. H. TANSER, ESQ.

All communications should be addressed to the

Acting Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 112, Salisbury.

40
THE RHODESIA AFRICANA SOCIETY
CONSTITUTION

1. The Rhodesia Africana Society has been

founded to further the interests of collectors of
Rhodesiana, and to assist in the preservation
of books and documents relating to the
Rhodesias and Nyasaland in particular.
2. The subscription payable on January 1st each
year, shall be £1 . 1 . 0d. per annum.
3. Each member of the Society, having paid his
subscription, shall be entitled to vote at the
General Meetings of the Society.
4. At the General Meeting there may be elected
annually a President and Vice-President.
5. The management of the affairs of the Society
shall be vested in a Committee consisting of a
Chairman, Secretary/Treasurer, and three
other members who shall be elected at the
Annual General Meeting.
6. The Committee shall have power to co-opt
persons in an advisory capacity.
7. A member may nominate any other member
for election to the Committee, subject to the
nominee's acceptance.
8. The Committee shall meet once a quarter for the
despatch of business, three members forming a
quorum, of which one shall be either the
Chairman or the Secretary/Treasurer.
9. The Committee shall submit a report and an
audited financial statement to the Annual
General Meeting.
10. Amendments to the Constitution may be made
at an Annual General Meeting, or at an extra-
ordinary General Meeting called specifically
for the purpose.

41