Transculturating Transculturation

Author(s): Diana Taylor

Source: Performing Arts Journal , May, 1991, Vol. 13, No. 2 (May, 1991), pp. 90-104
Published by: Performing Arts Journal, Inc

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3245476

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 Transculturating
TRANSCULTURATION

Diana Taylor

A GIVEN; THEORIES TRAVEL. The question Edward Said poses in the

"Traveling Theory" chapter of The World, the Text and the Critic is
"whether by virtue of having moved from one place and time to another
an idea or theory gains or loses in strength, and whether a theory in one
historical period and national culture becomes altogether different for
another period or situation." In a move that echoes the crossing and
blurring of national boundaries, the social sciences and the humanities
are crossing disciplinary boundaries to ascertain how cultural material
passes from one society to another. Terms like "transculturation," "accul-
turation," "neo-culturation" have been used by anthropologists and literary
theorists alike to describe the impact of one culture on another. My in-
tention is to examine the changing usage of the term transculturation in
relation to theatrical activity to illustrate not only how theories travel and
how they change their meaning and function in different contexts, but
also how the socio-economic and political power of one culture also
impacts on, without altogether determining, another. However, it is es-
sential to emphasize from the outset that transculturation is not a theatrical
phenomenon but a social one. The existence of theatrical hybrids (such
as Peter Brook's Mahabharata) does not necessarily represent the deeper
and more global shifts of transculturation in a society. Transculturation
affects the entire culture; it involves the shifting of socio-political, not
just aesthetic, borders; it modifies collective and individual identity; it

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changes discourse, both verbal and symbolic. Therefore, before discussing
transculturation, it is necessary to clarify what we mean by "culture."
Culture, for my purposes here, involves two facets. The "first face of
culture," as David Laitin calls it in Hegemony and Culture, is the one
studied by social system theorists like Max Weber and Clifford Geertz,
who hold that culture is tenacious and that cultural identities are "given"
and self-reinforcing. For Geertz (in Local Knowledge), culture is "an his-
torically transmitted pattern of meanings embodied in symbols, a system
of inherited conceptions expressed in symbolic forms by means of which
[people] communicate, perpetuate and develop their knowledge about
and attitudes towards life." These theories emphasize the difficulty of as-
certaining "meaning" across cultural borders. The "second face of culture"
is comprised of the conscious politicization of culture, the strategic use
of cultural symbols, and the recognition that "cultural identity becomes
a political resource" in group action. The theory of transculturation in-
volves both faces of culture. On one hand, it delineates the process by
which symbols, discourse, and ideology are transformed as one culture
changes through the imposition or adoption of another, and examines the
historic and socio-political forces that produce local meanings. On the
other, the theory of transculturation is a political one in that it suggests
the consciousness of a society's own, historically specific, cultural mani-
festations-in contact with but differentiated from other societies. The

various uses of the theory of transculturation examined here exemplifies

the political positioning and repositioning of collectivities in their pursuit
of empowerment. The issue in transculturation, then, is not only one of
meaning (what do symbols mean in different contexts). It is also one of
political positioning and selection: which forms, symbols or aspects of
cultural identity become highlighted or confrontational, when and why.
This said, it is possible to turn to the original Latin American theories
of transculturation and chart how they undergo change as they are adopted
by "First World" theatre theorists.' The term "transculturation" was coined
in 1940 by the Cuban anthropologist Fernando Ortiz to denominate the
transformative process undergone by a society in the acquisition of foreign
cultural material--the loss or displacement of a society's culture due to
the acquisition or imposition of foreign material, and the fusion of the
indigenous and the foreign to create a new, original cultural product. Ortiz
defined the concept in opposition to the term acculturation which had
been coined by U. S. anthropologists in 1936. He writes that "the term
transculturation better expresses the different phases in the transitive
process from one culture to another, because this process does not only
imply the acquisition of culture, as connoted by the Anglo-American term

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acculturation, but it also necessarily involves the loss or uprooting of
one's preceding culture, what one could call a partial disculturation.
Moreover, it signifies the subsequent creation of new cultural phenomena
that one could call neoculturation." One of the interesting features of
Ortiz's paradigm, as Bronislaw Malinowski noted in his preface to Ortiz's
work, is that it is not merely an uneasy fusion of two belief systems held
simultaneously, a "mosaic." Rather, it accounts for the historic specificity
and artistic originality of the new cultural phenomena. Hence, it goes
beyond the syncretic model, so prevalent in current anthropological dis-
cussion, that emphasizes the co-existence of two cultural systems. The
transcultural model simultaneously notes the co-existence of elements but,
just as importantly, underlines the element of loss of the two systems in
the creation of a third.

The notable Peruvian ethnographer and novelist, Jose Maria Arguedas,

expanded on the theory of transculturation. He stressed the survival of
an indigenous culture "differentiated from Western culture" not in that it
was unadulterated or unaffected by its contact with the West, but rather
in that it was precisely a product of that contact, the "result of the long
process of evolution and change experienced by the ancient Peruvian
culture since the moment it suffered the impact of the Spanish invasion."
The Peruvian culture Arguedas studied, like most of the inhabitants of
Peru themselves, was neither "pure" Indian nor "pure" Spanish, but a
mixture of both and, hence, differentiated from both. Uni-cultural para-
digms set up to analyze their mestizo culture either by Eurocentric stan-
dards or by ahistoric indigenous ones were bound to misunderstand the
hybrid nature of the phenomenon.
Arguedas, and the important literary critic from Uruguay, Angel Rama,
go beyond Ortiz to map out the progressive or expanding nature of trans-
culturation over time and space; both consider transculturation a shifting
process, not a static, deterministic state. The areas which most directly
experienced the impact of foreign culture were the ports of entry and
large cultural centers like Mexico City, Buenos Aires, and Lima. Geograph-
ical accessibility was an important factor, although certainly not the only
one. Class, too, played a role: the upper classes, mostly based in the cities,
were more closely allied with the foreign metropolis, historically and
ideologically, than were the lower ones. Gradually, however, both the
foreign and the partially assimilated versions of the foreign spread to rural
areas, by which time they were partially diluted by their contact with
native elements. The "transcultured" people of indigenous communities,
the mestizos, for example, were often anxious to leave traditional indig-
enous societies of which they no longer felt a part. Beginning in the 1950s

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and 1960s and up to the present, they left the rural areas to try their luck
in the large cities. As these groups moved to the cities, sometimes in
numbers exceeding thousands a day, the urban culture too underwent
profound change as it assimilated the rural subgroups. What we are looking
at, then, are ever shifting patterns -historical, geographical, economic,
and linguistic-of cultural transformations. Without at the moment de-
veloping the migration pattern delineated by Arguedas and applying it to
other contexts, Arguedas's study already suggests a number of connections
that could be made between transculturation and "minority," and other
oppositional discourses.
Transculturation is not inherently or necessarily a minority or opposi-
tional theory, as its different uses in First and Third World contexts will
illustrate. The term applies not only to other colonized or dominated
cultures, but, I will argue, to dominant ones as well. Yet, while commen-
tators like Malinowski and Arguedas would agree that both the dominant
and the dominated are modified through their contact with another cul-
ture, it is clear that the interaction is neither equal in power or degree
nor, strictly speaking, reciprocal. We must not minimize very significant
imbalances in the crossing of cultural borders: conquest, colonialism, im-
perialism, tourism, or scholarly interest all involve choice and require
power, even if only buying power. When the dominated cross over into
the "First World," however, it is more often as slaves, refugees, exiles, or
illegal "aliens" than as tourists or scholarly researchers. There is no dia-
logue insofar as the word connotes equality and give-and-take, in inter-
cultural perspectives or expressions. It is clear that for all the First World
"interest" and research in the Third World, the Third World knows sig-
nificantly more about First World culture than the other way around.
Nonetheless, the theory of transculturation is interesting, even beyond
its specific formulation in Latin America, because it allows the "minor"
culture (in the sense of the positionally marginalized) an impact on the
dominant one, although the interactions are not strictly speaking "dialogic"
or "dialectical." Transculturation suggests a shifting or circulating pattern
of cultural transference. The measurable impact of the "minor" on the
"major" can be a long time coming. First World commentators often refer
to intercultural exchange as if it were a conscious project, a decision to
rejuvenate one's exhausted culture by those who, like Brecht, exploit,
adopt, or mine other cultures "like a quarry." The Latin Americans allude
to no such choice; for them, the concepts of loss and displacement are
fundamental (yet noticeably absent from most First World discussion).
The Latin American theorists acutely reflect the sense of loss of their native
cultures while they proudly re-affirm the vitality of their new ones. By

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stressing the cultural survival and creativity of transculturation, they offset
the implication of passivity and reification implied in a term like "quarry."
In spite of Latin America's history of colonization, which included the
imposition of Western forms of self-expression and identity-such as lan-
guage, artistic models, and religion-the fact remains that the native peo-
ples of Latin America do not by and large speak, worship, or create like
their dominators. Their languages, their world-views, and their art are
mestizo to varying degrees, just as they themselves are. From the per-
spective of Latin American thinkers, the urgency of focusing on transcul-
turation had to do with socio-political, rather than aesthetic, issues. They
had to examine their own paradoxical reality; while 90% of the indigenous
population of the Americas was decimated in the century following the
conquest, by the twentieth century the indigenous and mestizo groups
were the great majority in Latin America.
Ideologically, then, this theory was counter-hegemonic. Arguedas stated
that his ambition as a white ethnographer/writer raised by indigenous
people was "to unload into the current of creole Peruvian wisdom and
art, the artistic and epistemic wealth of a people that was considered
degenerate, debilitated, 'strange' and 'impenetrable,' but which, in fact,
was nothing but a great people oppressed by social disdain, political dom-
ination and economic exploitation on the very ground where it had once
achieved its greatness."
Rather than merely revalorize the undervalorized (the indigenous),
Arguedas took the colonizers' discourse (again, verbal and symbolic) and
used it against them. This amounted to appropriating the signs and symbols
of the other to express the world-view of the now defining self. As we
shall see, this move involved both faces of culture-altering the meanings
embedded in dominant symbols, and manipulating those symbols to create
new political alliances. After all, this strategy had proved effective in the
marginalization of the indigenous populations in the first place.
One example must suffice: Shortly following the conquest, the mission-
aries learned the autochthonous languages in order to convert the con-
quered to Christianity. They initially allowed the various groups to main-
tain their languages, and encouraged theatrical productions with all the
native adornments and trimmings. In 1541, the Catholic missionary, Mo-
tolinia, described how the "auto" of Adam and Eve was "represented by
the indigenous population in their own language, so that many of them
cried and showed much feeling, especially when Adam was exiled and
sent out into the world." The recognizable indigenous trimmings, however,
only obscured the fact that the entire world-view expressed in these
outwardly familiar languages and productions had radically changed. While

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Adam and Eve's loss of paradise superficially resembled the indigenous
peoples' loss of their world, the similarities resulted in the mystification
of the vital fact that Christianity, to a large degree, justified, rather than
reflected, the indigenous loss and displacement. The supposedly recog-
nizable performances were instrumental in the transformation of the social
construct that excluded native Americans; they legitimated the Spaniards'
appropriation of their land (it was not represented as God's will); they
rendered the familiar into a foreign, and ultimately unrecognizable, world.
This making foreign turned the indigenous onlookers into strangers in
their own land; they became positionally "marginal"; it decentered them
as the "new" cultural, economic, and political center (the Spanish me-
tropolis) re-mapped the "New" world from afar; the numerical majority
became the political minority. In other words, the Spaniards co-opted the
indigenous discursive and symbolic apparatus (performative, linguistic,
religious) and gutted it, thus carrying out the domination of the indigenous
that had been initiated with the conquest. The appropriation of indigenous
discourse through theatre accompanied the forceful appropriation of land
to such a degree that Maria Sten asserts, in Vida y muerte del teatro
Ndhuatl, that "theatre was for the spiritual conquest of Mexico what horses
and gunpowder were for the military conquest" (my translation). In short,
the colonizers realized it was more effective to take native rituals and

symbols and transform them than to attack them or forbid them.

Arguedas, in turn, appropriates and subverts the language and art forms
of his ideological (if not biological) others, the dominant, Eurocentric
classes. He wrote novels, a non-indigenous art form which, unlike oral
performance arts like drama, poetry, or singing, were meant to be read
and hence resistant to the indigenous orality. Arguedas wrote in Spanish,
but he invented a Spanish that would capture the Quechua style and world-
view. Arguedas makes Spanish strange; he writes Quechua in a language
that is not Quechua but which nonetheless enables the indigenous voices
to be heard outside their relatively small language group. His is a project
of bi-lingualism; he yokes two symbolic systems together to emphasize
the cultural and historical syncretism of both. And from these two, he
creates a third, an original cultural product.
Arguedas's aim, by using Spanish, differs from other writers struggling
against colonization in that he does not primarily address an indigenous
audience. Nor is his position the common "salvage" ethnographical one
critiqued by James Clifford in Writing Culture. By writing down an orality
otherwise doomed to disappear without a trace Arguedas does not intend
to save "the vanishing primitive." Nothing could be further from Arguedas's
intention than to represent the indigenous as Clifford's lost other, "lost,

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in disintegrating space and time, but saved in the text." The indigenous/
mestizo is not an endangered minority but a marginalized and exploited
majority. So rather than "rescue" the dominated, Arguedas strives to de-
center the dominant. Arguedas sabotages the hegemonic discourse by
inserting the indigenous into the dominant culture.

II

Understanding the process of transculturation and its potentially

counter-hegemonic function is essential when approaching Latin American
theatre. I would argue that one of the greatest obstacles, perhaps even
the single most important obstacle, to the reception of Latin American
theatre outside the geographical or academic area of study, is not so much
that this theatre seems different, but that it looks oddly the same, that is,
recognizable. In emphasizing this particular obstacle I am not ignoring or
underestimating other very practical impediments such as the scarcity of
texts and translations. However, I am suggesting that we rethink the ap-
parent cause-and-effect relationship for a moment to consider the problem
in a new light: if there were a greater interest in this material, there would
also be more material available. If Latin American theatre seemed "exotic"

or "indigenous," more foreign commentators might take greater interest

in it. Can this recognizable drama possibly be artistically "original," cul-
turally "authentic," or politically "relevant," they ask themselves?
But commentators have seldom asked the following: With all indigenous
forms either truncated or transformed, what traditions were modern dram-
atists to draw on? If First World commentators expected these forms to
be non-Western, that is, non-recognizable from their own context, what
does that leave the dramatists to work with, either in terms of language
or dramatic traditions? And whose mythic fantasy is tied up in this indig-
enous past: First World commentators or Third World playwrights? Even
if they could, would playwrights want to strip away five hundred years of
history to go back to some supposedly unadulterated or "pure" pre-Co-
lumbian ritualist performance-even if there were such a thing? Would
these writers be more authentic and relevant if they depicted their in-
digenous reality as something lying outside history, or in the nebulous
before history implied by terms like pre-Hispanic and pre-Columbian?
Would playwrights working in the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s, in such ex-
tremely volatile political situations such as those of Argentina, Brazil, Chile,
Uruguay, Colombia, Peru, Mexico, Cuba, Nicaragua, Guatemala, and El
Salvador to name only a few, choose to give up their contemporaneousness

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by going back in time to rescue forms that are no longer their own? Is
not indigenous culture, as Arguedas argues, something born of the con-
frontation between the multiple native peoples of what is now Latin Amer-
ica and their conquerors? The indigenous elements with which we deal
today are not those that existed before the clash but those that came into
being as a result of it. What we have, then, is a complex configuration of
cultural elements that looks somewhat recognizable. Yet, in fact, this hybrid
product is also foreign, culturally specific, and "original" in ways scholars
following any literacy competence guide to "What Americans should
know" (and, worse still, many of those who reject such guides altogether),
were not taught to recognize or evaluate.
The deceptive familiarity of Latin American theatre, then, has led to
errors in criticism. As no indigenous theatre survived intact after the
century following the copquest, it goes without saying that all the dramatic
forms currently used in Latin America are derived in some degree from
Western drama. While certain dramatic forms were forcefully imposed
during the colonial period, since then Latin American dramatists have
tended to "borrow" models. (Commentators generally speak of influence
on First World authors; Third World writers seem to borrow.) Nonetheless,
they do not borrow indiscriminately. Given a choice, people tend to take
what they need. From the broad gamut of possibilities open to them,
modern Latin American theatre practitioners, for example, did not pick
up the musical comedy. What they did adopt were forms that could help
change their positions with regard to their socio-political exploitation and
marginalization (the second face of culture). Instead of the theatre of the
oppressors that had dominated Latin America since the conquest, the
"serious" or committed playwrights wanted a theatre of the oppressed.
Moreover, their particular use of Western theatrical forms became essen-
tially different in their new context, for example, theatre of the absurd,
Lee Strasberg's implementation of the Stanislavsky method acting, and
Brechtian theatre, to name only the most obvious. These works function
in radically diverse ways and "mean" something different in their new
settings (the first face of culture). Here I will examine how the "second"
discovery of Latin American theatre, occurring almost five hundred years
after the conquest, replayed the damaging critical misunderstandings of
the first.

The 1960s was a period of revolutionary zeal. The Latin American rev-
olutionary movement was linked to a larger, polyphonic revolutionary
discourse the world over. The Cuban revolution of 1959 directly con-
tributed to other liberation movements, not only the civil rights movement
and the feminist movement in the U.S. but also to resistance in South

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Africa (black consciousness movement), Angola (MPLA) and Mozambique
(Frelimo). Without reducing the Cuban revolution to a spectacle, it is
important to notice that it had spectacular, epic proportions. The powerful
images of anti-hegemonic struggle, perhaps best embodied by the com-
pelling figure of Che, captured attention the world over. The revolutionary
movement promised to cast Latin America in a leading role on the world's
political and cultural stages. There was renewed hope for Latin American
theatre practitioners of acceptance, not as inferior other, but as a revital-
izing, revolutionary self, theatrically as well as politically. Yet, even a brief
look at a few major theatre practitioners of the late 1960s illustrates the
degree to which familiar features disabled foreign commentators from
comprehending "meaning" and function in cross-cultural settings. (While
the situation continues basically unchanged, an examination of Latin Amer-
ican theatre in the last decade must be postponed for another study.)
The first example comes from revolutionary Cuba. What does a revo-
lutionary play look like? Whatever commentators might have envisioned,
it was certainly nothing like Jose Triana's so-called "existentialist" or "ab-
surdist" play of 1965, Night of the Assassins (published as The Criminals).
Staged in Cuba's new revolutionary society, Assassins looked something
like Sartre's No Exit or Genet's The Maids. Trapped in a filthy cluttered
room, three adult children rehearse, or represent, or exorcise themselves
of the murder of their parents, whose corpses, they claim, lie just beyond
the door. Is this a game? A rehearsal? A cathartic liberation of murderous
rage? Are the parents dead or alive? As we, the audience, can never see
beyond the door, we have no way of knowing, no way of interpreting the
meaning of the incessant abreactions onstage. From the perspective of
foreign commentators, the play looked "universal," an example of Artau-
dian theatre of cruelty, a new "absurdist" piece, a Genetian ritual, or a
"danse macabre." While some critics were enthused by this Cuban man-
ifestation of the avant-garde, others were not impressed because the play
looked too familiar to be a relevant commentary of its revolutionary
context.

In Cuba, on the other hand, the play's avant-garde or "universal" tr

pings were considered meaningless, irrelevant to its underlying functi
which according to various commentators was an anti-revolutionary
nunciation of the revolution as futile and of the revolutionaries as assassins.

Although Triana won Cuba's prestigious Casa de las Americas prize (the
judges come from Latin America and Spain), over the next two or three
years, he was completely marginalized from all intellectual activity in Cuba
and eventually he went into exile. Does the play have nothing to do with

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the revolution, as the foreign commentators believed? Did it have every-
thing to do with the revolution, as Cubans believed? The play exemplifies
the conscious strategy to say the unsayable under the guise of acceptable
(avant-garde in the 1960s) theatrical experimentation--to express the
shortcomings of the revolution due to its gradual compliance with Soviet
communism. Assassins might have looked like Sartre's No Exit, but nothing
was more alien to Triana's thinking than a universalized, atemporal de-
piction of hell and suffering. And although ambiguity created by the re-
strictive set was considered ahistorical, and therefore anti-revolutionary
by his colleagues who maintained "the problems of our times are not
abstract; they have names and are concretely localizable," Triana's point,
to my mind, was that the restrictive revolution was creating the ambiguity
it tried so hard to erase. If the parameters of discourse were as tightly

defined as Castro maintained--"Inside the Revolution, everything. Outside

the Revolution, nothing"--then self-referentiality was unavoidable. As a
meditation on the political exigencies of naming and locating, Assassins
calls attention to the contradiction of the undertaking. On one hand, the
ambiguity within the frame cannot be clarified unless we see beyond the
frame, for we cannot judge what goes on inside the room until we see
what lies outside it. Yet, the revolutionary discourse demands unequivocal
definition and localization: is one in the revolution or outside it? For the

revolution or against it? Triana's play, then, did reflect on the revolution
but not in a way that made sense either to commentators outside or inside
Cuba. Yet it was not "absurdist," unless by that we mean that it was
dialectically opposed to the "reasonable" path of those in command.
Griselda Gambaro's "theatre of the absurd," on the other hand, is an
invention of the critics. From 1963 onwards, she in fact was warning her
audience about the escalating nature of political violence in Argentina by
depicting the abductions (The Walls, 1963) and death camps (The Camp,
1967) that actually did come into being a decade later, as a result of
Argentina's increasingly fascist politics. Moreover, from her first play on,
it was evident that Gambaro's universe had nothing to do with Ionesco's
ideas of art as "an autonomous creation, an independent universe with its
own life and its own laws." As early as her first play it is clear she sees
art as inexorably linked to the criminalized society she lived in. In The
Walls, her first play, she depicts a young man who had been abducted
and is being held hostage because his "host" thinks he is Ruperto de
Hentzau or Hantcau from The Prisoner of Zenda. The young man clings
to the illusion that life is separate from fiction (art is an autonomous
universe), and reassures himself that he is not in fact a villain in a novel.

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He waits patiently for his release in his room (in fact a cell), decorated
with costly furnishings and heavy curtains. Gambaro situates him in front
of a painting of a young man sitting in front of an open window which
hangs in a heavy ornate frame in his room. We see two images juxtaposed,
two static, rather two-dimensional, young men looking out at false freedom.
From the point of view of the protagonist, there is a radical difference
between himself and the painting; he is alive, the painting is art, framed,
autonomous, separate. From the point of view of the audience, both young
men belong to the realm of art; both are framed representations, auton-
omous, separated from us by the proscenium. However, in the course of
the play, the painting "disappears," so does the young man, and so over
the next two decades did 15,000 Argentines. Framing does not protect
the victims from harm; it does not keep violence out. Rather than suggest
false separations, Gambaro urges us to look beyond the artificial confines
of the frame, to recognize not only what frames keep in, but also what
they keep out. Her plays of the 1970s and 1980s-Information for For-
eigners, Saying Yes, Strip--all emphasize the reality of abduction, torture,
political violence; in short, everything we know to exist but cannot see.
Lastly, Augusto Boal's "Theatre of the Oppressed" borrows from J. L.
Moreno's 1920s experiments in sociodramas and psychodramas. This in
no way suggests, however, that Boal's theatre is anything like Moreno's.
Moreno, a psychoanalyst working in Vienna in the 1920s, began his dra-
matic exercises with warm-ups and group discussion, and then proceeded
to spontaneous representations in which the participants of the group
acted out scenes from their everyday life, aided by others in the group.
Afterwards, the entire group discussed the scenario, raised questions, pro-
posed changes or alternative behaviors that might lead to better solutions
and so forth. For Moreno, the exercises were designed to bring cathartic
relief and behavioral modification to psychiatric patients so that they might
adapt to society more successfully. While the psychodramatic techniques
superficially resemble Boal's, nothing could be further from Boal's project.
Boal works to turn disempowered, oppressed peoples into active prota-
gonists in their sociopolitical and historical dramas. He wants to channel
energy for revolutionary action rather than diffuse it cathartically. "Perhaps
the theatre is not revolutionary in itself," he admits in his Theatre of the
Oppressed, "but it is surely a rehearsal for the revolution." While his
followers are politically marginal, their intention is to alter the social
system, as opposed to Moreno's patients who strive to adapt to it.
These, then, are only a few examples of the selectivity and creativity,
often denied to Third World artists, that go into adapting foreign cultural
material and making it work in a profoundly different context. The mo-

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tivations behind the borrowings or appropriations, in this and many other
cases, are fundamentally socio-political rather than aesthetic. The play-
wrights need forms that will allow them to communicate with their specific
audiences. In the tradition of Ortiz and Arguedas, the goal expressed by
Latin American playwrights is that their audiences learn to change their
role in an oppressive society. In spite of the many very important differ-
ences between them, they all believe that theatre can help bring about
that change. That anti-hegemonic stance entails taking up the instruments
traditionally associated with domination and using them to bring about
liberation. Selectivity, as Rama stresses, applies not only to the Latin Amer-
icans' use of the foreign but, more importantly, to the "rediscovery" of
their own "buried traditions." It entails, he continues, "searching for re-
sistant values, capable of withstanding the erosion of transculturation," a
task which Rama considered to be also an inventive one (Ortiz's neocul-
turation). The search for resistant values, however, does not imply a
nostalgic return to the past. The cultivation of "indigenism" or the "exotic"
that one finds in folkloric dances for tourists and touring national com-
panies is not at all what these thinkers mean by "buried traditions." If
Third World culture could be reduced to the exotic, to feathers, wide
hats, and mariachi bands, there would be no current intellectual debates
about protecting the Western canon and dictating what "every American
should know."

III

The importance of stressing the liberating potential of the theory of

transculturation is that it is one of the few theories that allows an opening
to the impasse usually set up in relation to minority theories. Transcul-
turation is a theory that explains how theories travel even as it travels
and undergoes change. It does not lock cultures into binaries; it eschews
simple oppositions that characterize much of the discourse on hegemony
and counter-hegemony, such as Deleuze and Guattari's major/minor, and
Arif Dirlik's ironic "the West" and "The Rest." The problem with "oppo-
sitional" or "resistance" theories, as the feminist theorist Toril Moi notes
in relation to feminism, is that they "abolish [themselves] along with its
opponent. In a non-sexist, non-patriarchal society, feminism will no longer
exist." This applies to all emancipatory theory. However, the same does
not apply to transculturation because it is not essentially or inherently a
resistance theory. It describes a process; it is only partially defined by the
other Rather than being oppositional or strictly dialectical, it circulates.
It is applicable to other dominated cultures and, unlike dominant theories,
it highlights their vitality rather than their indebtedness to First World

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culture. Potentially, the hope might be that by engaging the many, pre-
viously marginalized others, these cultures may be able to decenter (not
replace) the hegemonic. Currently, dominant cultural centers function
like the hub of the wheel-the only contact between marginal cultures
is mediated through the central hub. We need theories linking the pe-
ripheries without reinforcing the center. And by adding discourses, and
emphasizing process and cultural specificity rather than "universality" and
reified "tradition," the interaction might become too complicated to re-
duce to simple binaries. The dislocation of a centered hegemony might
lead to the progressive borderization of culture, to a sharing, rather than
crossing, of borders.
We can develop Arguedas's and Rama's migration pattern further to
understand how transculturation affects First World culture (the U. S.
specifically, in this example) in ways it fails to credit. Both Arguedas and
Rama noted that young mestizos tended to leave their quasi-traditional
societies to move to the cities. We can continue to map the process of
transculturation with a reference to the performance artist Guillermo G6-
mez-Pefia, who describes himself as a Mexican-Chicano Latin American-
chilango-Hispanic-Latino-pocho-norte~io in his recent article, "Docu-
mented/Undocumented" in Multi-Cultural Literacy: "My generation, the
chilangos [slang for Mexico City native], who came to 'el norte' (the U.S.)
fleeing the imminent ecological and social catastrophe of Mexico City,
gradually integrated itself into otherness ... became Chicano-ized." Insofar
as G6mez-Pefia dismantles one social identity (chilango) in order to re-
code it, it seems appropriate that his description of deterritorialization
should ring of deconstructionist punning: "We de-Mexicanized ourselves
to Mexi-understand ourselves, some without wanting to, others on pur-
pose."
It also illustrates the dynamic nature of social identity. In dismantling
an identity, the second face of culture, one finds another-the Chicano is
positionally related to the mejicano (or MexChicano, from which the term
Chicano is said to derive) although physical distance is as fundamental to
the relationship as is proximity. The process described by G6mez-Pefia
involves the deterritorialization of the displaced, loss, and a partial re-
territorialization. He writes: "Our deepest generational emotion is that of
loss.... Our loss is total and occurs at multiple levels" and he proceeds
to name country, culture, class, language, literary culture, and "ideological
meta-horizons." The hope for him, however, lies in "a vision of a more
experimental culture ... a multi-focal and tolerant one." The move toward
national-cultural-linguistic-ideological borders, suggesting both de-terri-
torialization and re-territorialization, results in what G6mez-Pefia calls the
"borderization of the world."

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 "American" culture (if by that we refer to the mainstream, dominant
culture, the ones Americans "should know") though itself in a process of
transculturation, is changing in a way that most commentators either do
not realize or are not willing to accept. The degree to which Mexican-
American culture (to name just one) has affected, and will continue to
affect, "American" culture and cultural institutions has not begun to be
recognized. The effect of black culture, to name another obvious example,
has only barely been acknowledged. While most people may like jazz or
so-called Mexican food, political struggles indicate how hostile the dom-
inant culture is to the presence of "minorities," especially when these
seem to be competing for the same resources. The terms used to discuss
the interaction between and among these cultures are not usually the
celebratory ones used in hegemonic spheres to describe transculturation,
that is, their acquisition, adoption, and embrace of the foreign. And while
the insertion of black and Hispanic culture into the U.S. certainly qualifies
as an act of transculturation, the hegemonic resistance to accept these
"minor" discourses, and the hostilities these intercultural relationships
provoke, point to the important facet of transculturation that is completely
missing from most analyses: the sense of loss. Those associated with the
dominant groups resist losing what they see as their rightful place at the
economic, historic, and cultural center of things.
As long as First World commentators speak of acquiring or otherwise
assimilating the foreign features that they admire, all is well and good with
interculturalism. Undesirable cultural manifestations associated with the

disenfranchised groups can be dismissed as somehow "impure," as cultural

concoctions unworthy of the term transculturation. The implication seems
to be that the powerful who "acquire" and "exploit" foreign cultural quar-
ries are involved in "pure" transculturation while the powerless simply
make the best of a bad job. When the possibility arises, as indeed it must,
that foreign cultures could eventually displace or marginalize the previ-
ously dominant or central ones, then talk begins of preserving cultural
purity and Western traditions. This variation on the strategy of "salvage"
criticism suggests a new "endangered species."
The theory of transculturation points to long term reciprocities, to the
degree that the dominant groups that define, acquire, and impose culture
are themselves transculturated sooner or later, whether they want it or
not.

NOTE

1. In referring to Latin America, I feel obliged to use terms like "Third World
"non-Western," for lack of better ones, although I feel the terms are misleadin

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denigrating. "Third World" is a term coined in 1952 by a Frenchman, Alfred Sauvy.
Like the term L'Amdrique Latine, coined by the French in the nineteenth century,
"Third World" imposes a false unity on diverse countries. As Regis Debray (another
Frenchman) recognized, the term functions as a "shapeless sack into which one
could simply dump peoples, classes, races, civilizations and continents so that they
might more simply disappear." Moreover, the term First World also gives a false
sense of consensus and cohesion to the dominant societies, and glosses over im-
portant opposition or outcast groups within them.
The term non-Western not only relegates Latin America to a non-space and non-
identity, it is misleading insofar as it minimizes or erases the importance of Western
influence on Latin America. Alain Rouquid claims "that culturally [Latin America]
belongs totally to the West. Conquest and colonization did not simply influence these
societies; it created and molded them, imposing on them the language, religion,
values, and attitudes of Europe. Thus, whatever the impact of the pre-Columbian
past and its resurgence, Latin America is the part of the Third World that is Western."
While Rouquid overstates the point, and overlooks the varying degrees of non or
even anti-Westernization, from Argentina at one extreme to Peru and Bolivia at the
other, there is substantial truth to what he says.

WORKS CITED

Arguedas, Jose Maria. Formaci6n de una cultura nacional indoamerican

Angel Rama. Mexico: Siglo XXI, 1982.

Boal, Augusto, Theatre of the Oppressed. Trans. by Charles A. & Maria-O

McBride. New York: Theatre Communications Group, 1985.

Gambaro, Griselda. The Walls. Trans. by Marguerite Fietlowitz, staged at

Repertory, Woodstock, N.Y. 1989.

. The Camp. Trans. by William I. Oliver, in Voices of Change in the

American Theatre. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1971.

G6mez-Pefia, Guillermo. "Documented/Undocumented." Multi-CulturalLi

by Rick Simonson and Scott Walker. Saint Paul: Graywolf Press, 1988.

Rama, Angel. Transculturaci6n narrativa en America Latina. Mexico:

1982.

Sten, Maria. Vida y muerte del teatro Ndhuatl. Xalapa: Editorial Universidad Vera-
cruzana, 1982.

Triana, Josd. La noche de los asesinos. Trans. as The Criminals by Pablo Armando
Fernandez and Michael Kustow. Adaptation by Adrian Mitchell. The Modern Stage
in Latin America, ed. by George Woodyard. New York: Dutton, 1971.

Diana Taylor teaches in the Department of Spanish and Portuguese at

Dartmouth College. She is the author of the recently published Theatre
of Crisis: Drama and Politics in Latin America.

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