Documenta Praehistorica L (2023)

Megalithic tradition associated with agricultural ritual:

a study of the Chongkhong Phuja among
the Hill Tiwas of Umswai Valley in Assam, India

Raktim Patar1, Manjil Hazarika2

1 Department of History, Gargaon College, Simaluguri, Assam, IN; [email protected]
2 Department of Archaeology, Cotton University, Guwahati, Assam, IN; [email protected]

ABSTRACT - The Tiwa community is one of the autochthonous communities of Northeast India. An im­
portant aspect of Tiwa culture is the erection of stone monuments during the celebration of Chongk­
hong Phuja. This ceremony is performed before the commencement of their yearly agricultural cycle
which falls in late April and continues to early May. On this occasion, a menhir and table stone are
erected by the head priest of the Tiwa village, who then invokes their village guardian deity to call for a
better harvest as well as for the wellbeing of the villagers. This elaborate ceremony marks the beginning
of the agricultural season for the year, following which the villagers commence their agricultural activ­
ities. This paper deals with the performance of Chongkhong Phuja and the associated living megalithic
tradition among the Hill Tiwas residing in the Umswai Valley. It also documents the oral traditions as­
sociated with the origin of the megalithic tradition in the community. As most of the living megalithic
traditions among the ethnic communities of Northeast India are either related to burial practices or
commemorating the death of a person or an event, this Chongkhong Phuja represents a unique exam­
ple of a megalithic tradition related to agricultural practice. Indirect evidence suggests the megalithic
structures present at the ceremonial place of the Chongkhong Phuja in the Amsai village of the Umswai
Valley have been continuously erected for the last thousand years. The paper also hypothesizes the shift­
ing cultivation in the area to be as old as the practice of the megalithic tradition.

KEY WORDS – megaliths; living tradition; oral tradition; menhirs; animal sacrifice; jhum cultivation

Megalitska tradicija, povezana s poljedelskim ritualom: študija obreda Chongkhong Phuja

med ljudstvom Hill Tiwas v dolini Umswai v Assamu v Indiji

IZVLEÈEK – Tiwa je ena izmed avtohtonih skupnosti v severovzhodni Indiji. Pomemben vidik njihove
kulture je postavljanje kamnitih spomenikov med praznovanjem Chongkhong Phuja. Obred se izva­
ja pred zaèetkom letnega poljedelskega cikla na koncu aprila in zaèetku maja. Glavni duhovnik vasi
Tiwa postavi menhir in kamnito mizo ter priklièe božanstvo – varuha vasi ter prosi za dobro letino
in blaginjo vašèanov. Slovesnost oznaèuje zaèetek kmetijske sezone. V èlanku predstavljamo obred
Chongkhong Phuja in z njim povezano megalitsko tradicijo med ljudstvom Hill Tiwas, ki prebiva v do­
lini Umswai. Predstavljamo tudi ustna izroèila, povezana z izvorom megalitske tradicije v skupnosti.
Veèina megalitskih tradicij med etniènimi skupnostmi v severovzhodni Indiji je povezanih s pogreb­
nimi obièaji in s spominom na umrlega, zato Chongkhong Phu predstavlja edinstven primer megal­
itske tradicije, povezane s kmetijsko prakso. Posredni dokazi kažejo, da so megalitske strukture na
obrednem mestu Chongkhong Phuja v vasi Amsai v dolini Umswai kontinuirano postavljali zadnjih
tisoè let. Domnevamo, da je selilno poljedelstvo na tem podroèju staro toliko kot megalitska tradicija.

KLJUÈNE BESEDE – megaliti; živa dedišèina; ustno izroèilo; menhirji; žrtvovanje živali; selilno poljedel­
stvo

2 DOI: 10.4312/dp.50.17
Megalithic tradition associated with agricultural ritual: a study of the Chongkhong Phuja among the Hill Tiwas of Umswai ...

Introduction from three to seven, according to the wealth (not rank)

of the deceased. Godwin-Austen (1872) also reported
In archaeological and prehistoric research, megalithic on the megalithic remains and associated rituals
monuments have drawn considerable attention since performed throughout the Khasi Hills. Subsequently,
the 19th century (Herbert 1849; de Malahide 1866; several colonial administrators took a keen interest
du Noyer 1866; Lewis 1871; Godwin-Austen 1872). in the stone monuments scattered around this region
These monuments, known by different names such as (Clarke 1874; Gurdon 1914; Hutton 1922a; 1922b;
monoliths, menhirs, cromlechs, orthostats, dolmens, 1925; Mills, Hutton 1929).
cists and so on, have been recorded in a wide region
of the Old World, from the shores of England to These megalithic monuments and structures of diffe-
those of Japan (Moorti 2008). These were often rent shapes and sizes are recorded in a belt extending
seen as linked with burials, tombs and sacred places. from the Khasi and Jaintia Hills through Karbi An-
However, with prolonged research in various cultural glong up to the Naga Hills besides Manipur, Mizoram
contexts, geographies and chronologies, it is widely and certain areas of Arunachal Pradesh. One of the
accepted that the function and significance of these major concentrations of megaliths is observed in the
monuments are far wider than previously thought. Khasi-Jaintia Hills of Meghalaya, where large clusters
With the discovery of the megalithic monumental occur at Cherrapunjee, Mawphlang, Laitlyngkot, Lait-
complex at the Neolithic site of Göbekli Tepe (Schmidt kor, Jowai and Nartiang (also spelled Nartiyang) (Ba­
2010) in southeastern Anatolia, Turkey, the antiquity reh 1981; Rao 1991; Sen 1991; Mawlong 1996; 2004;
of megalithic monuments has been even pushed back Mitri 2016; Marak 2012a; 2012b; 2019; Meitei 2019;
to c. 10th to 9th millennia BCE. Since megaliths are Meitei, Marak 2015). In Manipur, megaliths are found
a prehistoric tradition that is found in the Neolithic, to be spread over the Naga-dominated areas of the
Chalcolithic, Bronze and Iron Ages, and even histori- districts of Chandel, Ukhrul, Tamenglong, Senapati,
cal periods in most nations, archaeologists and an- and Churachandpur (Singh 1985; Binodini Devi
thropologists have often tried to look at the ethno- 2011; 2019). Megaliths are also found extensively in
graphic practices persevered among various commu- the Kohima and Phek districts populated by Angami
nities (Bloch 1971; Basa et al. 2015; Adams 2019) to and others in Nagaland (Jamir 2004; 2005; 2019;
develop analogies for interpreting the social and cul- Jamir 1997; 1998; 2019; Venuh 2005; Devi, Neog
tural nuances from ethno-archaeological points of 2014). Carved monolithic pillars are recorded at Di-
view. However, in recent years many of these archaic mapur in Nagaland and Kasomari in Assam (Hutton
traditions are facing serious challenges with regard to 1922a; 1925; 1933; Sarma 2016). A large number of
constant change and eventual extinction, which is megaliths with petroglyphs on some of them are also
why the study of the ethnic communities that still seen in Vangchhia, Ralven Puk Tlang, Lung Ropui,
maintain megalithic practices is now extremely im- Sazep and the Maullum Hills in Mizoram (Lalh-
portant, before they have completely altered or va- minghlua, Sarkar 2017; Malsawmliama 2019;
nished. Singh 2019; Nayan 2021). Only at a few sites in
Arunachal Pradesh are megaliths reported, such as
Northeast India is one such region, which is well at Jamiri, Shergaon, and Songlong Thong (Thakur
known for the presence of a variety of megalithic mo- 2004; Gogoi, Baruah 2021). In Assam, megaliths are
numents and structures, of ancient as well as recent mostly concentrated in the Morigaon, Kamrup, Karbi
origin. One of the first written accounts of the me- Anglong and Dima Hasao districts (Medhi 2000; Bez-
galithic tradition in Northeast India was published baruah 2003; Choudhury 2004; 2019; Sarma 2014;
in 1832. It was Lieutenant Murphy who wrote about Thakuria et al. 2016; Devi Bora, Bezbaruah 2018;
the Khasi megaliths in his ‘Account of the Cossyahs, Roy 2019; Hazarika 2016; Hazarika et al. 2020; Bor-
and of a Convalescent Depot established in their gohain, Sarma 2021).
Country, 280 miles N.E. from Calcutta’ (Murphy
1832). He stated that during funeral ceremonies the Northeast India is one of the few areas of the world
Khasi people marked the cremation spot with a stone where the erection of megaliths persists as a living
enclosure; the ashes were collected, put into earthen practice in the form of memorial stones commemo-
jars or pots, and then deposited in a regular square rating important events or the disposal of the dead in
stone box with a small door to it, over which they accordance with old customs and beliefs (Rao 1979).
erected immense slabs of stone, varying in number After cremating the dead, the ashes and decalcified

3
 Raktim Patar, Manjil Hazarika

bones are deposited in a stone chamber and a me- The Tiwas

morial stone is erected by several communities in
Northeast India. This living practice is closely asso- The Tiwa (aka. Lalung) community is one of the au-
ciated with the socio-cultural traditions, social merit tochthonous communities of Northeast India, with
and religious beliefs of the people associated with the one group speaking a language that belongs to the
dead (Mawlong 2004). David Roy (1963) described Bodo-Garo family of the Tibeto-Burman language
the funeral rites of erecting megaliths amongst the family (van Driem 2001). Settled in the Morigaon,
Khasis of Meghalaya. Dwipen Bezbaruah (2003) ex- Nagaon, Kamrup, Jorhat, Dhemaji and Karbi Anglong
tensively studied the living practice of erecting mega- districts of Assam and Ri-Bhoi district of Meghalaya,
liths among the Karbi community as a post-cremation the Tiwas have long been referred to as ‘Lalung’ or
rite and drew parallels for the prehistoric megalithic ‘Laloo’ by other neighbouring groups such as Khasi,
remains found in the Karbi Anglong in Assam. In Jaintia and Karbi. The Buranjis or the Ahom chro-
some instances, menhirs also function as a boundary nicles (Bhuyan 2012) used the terms like ‘Lalung’,
marker for an individual or a community. ‘Garo’ and‘Dantiyalias’ interchangeably to denote the
Tiwa people. The people in question, however, refer
As mentioned earlier, several British administrators to themselves as Tiwa. The detailed ethnography of
and Indian scholars (for recent reviews see Mitri 2016; the Tiwas is recorded in several notable publications
Marak 2019) contributed valuable writings in their (Barua 1989; Baruah 2015; Bordoloi 2002; Deka
observations on the rituals related to the megalithic Patar 2007; Gogoi 1986; 1987; Gohain 1993; Patar
structures. Nevertheless, due to factors such as cultu- 2021; 2004; Sarma Thakur 1985; Shyamchaudhury,
ral change and loss of traditional practices, besides Das 1973).
the emergence of Christianity, this tradition has been
lost among many tribes. However, while the tradi- The Tiwas are divided into two socio-cultural groups,
tion of erecting stone for commemorative, funerary those settled in the plains who speak Assamese and
and functional purposes is widely studied, the origin follow a patrilineal descent system bearing Assamese
and chronology of this tradition is poorly understood patronyms, and those residing in the hills, speaking
in the region (Sarma, Hazarika 2014; Marak 2019). a Tibeto-Burman language of the Bodo-Garo group,
Moreover, there has been hardly any excavation con- that follow a matrilineal descent system. The Tiwa
ducted at megalithic sites in the region, nor have they thus follow a bilateral descent (Williams 1990.267)
been dated absolutely. The lack of datable materials system which recognizes that descent may be traced
associated with the megaliths is another limiting from either the father or mother, depending on the
factor. The clusters of menhirs that can be seen are the decision taken at the time of marriage. Hence, they
results of the frequent use of same area for erecting are divided into Hill Tiwas and Plain Tiwas.
menhirs by a village or clan.
The comparatively bigger villages of the Hill Tiwas
Differentiating the recently constructed megaliths are located in the Amri Development Block in the
from the ancient ones is also difficult due to the fast West Karbi Anglong district of Assam and the Ri-Bhoi
weathering of the stones and overgrowth of vegeta- district of Meghalaya. They are situated on elevations
tion in the area. This makes all the structures look ranging between 600 to 900m. They practice both
alike and impossible to differentiate without the wetland paddy and upland shifting cultivation de-
help of a local. People’s memories and oral sources pending upon the physical features of the land.
are thus extremely important in such investigations. Shifting cultivation is practised on high slopes where
As such, in-depth studies are required in order to es- irrigation is not possible. According to Chatrasing
tablish a chronology of the living tradition among Darphang (58 years old), a resident of the Kromkhu-
various groups, as well as of the megalithic structures nji village in West Karbi Anglong, crops like cotton,
made by the ancient communities with varied cultur- sesame, castor oil, and chilli pepper have been culti-
al backgrounds. In this regard, a study among the Ti- vated along with their main crop, paddy. They would
was has provided some interesting insights about the use a plot of land for three consecutive years to grow
origin and association of megaliths with agricultural a great variety of crops. In the first year, the above-
practices in Umswai Valley. mentioned crops were cultivated but from the second
and third years onwards they would cultivate only
paddy.

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Megalithic tradition associated with agricultural ritual: a study of the Chongkhong Phuja among the Hill Tiwas of Umswai ...

The Plain Tiwas are mainly settled in Nagaon, Mori- are found in different contexts such as (a) menhirs
gaon, Kamrup and in some pockets of the Titabor sub- erected at the present-day cremation ground, (b) me-
division of the Jorhat district of Assam. A few Tiwa galiths used as a modern Hindu shrine, (c) stone
villages are also located in the Dhemaji district on the slabs at the old residences of the kings, (d) megaliths
north bank of the river Brahmaputra and the Sadiya (in the form of a heap of stones) in front of the resi-
sub-division of the Tinsukia district of Assam. While dence of the Loro (chief priest), (e) alignments erect-
the Hill Tiwa professes their ‘traditional’ religion, the ed as boundary walls of the youth dormitory, known
Plain Tiwas are by and large, Hindu. The process of as Samadi, and so on. The construction of the align-
Sanskritization of the Plain Tiwa began in the mid- ments as boundary walls of the Samadi, placing the
17th century with the subjugation of Tiwa chiefs of stones in a row, is a recent phenomenon at the Amsai
Gobha, Nellie and Khola by the Ahoms (Patar 2021). village.
Subsequently, the conversion of chiefs of the minor
Tiwa principalities collectively known as Sato-raja Both the Hill and Plain Tiwas practise several tradi-
(seven kings) and Paso-raja (five kings) to Neo-Vai- tional religious ceremonies. Among these, the Chong-
shnavism led to the conversion of more Tiwas into the khong Phuja is significant as far as the living me-
fold of the latter. However, a large section still follows galithic tradition is concerned. The Chongkhong ce-
the traditional religion. According to Allen (1906.62) remony is performed in two stages, the first one is
“… the Tiwa religion is based on the worship of na- known as Bor Chongkhong Phuja and the second as
tural forces and the ordinary animistic type and is Phidri Chongkhong Phuja. The construction of mega-
chiefly concerned with the propitiation of the evil liths is done during the performance of the Phidri
spirits and with sacrifices to ensure prosperity”. Chongkhong Phuja at the Chongkhong Sal of the res-
However, since the 1950s, there has been a growing pective village. The Chongkhong Sal is a sacred patch
number of converts to Christianity, especially among of forest adjacent to the Tiwa villages dedicated to the
the Hill Tiwa population. guardian deity of the village where, apart from the me-
galiths, the cremation ground (known as Mangkhor)
Megaliths are an important aspect of the Tiwa ethno- and other localities for religious ceremonies are de-
history (Patar 2016). These have different termi- marcated. While performing these rituals, the role
nologies in the Tiwa language according to their types of the council of village elders, known as the Pisai
and purpose. The megaliths (Figs. 1 and 2) among is extremely important (Patar 2020). The formation
the Tiwas of the Amsai village of the Umswai Valley and role of the members in the Pisai are provided in
the Table 1.

Bor Chongkhong Ceremony

The Bor Chongkhong ceremony

is held annually in the villages
of Amsai, Marjong and Amkha
clans (scattered in the west Kar-
bi Anglong district of Assam)
of the Tiwa community. In this
ceremony, a pig is sacrificed in
the name of Palakhongor, the
presiding deity of the Amsai,
Marjong and the Amkha clans
and twelve fowls are sacrificed
in the name of the nima or dei-
ties who protect the borders of
Palakhongor’s territory. In the
Fig. 1. Types of megalithic monuments in the Umswai Valley: a menhirs at Bor Chongkhong ceremony, the
Yangli Shal near Umswai market, b menhir with a table stone in front, c a Pisai (the council of village el-
stone slab at the old residence of the king, d dolmens, e menhir worshiped ders) seek permission from their
as Hindu shrine, f megaliths at a cremation ground. principal village deity to begin

5
 Raktim Patar, Manjil Hazarika

the cultivation season. It is be-

lieved that they should not till
the soil or clear the jungle for
cultivation without performing
the Bor Chongkhong ceremony,
as it may bring a bad harvest.
According to the Hill Tiwa belief,
if anyone begins cultivation be-
fore performing the ceremony
there will be bad omens for the
village in the form of attacks by
a tiger on humans and domestic
animals, and the occurrence of
an epidemic.

Phidri Chongkhong ceremony

Fig. 2. a Megaliths in front of the residence of a Loro; b, c, d megaliths
installed as a boundary wall of the youth dormitory.
This ceremony is performed three
weeks after the conclusion of the Bor Chongkhong of seeds and saplings in their jhum (shifting cultiva-
ceremony at the end of April or at the beginning tion) fields. On this occasion in Amsai village three
of May, depending upon the decision taken by the pigs are sacrificed in the name of the principal dei-
council of village elders. This ritual takes place only ty – Palakhongor – and the spirits of the ancestors.
on a Thursday. In this ceremony, the Pisai gets per-
mission from the guardian deity of the village and Ceremonies performed at the Chongkhong Sal
the spirits of ancestors of the village, known as the The erection of stones on the occasion of Phidri
Phidri, to dig canals to bring water from the streams Chongkhong is an important ritual of the Tiwa soci-
to their paddy fields and to commence the sowing ety. During this ceremony two flat stones are erected;

Position Responsibility
He is the head priest of Tiwa root villages. He leads in all the community-level religious ceremonies
Loro
and presides over any socio-cultural functions and disputes in his village.
Toloi/Doloi He supervises the overall preparation of religious ceremonies in his village.
He is the personal assistant to the Loro and provides all the necessary help while the Loro is
Hadari/Hatari
performing religious ceremonies.
Maji He is responsible for procuring animals and birds for the sacrifice at religious ceremonies.
He keeps records of the paraphernalia required for religious ceremonies and collects stones for the
Phador
installation at the Chongkhong Phuja.
He is responsible for procuring animals and birds for sacrifice at religious ceremonies and collecting
Shangot
stones for the installation at the Chongkhong Phuja.
He is the head messenger of Tiwa village who has to convey important information about different
Barika Baro
religious events to the villagers.
He is the assistant messenger who helps the Barika Baro in disseminating information on different
Barika Pisa
religious ceremonies.
He is the head of the four Phyakmul who are responsible for cleaning, cooking and serving food at
Phayak Mul Kra
religious ceremonies.
Phayak Mul He is the deputy to Phayak Mul Kra. He is responsible for cleaning, cooking and serving food at
Majowa religious ceremonies.
Phayak Mul They are responsible for cleaning, cooking and serving food at religious ceremonies. During the
Jokha Chongkhong Phuja, they are to keep an eye on the observance of taboos and rules by the village
(two men) households that are prescribed on the day of the ceremony.

Tab. 1. Role of different members of the Pisai, the council of village elders.

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Megalithic tradition associated with agricultural ritual: a study of the Chongkhong Phuja among the Hill Tiwas of Umswai ...

one vertically (upright stone) and another horizon- with some caution, these structures can be counted
tally (table stone) at the Chongkhong Sal to mark as evidence of the annual ceremony of the Phidri
the annual ceremony. The upright stone or menhir Chongkhong. During our fieldwork at Amsai, we
is known as Orlong thuna (Orlong means stone and counted 2048 menhirs and table stones, including
thuna means sacred pillar) and the table stone or flat those raised in 2017. These have been counted based
stone is known as Phidri tongkhra (Phidri means an- on the intact nature of the standing stone as well as
cestor and tongkhra means flat seating place). The the flat table stone in front. The 1024 pairs of Orlong
size of the menhirs found in the Chongkhong Sal of thuna and Phidri tongkhra thus indicate that this
Amsai village ranges from 30 to 110cm while the table practice has been in existence for at least a thousand
stones are generally 10 to 20cm wide. The menhir is years. However, this hypothesis needs to be support-
buried 10 to 30cm deep depending upon the size of ed with absolute dates.
the stone.
The day-long Phidri Chongkhong ceremony is an im-
Selection and installation of these stones are done portant religious event for the Tiwa people. In the
by two village officials, namely the Phador and the early morning on the day of the ceremony three male
Sangot. These stones must be installed at a location pigs, one of which should be black, are sacrificed (Fig.
designated for these structures. As this is an annual 3) by the Loro of Amsai with the assistance of the Ha­
activity among the Tiwas of Amsai, the same location dari and Toloi and other members of the Pisai. While
is preferred for the ritual as well as the erection of chanting mantras outside the residence of the Loro
these structures. These structures are erected as an the pigs are sacrificed by stabbing them with a point-
alignment in the east-west direction. The Tiwas of Am- ed iron implement called a pla specifically reserved
sai believe that Palakhongor, the principal village dei- for this task. A pig is dedicated to Palakhongor, the
ty visits and eats the offerings and sacrifice and takes principal deity of the village, and the other two are
rest at the stones placed there. Cotton threads are tied killed in the name of the dead ancestors. This part of
on the top of all these stones during the Chongkhong the Phidri Chongkhong ceremony is called the Phidri
ceremony, signifying turbans. Chongkhone waphawa.

The villagers also plant a flame tree (Erythrina sp.) After this ceremony, the Phador and Sangot of the vil-
or mandarphang close to the erected stones on the lage move to the Chongkhong Sal to erect the Orlong
day of the ceremony. It is believed that if the flame thuna and Phidri tongkhra (Fig. 7). They select a
tree survives then the person who planted it will die. specific place in alignment with the previously erect-
However, if the tree does not survive then it signifies ed stones and plant the flame tree (Mandarphang)
that the principal deity, as well as the ancestors of the behind the erected stone. This event is known as
village, is happy with the sacrifice and the entire vil- mandar gaina simli gaina. The size of the megaliths
lage will have bumper crops for that year. According varies from 30 to 110cm in length depending on the
to Phulson Kholar (62 years old), the assistant priest of availability of stones in the nearby area in the hills.
Amsai, a few years before, the Sangot of their village These are mostly undressed stones. Every year, either
died of some unknown sickness after a few months of these two village elders find two pieces of suitable
of the Chongkhong Phuja. Interestingly they attribute stone from the neighbouring hills.
his demise to the survival of the tree that he planted
during the ceremony. Meanwhile, the Loro sacrifices a red fowl under an al-
tar called the Rongdo-Akur specifically made for this
At the start of the Phidri Chongkhong ceremony, ceremony. The Rongdo-Akur is a bamboo stand with
the location designated for these stones is cleared four bamboo poles decorated with different designs
of the undergrowth and vegetation by the Pisai. As where at the top two earthen pots called thukli are
these stones are considered sacred, villagers or any placed. In one pot, grains of rice are kept and the oth-
other people, including visitors and tourists, are for- er one is filled with water. After the sacrifice of both
bidden to disturb the structure in any manner. This pigs and the fowl, members of the Pisai clean their
provides us with some scope to assume these in situ skins and intestines and rub them with rice powder.
structures are still in roughly their original locations,
although they must have been disturbed by various At midday all the members except two Phyakmul
natural forces over the years. Overall, however, and (there are four Phyakmul in the Pisai) who are sent

7
 Raktim Patar, Manjil Hazarika

to visit every house to check if

the families are observing the ta-
boos and rules that are prescrib-
ed for that auspicious day, go to
the Chongkhong Sal. While go-
ing to the Chongkhong Sal, the
Pisai take a specific route which
goes through the Langkhon Sal
via the Mangkhor Sal and the So-
gra Sal. This trail enables the Pi­
sai to enter the Chongkhong Sal
from the western direction facing
the east. According to the village
elders, on the day of the Chongk-
hong Phuja it is forbidden to
showtheir back towards the east
where the sacred mountain Ma-
kha Koja (part of the Himalayan
mountain range in Tibet) is situ-
Fig. 3. a, b, c Sacrifice of animals; d, e preparation for the offerings.
ated. It is believed that their an-
cestors once lived in the Makha Koja. Before enter- wild tara leaves (Alpinia sp.) on the stone seats to
ing the Chongkhong Sal, the Loro and Toloi invoke facilitate the sitting. The Loro and the Hatari prepare
their deities and inform them about their entry to the offerings under the newly erected Orlong thuna and
place. After arriving each member of the Pisai take Phidri tongkhra. The Loro assisted by the Hatari of-
up their assigned responsibilities for the ceremony. fers chicken feathers smeared in blood, the bladder
of a pig, and a bunch of Tulsi (basil) leaves on a wild
At the ceremonial location of the Chongkhong Sal, banana leaf in front of the Orlong thuna (Fig. 8). While
there is a designated open space with a few stone placing the items the Loro and Hatari chant a man-
seats of flat stones. These stone seats are used for sit- tra and prays for the well-being of the village and the
ting by the members of the Pisai (Fig. 5). According prosperity of everyone, including the animals. The
to the Pisai, these stones arranged in a semi-circular offerings (Fig. 6) include twelve packets of rice col-
fashion are of considerable antiquity. The members of lected from the twelve members of the Pisai. After
this group can only take their designated seats when this offering, the Loro tie cotton threads (Fig. 8) on
in their roles as Pisai (Fig. 4). The Phyakmul place the top of each Orlong thuna starting with the one
erected in the current year. This
symbolizes the offering of Phaga
(turbans) to their ancestors. Each
standing menhir is considered
as an ancestor of Amsai village.
These stones are also decorated
with wildflowers, as well as lea-
ves of Alpinia sp. and Drynaria
sp. (Fig. 8) and orchid roots,
which symbolize giving honour
to their ancestors. The decoration
of the stones can be attributed to
the utmost concern for the dead
ancestor spirits which are believ-
ed to have lived in the stones.

Fig. 4. a Arrival; d discussion; c offerings; d Phyakmul reporting to the Then similar offerings are made
Pisai at the Chongkhong Sal. at the pair of stones called Tana-

8
Megalithic tradition associated with agricultural ritual: a study of the Chongkhong Phuja among the Hill Tiwas of Umswai ...

ing the village to record vi-

olations of the taboos reach
the Chongkhong Sal. One
of the taboos is that it is for-
bidden to dry clothes in the
sun on the day of the Phidri
Chongkhong Phuja. More-
over, no ploughing, cutting
of soil, or construction of
any sort is allowed, while
sun-drying vegetables such
as bamboo shoots, mush-
rooms, yams, sesame, and
chilies is also prohibited.
These taboos are strictly
maintained by the villagers
Fig. 5. a, b Stone seats designated for the members of the Pisai; c, d members of and the Phayakmul watch
the Pisai taking their respective seats at the Chongkhong Sal. for any violations.

rao and Puwarao. Tanarao is the god of storms and With permission from the deity and the Pisai, the
Puwarao is the god of rain. While making offerings Phayakmul enter the ceremonial ground and report
to the principal deity of the village at the Chongk- everything they have seen during their tour of the
hong Phuja, the Tiwa of Amsai also offers sacrifices to village. The reporting of the Phaykmul to the Pisai
these two important deities that have control over the is detailed. After hearing the reports, the Pisai pray
weather. On this occasion, the priest sacrifices two to the deity and their ancestor spirits and express
fowl and a pig in the names Tanarao and Puwarao, anguish over the families who have not observed the
and calls for the protection of the village’s house, fruit taboos. After this ceremony, the Phayakmul serve
trees, paddy and other crops. the Loro, Toloi, Hatari, Phador, Sangot, and Barika
with cooked meat, rice beer and other food and drink.
Meanwhile, the members of the Pisai apart from the All the members of the Pisai then leave the place of
Toloi cut the sacrificed pigs into pieces. The wa-leng- worship after performing another round of invoca-
jai or the tail of the pig is given to the Loro, the wa­ tions to their deity and ancestor spirits.
khalao or skull is given to the Toloi
and Sangot, wa-kunthri (snout) is
given to the Hatari and the wa-ya­
thong (legs) are provided to the
Phyakmul and Barika. These pieces
of meat are tied to sliced bamboo
and cooked separately, while the rest
of the meat is boiled in a pot with
rice powder. The intestines of the
pigs are mixed with wild herbs and
cooked in bamboo tubes. After the
meat is cooked, the Loro, Toloi and
Hatari make offerings to the deity
and chant several rounds of a man-
tra and call for bumper crops in the
village and seek protection from nat-
ural disasters and diseases.

Meanwhile, the two Phayakmul who Fig. 6. a, b, c Arrangements; b, e cooking in bamboo tubes and me-
were given the responsibility of tour- tal vessels for the offerings.

9
 Raktim Patar, Manjil Hazarika

As we have seen, sacrificing ani-

mals is a common practice of the
Hill Tiwas in their traditional
rituals. In the pre-British period,
there was also a tradition of of-
fering human sacrifice each year
at Chongkhong Sal at the bottom
of Palakhongor Hill. The place
is bounded by a sacred grove
where of the four British officials
abducted by the Gobha Raja’s
soldiers1 three were sacrificed
in1832. However, this was the last
year with any human sacrifice.

Ceremonies performed at the

village
In the evening after arriving
from the Chongkhong Sal, the
Fig. 7. a Selection; b carrying of the stones; c erecting of Orlong thuna
members of the Pisai gather at
and Phidri tongkhra at the Chongkhong Sal.
the residence of the Loro and
perform some further rites and rituals (Fig. 9) asso- the Panthai Khel. After the invocation, two rounds of
ciated with the Phidri Chongkhong. As part of this rice beer are served to the members of the Pisai and
flutes and drums are played and three rounds of the Panthai Khel in bamboo tubes. At the end of the
dance are performed by the Phyakmul, Phador, San- drinking, the Loro and Toloi hand over the Khram
got, and Barika. The Loro, as the chief priest, keeps a Panthai (the drum) and Pangsi (the flute) to the
close watch on the entire ceremony. The first dance Panthai Khel who is the custodian of these musical
group is called Orlong Gai, the second group is called instruments. Soon the Panthai Khel leaves the Loro’s
Khum Duwa and the third group is called Di-Tha residence and deposits the musical instruments at
Rakha. While dancing, the dancers with bamboo the Shamadi, the bachelors’ dormitory in the village.
hoes made especially for the ceremony called Pakhu The Phidri Chongkhong ceremony ends with another
dig a pit almost 30cm in diameter in the floor of the invocation of the deities and ancestor spirits at the
Nukthi (the first room of the residence of Loro). Soon Loro’s residence. This Chongkhong Phuja is also per-
after the dancing, the Phaykmuls cover the pit with formed by other villages of the Umswai Valley.
soil and once again level the ground with mud plaster.
The symbolic use of digging tools, particularly the Agricultural practice among the Hill Tiwas
bamboo hoes in the ceremony at the Loro’s residence
in the evening, along with the dancing, signify the As mentioned above, the megalithic stones erected
jhum agricultural tradition in the hills. during the Chongkhong Phuja at Amsai village are
related to agricultural practice. This can be considered
After this the Pisai invites the Panthai Khel, the youth unique to the Tiwas, as most of the living megalithic
groups led by the Changdoloi, and the Changmaji traditions among other communities of Northeast In-
and Huruma, to come inside the Nukthi. The Panthai dia are related to burial structures, commemorating
Khel enters the residence of the Loro while singing the death of a person or an important event, apart
traditional songs and after paying respect to the Pisai, from other functional purposes like establishing
then sits at the designated seat called a tongkhra. The boundary demarcations, sitting stones and so on. As
Loro starts the invocation of the principal deity of such, a discussion on the agricultural practices among
the village and the ancestor spirits in the presence of the Hill Tiwas would be pertinent here to understand

1 According to the legend, on the occasion of Phidri Chongkhong a human was sacrificed each year by the priest of the Am-
sai village. This incident was documented by Pemberton (1835.229) in his “Report on the Eastern Frontier of British
India”. These sacrifices are believed to have brought prosperity and security to the village from the evil spirits.

10
Megalithic tradition associated with agricultural ritual: a study of the Chongkhong Phuja among the Hill Tiwas of Umswai ...

Selection depends on the jhum

cycle, as abundant vegetation is
necessary after a plot has been
cultivated and left fallow for a pe-
riod of four to six years. The land
left fallow to regain its fertility
is called hagari (ha meaning
land, gari meaning leftover). At
the end of the jhum cycle, the
family returns to the same plot
of land they had cultivated at the
beginning of the cycle.

In the following months of Pha-

gun (February/March) and Chit
(March/April), parts of the jun-
gle are cleared before the mon-
soon starts. The trees and shrubs
are cut and the entire plot is al-
Fig. 8. a Offering of sacrifices in front of newly erected Orlong thuna and
Phidri tongkhra by the Loro and Hatari; b tying of cotton threads on the lowed to dry for thirty to forty
top of all the stones; c newly erected Orlong thuna and Phidri tongkhra; d days. Just before the rains are
decoration of the menhirs with wildflowers. expected the plot is set on fire
on a day fixed by the common
their relevance with the megalithic tradition. Agri- consent of the villagers, as they must see that the fire
culture has been the principal means of livelihood does not get out of control and spread to the plots
of the Tiwa community since the pre-colonial period. of neighbouring villages because of dry weather
Paddy is the main crop of Tiwa agriculture, both in and strong winds. After the fire, the burned soil is
the hills and plains. The distinctive eco-cultural fea- thoroughly hoed and mixed with the ashes so that
tures of the Tiwa economic organization lie in its com- it is not washed away by the first rains. In mid-April
munal activities and inter-dependence among the after the Phidri Chongkhong ceremony, the sowing
families living within a village for the satisfaction of of seeds takes place. Carefully preserved seeds (kho-
basic needs of with regard to food, clothing and hous- dya) of other vegetables are selected for sowing.
ing. Several varieties of seeds may be sown in one plot, all
mixed together. Usually, eight to ten grains of paddy
In the hills, jhum – slash and
burn or shifting cultivation (Fig.
10) – is practised by the Tiwas,
which is woven into the fabric
of their lifestyle and cultural mi-
lieu (Gohain 1992.32). The ca-
lendar for shifting cultivation
starts with Mahak (January/
February) when the plots are
selected for cultivation by the
households. The Tiwa refer to
their jhum fields as maiha (mai
meaning paddy, ha meaning
field). The households have their
own plots used with the consent
of the Pisai, and the head of the Fig. 9. a Performance of rituals; b, d dance at the residence of the
family decides which plot is to be Loro signifying the close association with shifting cultivation; c
selected for that particular year. bamboo hoes.

11
 Raktim Patar, Manjil Hazarika

are put in a hole made with a

pointed stick (khadi). Both men
and women work together while
sowing the seeds. Men dig the
holes starting from one end of
the plot, followed by women who
drop the seeds and cover them
with soil.

The Hill Tiwa grow a number of

crops simultaneously on a plot
of land. Chilli, cucumber, gourd,
egg-plant, sesame, arum, sweet
potato and yam are grown in a Fig. 10. a The hills surrounding the Umswai Valley; b the clearing of the
common plot. Sowing activities jungle by slashing and burning; c jhum field with rice; d small shed or
take about a month to complete. house on the ground.
Shoots of yam and arum are ge-
nerally planted at the end of the sowing season (Patar The paddies are harvested in December. The Hill Tiwa
2021). do not use ox or human feet for separating the grains
from the stalks of paddy, but rather they use three- to
Mixed cultivation requires more sustained and greater four-foot long wooden or bamboo sticks to separate
attention and care than the wet rice cultivation in the the seeds by beating, which is known as maipothala.
valleys. The crops are weeded twice, in July and late For this purpose, a small plot of land is selected in the
September. A watch has to be kept over the fields paddy field. Men and women in separate groups of
day and night. Two huts are built for this purpose; a seven or nine takes turn separating the grains from
bamboo hut in treetops (thunggi) and a small shed on the stalks by beating them with sticks. The process
the ground (maru), used for guarding in the day. At continues until the entire paddy has been threshed.
night a small fire is lit near this. The man who guards The grains are then gathered in a heap and fanned
the plantation at night stays in the higher hut from with a winnow to blow away broken stalks. After this,
where he can easily watch out for elephants, wild they are collected in baskets of straw called maipur,
pigs, deer or porcupines. each containing 30 to 35 kilograms of threshed un-
milled rice. The hill Tiwas do not construct separate
The Hill Tiwa also practice wet paddy cultivation in granaries to preserve their rice. Instead, they keep
the narrow valleys of Umswai, Morten, Bormarjong the maipur or the straw basket inside nukthi (part of
and Ulukhunji. They call their wet paddy fields fadar. the traditional house nobaro) along the walls.
Unlike their plain counterparts, the Hill Tiwas do not
use ox-driven iron ploughs. Instead they use hoes to Shifting cultivation is a common mode of subsistence
prepare the soil, a process which begins at the end of among the population residing in the hilly areas. It
March and continues for about a month. After hoeing is also considered as a continuation of the Neolithic
and irrigating the soil, water buffalo are allowed to tradition (Sharma 1990). Many times polished and
tread on the soil to make it smooth. When there are no chipped stone artefacts are found by the villagers
buffalo, loosening of the soil is done by hoeing only while clearing the forest and tilling an area for shift-
and the work is very strenuous. The process of wet ing cultivation. These are believed to be thunder-axes
paddy cultivation seems to be more labour-intensive by the villagers and occasionally collected and kept
than jhum cultivation, as both men and women need in their possession for various magical-religious prac-
to hoe the field in the absence of a plough. Although tices. Interestingly, many of the stone artefacts re-
the normal practice is to transplant seedlings from semble modern day axes and adzes made of iron used
the seed-bed (thuli), which is prepared well ahead of for various domestic and agricultural activities. A
transplantation, some varieties of seeds are planted comparative study made by Roy (1985) on the Neo-
directly in the irrigated fields. Direct sowing of seeds lithic tools from Garo Hills and artefacts used in
is undertaken at the onset of the monsoon in June. shifting cultivation reveals homogeneity in function
of both these modern and ancient tools. The use-wear

12
Megalithic tradition associated with agricultural ritual: a study of the Chongkhong Phuja among the Hill Tiwas of Umswai ...

patterns of the present day as well as prehistoric systematic archaeological excavations are required
items suggest similar kinds of use have been main- in these areas to ascertain the absolute chronology of
tained. The site of Bargaon, associated with the Hill shifting cultivation as well as the Neolithic tradition
Karbis in the Garbhanga Reserved Forest has also in this area.
produced some iron implements which might have
been used for shifting cultivation (Hazarika 2016). The megalithic tradition among the Tiwas has been
Similarly, Ajay Pratap (2000) has correlated the practised for a long period of time. In the Tiwa do-
shifting cultivation system of the Paharias of Santal minated areas, a variety of megalithic structures are
Paraganas with the archaeological record. Eleanor observed which can be categorized as both comme-
Kingwell-Banham and Dorian Fuller (2012) suggest morative and utilitarian. The present study has shed
that shifting cultivation may have been a widespread light on the enduring living megalithic traditions
economic system during the Neolithic period, in both among the Tiwas and revealed the close association
the Ganga Valley and the Deccan Plateau of South of megaliths with their agricultural practices. This
India. This might have been the case for certain is perhaps the only example in an Indian context
areas of Northeast India, too, where the early settlers where the erection of megaliths is an annual activity
adopted the incipient mode of shifting cultivation associated with an agricultural ritual. This highlights
and developed a strategic subsistence economy over the diversity of meaning, function and ideology with-
time, exploiting the hilly terrain. The long association in megalithic traditions and opens avenues for com-
of the inhabitants of the hilly landscape with shifting parative studies with other megalithic cultures world-
cultivation is thus reflected in their tangible culture wide. This study also hints at the intangible cultures
as well as intangible cultural practices. attached with early farming practices during remote
prehistory.
Conclusions
Northeast India is a hub of various ethnic groups and
Based on the above discussion, it can be surmised traditional cultures. Many of the ethnic communities
that the Chongkhong Phuja performed by the Hill continue to practise some age-old traditions, which
Tiwas is a unique cultural tradition attached to their provides scope for archaeologists to draw parallels
agricultural practices. The annual custom of erecting for generating insights for many archaeological prob-
megaliths associated with the Phuja provides us with lems. The Chongkhong Phuja is one such archaic tra-
ample clues regarding the antiquity of the megalithic dition which leads us to rethink the association of
tradition, as well as the long history of jhum cultiva- megaliths beyond burial or commemoration.
tion in the area. Moreover, the symbolic use of bam-
boo hoes in the dance associated with the Chong- Acknowledgements
khong Phuja ceremony highlights the central role of We would like to thank Ms. Shreya Sarmah of the De-
agriculture in the Tiwa way of life. This symbolism partment of Archaeology, Cotton University for edito-
also suggests how the community has been practicing rial support. We are also grateful to Dr. Neetu Agarwal
the jhum cultivation with simple implements such as of Department of Anthropology, Avadh Girls’ Degree
digging tools over the years. Based on archaeological, College, Lucknow and Dr. Dibishada Garnayak, Super-
historical and ethnographic evidence, shifting culti- intending Archaeologist, Archaeological Survey of In-
vation can be considered as a mode of subsistence dia, Puri for providing insightful comments. We thank
Dr. Himu Roy of the Department of Botany of Cotton
supported by gathering, hunting and fishing that has
University for helping us with the botanical names of
existed since the Neolithic period in these areas of the plants discussed in this paper. We would also like
Northeast India (Hazarika 2017). to express our gratitude to the villagers of Amsai, par-
ticularly the members of the council of village elders
While there is lack of absolute dates for establishing for being extremely helpful while carrying out the re-
the antiquity and chronology of shifting cultivation search. Sri Imlang Lumphui and Leander Lumphui
in the region, the intricate association of this farming took care of us during field visits for which we are
practice with the Tiwa life-ways suggest its deep-ro- hankful to them.
oted historicity. The findings of polished and chipped
stone artefacts from the jhum fields in the Umswai
Valley can be considered as evidence of incipient
agricultural activities in the past. However, further

13
 Raktim Patar, Manjil Hazarika

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