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José Martí
(Spanish: [xoˈse maɾˈti]; January 28, 1853 – May 19, 1895) was a Cuban
nationalist, poet, philosopher, essayist, journalist, translator, professor, and publisher, who is
considered a Cuban national hero because of his role in the liberation of his country from Spain.
He was also an important figure in Latin American literature. He was very politically active and is
considered an important philosopher and political theorist.[1][2] Through his writings and political
activity, he became a symbol of Cuba's bid for independence from the Spanish Empire in the 19th
century, and is referred to as the "Apostle of Cuban Independence".[3] From adolescence on, he
dedicated his life to the promotion of liberty, political independence for Cuba, and intellectual
independence for all Spanish Americans; his death was used as a cry for Cuban independence
from Spain by both the Cuban revolutionaries and those Cubans previously reluctant to start a
revolt.
Born in Havana, Spanish Empire, Martí began his political activism at an early age. He traveled
extensively in Spain, Latin America, and the United States, raising awareness and support for the
cause of Cuban independence. His unification of the Cuban émigré community, particularly in
Florida, was crucial to the success of the Cuban War of Independence against Spain. He was a
key figure in the planning and execution of this war, as well as the designer of the Cuban
Revolutionary Party and its ideology. He died in military action during the Battle of Dos Ríos on
May 19, 1895. Martí is considered one of the great turn-of-the-century Latin American
intellectuals. His written works include a series of poems, essays, letters, lectures, a novel, and a
children's magazine.
He wrote for numerous Latin American and American newspapers; he also founded a number of
newspapers. His newspaper, was an important instrument in his campaign for Cuban
independence. After his death, many of his verses from the book,
were adapted to the song "Guantanamera", which has become a prominent
representative song of Cuba. The concepts of freedom, liberty, and democracy are prominent
themes in all of his works, which were influential on the Nicaraguan poet Rubén Darío and the
Chilean poet Gabriela Mistral.[4] Following the 1959 Cuban Revolution, Martí's ideology became a
major driving force in Cuban politics.[5] He is also regarded as Cuba's "martyr".[6]
Life
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Mariano Martí
Navarro and Leonor
Pérez Cabrera
(Parents), 7 sisters
(Leonor, Mariana,
María de Carmen,
María de Pilar, Rita
Amelia, Antonia and
Dolores)
they returned to the island where they enrolled José at a local public school, in the Santa Clara
neighborhood where his father worked as a prison guard.[7]
In 1865, he enrolled in the Escuela de Instrucción Primaria Superior Municipal de Varones that
was headed by Rafael María de Mendive. Mendive was influential in the development of Martí's
political philosophies. Also instrumental in his development of a social and political conscience
was his best friend Fermín Valdés Domínguez, the son of a wealthy slave-owning family.[8] In
April the same year, after hearing the news of the assassination of Abraham Lincoln, Martí and
other young students expressed their pain—through group mourning—for the death of a man who
had decreed the abolition of slavery in the United States. In 1866, Martí entered the Instituto de
Segunda Enseñanza where Mendive financed his studies.[7]
When the Ten Years' War broke out in Cuba in 1868, clubs of supporters for the Cuban nationalist
cause formed all over Cuba, and José and his friend Fermín joined them. Martí had a precocious
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desire for the independence and freedom of Cuba. He started writing poems about this vision,
while, at the same time, trying to do something to achieve this dream. In 1869, he published his
first political writings in the only edition of the newspaper , published by Fermín
Valdés Domínguez. That same year he published "Abdala", a patriotic drama in verse form in the
one-volume newspaper, which he published himself. "Abdala" is about a fictional
country called Nubia which struggles for liberation.[10] His sonnet "10 de Octubre", later to
become one of his most famous poems, was also written during that year, and was published
later in his school newspaper.[9]
In March of that year, colonial authorities shut down the school, interrupting Martí's studies. He
came to resent Spanish rule of his homeland at an early age; likewise, he developed a hatred of
slavery, which was still practiced in Cuba.[11]
On October 21, 1869, aged 16, he was arrested and incarcerated in the national jail, following an
accusation of treason and bribery from the Spanish government upon the discovery of a
"reproving" letter, which Martí and Fermín had written to a friend when the friend joined the
Spanish army.[12] More than four months later, Martí confessed to the charges and was
condemned to six years in prison. His mother tried to free her son (who at 16 was still a minor)
by writing letters to the government, and his father went to a lawyer friend for legal support, but
these efforts failed. Eventually, Martí fell ill; his legs were severely lacerated by the chains that
bound him. As a result, he was transferred to another part of Cuba known as Isla de Pinos
instead of further imprisonment. Following that, the Spanish authorities decided to exile him to
Spain.[9] In Spain, Martí, who was 18 at the time, was allowed to continue his studies with the
hopes that studying in Spain would renew his loyalty to Spain.[13]
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In January 1871, Martí embarked on the steam ship , which took him from Havana to
Cádiz. He settled in Madrid in a guesthouse in Desengaño St. #10. Arriving at the capitol he
contacted fellow Cuban Carlos Sauvalle, who had been deported to Spain a year before Martí and
whose house served as a center of reunions for Cubans in exile. On March 24, Cádiz's newspaper
, published Martí's article "Castillo" in which he recalled the sufferings of a
friend he met in prison. This article would be reprinted in Sevilla's and New
York's . At this time, Martí registered himself as a member of independent studies in
the law faculty of the Central University of Madrid.[14] While studying here, Martí openly
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participated in discourse on the Cuban issue, debating through the Spanish press and circulating
documents protesting Spanish activities in Cuba.
Martí's maltreatment at the hands of the Spaniards and consequent deportation to Spain in 1871
inspired a tract, , published in July. This pamphlet's purpose was to
move the Spanish public to do something about its government's brutalities in Cuba and
promoted the issue of Cuban independence.[15] In September, from the pages of
, Martí and Sauvalle accused the newspaper of having calumniated the Cuban
residents in Madrid. During his stay in Madrid, Martí frequented the Ateneo and the National
Library, the Café de los Artistas, and the British, Swiss and Iberian breweries. In November he
became sick and had an operation, paid for by Sauvalle.[14]
On November 27, 1871, eight medical students, who had been accused (without evidence) of the
desecration of a Spanish grave, were executed in Havana.[14] In June 1872, Fermín Valdés was
arrested because of the November 27 incident. His sentence of six years of jail was pardoned,
and he was exiled to Spain where he reunited with Martí. On November 27, 1872, the printed
matter (27 November 1871) written by Martí and signed by Fermín
Valdés Domínguez and Pedro J. de la Torre circulated Madrid. A group of Cubans held a funeral
in the Caballero de Gracia church, the first anniversary of the medical students' execution.[16]
In May, he moved to Zaragoza, accompanied by Fermín Valdés to continue his studies in law at
the Universidad Literaria. The newspaper , published numerous
articles from Martí.[16]
In June 1874, Martí graduated with a degree in Civil Law and Canon Law. In August he signed up
as an external student at the Facultad de Filosofia y Letras de Zaragoza, where he finished his
degree by October. In November he returned to Madrid and then left to Paris. There he met
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Auguste Vacquerie, a poet, and Victor Hugo. In December 1874 he embarked from Le Havre for
Mexico.[18] Prevented from returning to Cuba, Martí went instead to Mexico and Guatemala.
During these travels, he taught and wrote, advocating continuously for Cuba's independence.[19]
In 1875, Martí lived on Calle Moneda in Mexico City near the Zócalo, a prestigious address of the
time. One floor above him lived Manuel Antonio Mercado, Secretary of the Distrito Federal, who
became one of Martí's best friends. On March 2, 1875, he published his first article for Vicente
Villada's , a broadsheet discussing politics, literature, and general business
commerce. On March 12, his Spanish translation of Hugo's (1874) began serialization in
. Martí then joined the editorial staff, editing the section of the
publication.
In these writings, he expressed his opinions about current events in Mexico. On May 27, in the
newspaper , he responded to the anti-Cuban-independence arguments in
, a newspaper for Spanish citizens living in Mexico. In December, Sociedad
Gorostiza (Gorostiza Society), a group of writers and artists, accepted Martí as a member, where
he met his future wife, Carmen Zayas Bazán, during his frequent visits to her Cuban father's
house to meet with the Gorostiza group.[20]
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actors, and critics. At this point, Martí began collaborating with the newspaper as
leader of the Gran Círculo Obrero (Great Labor Circle) organization of liberals and reformists who
supported Lerdo de Tejada. In March, the newspaper proposed a series of candidates as
delegates, including Martí, to the first Congreso Obrero, or congress of the workers. On June 4,
La Sociedad Esperanza de Empleados (Employees' Hope Society) designated Martí as delegate
to the Congreso Obrero. On December 7, Martí published his article in the
newspaper , bitterly criticizing the Porfiristas' armed assault upon the constitutional
government in place. On December 16, he published the article "Extranjero" (foreigner; abroad), in
which he repeated his denunciation of the Porfiristas and bade farewell to Mexico.[20]
In 1877, using his second name and second surname[21] Julián Pérez as pseudonym, Martí
embarked for Havana, hoping to arrange to move his family away to Mexico City from Havana.
He returned to Mexico, however, entering at the port of Progreso from which, via Isla de Mujeres
and Belize, he travelled south to progressive Guatemala City. He took residence in the prosperous
suburb of Ciudad Vieja, home of Guatemala's artists and intelligentsia of the day, on Cuarta
Avenida (Fourth Avenue), 3 km south of Guatemala City. While there, he was commissioned by
the government to write the play (Country and Liberty (an Indian
Drama)). He met personally the president, Justo Rufino Barrios, about this project. On April 22,
the newspaper published his article (The New Laws) pertaining
to the then newly enacted Civil Code. On May 29, he was appointed head of the Department of
French, English, Italian and German Literature, History and Philosophy, on the faculty of
philosophy and arts of the Universidad Nacional. On July 25, he lectured for the opening evening
of the literary society 'Sociedad Literaria El Porvenir', at the Teatro Colón (the since-renamed
Teatro Nacional[22]), at which function he was appointed vice-president of the Society, and
acquiring the moniker "el doctor torrente," or Doctor Torrent, in view of his rhetorical style. Martí
taught composition classes free at the A girls' academy,
among whose students he enthralled young María García Granados y Saborío, daughter of
Guatemalan president Miguel García Granados. The schoolgirl's crush was unrequited, however,
as he went again to México, where he met Carmen Zayas Bazán and whom he later married.[23]
In 1878, Martí returned to Guatemala and published his book , edited in Mexico. On
May 10, socialite María García Granados died of lung disease; her unrequited love for Martí
branded her, poignantly, as 'la niña de Guatemala, la que se murió de amor' (the Guatemalan girl
who died of love). Following her death, Martí returned to Cuba. There, he resigned signing the
Pact of Zanjón which ended the Cuban Ten Years' War, but had no effect on Cuba's status as a
colony. He met Afro-Cuban revolutionary Juan Gualberto Gómez, who would be his lifelong
partner in the independence struggle and a stalwart defender of his legacy during this same
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journey. He married Carmen Zayas Bazán on Havana's Calle Tulipán Street at this time. In
October, his application to practice law in Cuba was refused, and thereafter he immersed himself
in radical efforts, such as for the Comité Revolucionario Cubano de Nueva York (Cuban
Revolutionary Committee of New York). On November 22, 1878 his son José Francisco, known
fondly as "Pepito", was born.[24]
In 1881, after a brief stay in New York, Martí travelled to Venezuela and founded in Caracas the
, or Venezuelan Review. The journal incurred the wrath of Venezuela's dictator,
Antonio Guzmán Blanco, and Martí was forced to return to New York.[25] There, Martí joined
General Calixto García's Cuban revolutionary committee, composed of Cuban exiles advocating
independence. Here Martí openly supported Cuba's struggle for liberation, and worked as a
journalist for of Buenos Aires and for several Central American journals,[19] especially
in Mexico City.[26] The article "El ajusticiamiento de Guiteau," an account of
President Garfield's murderer's trial, was published in in 1881, and later
selected for inclusion in The Library of America's anthology of American True Crime writing. In
addition, Martí wrote poems and translated novels to Spanish. He worked for Appleton and
Company and, "on his own, translated and published Helen Hunt Jackson's . His repertory
of original work included plays, a novel, poetry, a children's magazine, , and a
newspaper, , which became the official organ of the Cuban Revolutionary party".[27] He also
served as a consul for Uruguay, Argentina, and Paraguay. Throughout this work, he preached the
"freedom of Cuba with an enthusiasm that swelled the ranks of those eager to strive with him for
it".[19]
Tension existed within the Cuban revolutionary committee between Martí and his military
compatriots. Martí feared a military dictatorship would be established in Cuba upon
independence, and suspected Dominican-born General Máximo Gómez of having these
intentions.[28] Martí knew that the independence of Cuba needed time and careful planning.
Ultimately, Martí refused to cooperate with Máximo Gómez and Antonio Maceo Grajales, two
Cuban military leaders from the Ten Years' War, when they wanted to invade immediately in 1884.
Martí knew that it was too early to attempt to win back Cuba, and later events proved him right.
[19]
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On January 1, 1891, Martí's essay "Nuestra America" was published in New York's
, and on the 30th of that month in Mexico's . He actively participated in
the Conferencia Monetaria Internacional (The International Monetary Conference) in New York
during that time as well. On June 30 his wife and son arrived in New York. After a short time,
during which Carmen Zayas Bazán realized that Martí's dedication to Cuban independence
surpassed that of supporting his family, she returned to Havana with her son on August 27. Martí
would never see them again. The fact that his wife never shared the convictions central to his life
was an enormous personal tragedy for Martí.[29] He turned for solace to Carmen Miyares de
Mantilla, a Venezuelan who ran a boarding house in New York, and he is presumed to be the
father of her daughter María Mantilla, who was in turn the mother of the actor Cesar Romero,
who proudly claimed to be Martí's grandson. In September Martí became sick again. He
intervened in the commemorative acts of The Independents, causing the Spanish consul in New
York to complain to the Argentine and Uruguayan governments. Consequently, Martí resigned
from the Argentinean, Paraguayan, and Uruguayan consulates. In October he published his book
.
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tobacco factories, where he gave speeches to the workers and united them in the cause. In
March 1892 the first edition of the newspaper, related to the Cuban Revolutionary Party,
was published, funded and directed by Martí. During Martí's Key West years, his secretary was
Dolores Castellanos (1870-1948), a Cuban-American woman born in Key West, who also served
as president of the Protectoras de la Patria: Club Político de Cubanas, a Cuban women's political
club in support of Martí's cause, and for whom Martí wrote a poem titled "A Dolores
Castellanos (http://www.josemarti.cu/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/0110_A_DOLORES_CASTE
LLANOS.pdf) ." On April 8, he was chosen delegate of the Cuban Revolutionary Party by the
Cayo Hueso Club in Tampa and New York.
From July to September 1892 he traveled through Florida, Washington, D.C., Philadelphia, Haiti,
the Dominican Republic and Jamaica on an organization mission among the exiled Cubans. On
this mission, Martí made numerous speeches and visited various tobacco factories. On
December 16 he was poisoned in Tampa.[31]
In 1893, Martí traveled through the United States, Central America and the West Indies, visiting
different Cuban clubs. His visits were received with a growing enthusiasm and raised badly
needed funds for the revolutionary cause. On May 24 he met Rubén Darío, the Nicaraguan poet in
a theatre act in Hardman Hall, New York City. On June 3 he had an interview with Máximo Gómez
in Montecristi, Dominican Republic, where they planned the uprising. In July he met with General
Antonio Maceo Grajales in San Jose, Costa Rica.[31]
In 1894 he continued traveling for propagation and organizing the revolutionary movement. On
January 27 he published in the newspaper where he denounced collusion
between the Spanish and American interests. In July he visited the president of the Mexican
Republic, Porfirio Díaz, and travelled to Veracruz. In August he prepared and arranged the armed
expedition that would begin the Cuban revolution.[32]
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Buenos Aires.
On January 12, 1895, the North American authorities stopped the steamship and two
other suspicious ships, and , at the port of Fernandina in Florida, confiscating
weapons and ruining Plan de Fernandina (Fernandina Plan). On January 29, Martí drew up the
order of the uprising, signing it with general Jose Maria Rodriguez and Enrique Collazo. Juan
Gualberto Gómez was assigned to orchestrate war preparations for La Habana Province, and
was able to work right under the noses of the relatively unconcerned Spanish authorities.[33]
Martí decided to move to Montecristi, Dominican Republic to join Máximo Gómez and to plan out
the uprising.[34]
The uprising finally took place on February 24, 1895. A month later, Martí and Máximo Gómez
declared the Manifesto de Montecristi, an "exposition of the purposes and principles of the
Cuban revolution".[35] Martí had persuaded Gómez to lead an expedition into Cuba.
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Before leaving for Cuba, Martí wrote his "literary will" on April 1, 1895, leaving his personal papers
and manuscripts to Gonzalo de Quesada, with instructions for editing. Knowing that the majority
of his writing in newspapers in Honduras, Uruguay, and Chile would disappear over time, Martí
instructed Quesada to arrange his papers in volumes. The volumes were to be arranged in the
following way: volumes one and two, North Americas; volume three, Hispanic Americas; volume
four, North American Scenes; volume five, Books about the Americas (this included both North
and South America); volume six, Literature, education and painting. Another volume included his
poetry.[35]
Lima, Peru
The expedition, composed of Martí, Gómez, Ángel Guerra, Francisco Borreo, Cesar Salas and
Marcos del Rosario, left Montecristi for Cuba on April 1, 1895.[34] Despite delays and desertion by
some members, they got to Cuba, landing at Playitas, near Cape Maisí and Imías, Cuba, on April
11. Once there, they made contact with the Cuban rebels, who were headed by the Maceo
brothers, and started fighting against Spanish troops. The revolt did not go as planned, "mainly
because the call to revolution received no immediate, spontaneous support from the masses."[36]
By May 13, the expedition reached Dos Rios. On May 19, Gomez faced Ximenez de Sandoval's
troops and ordered Martí to stay with the rearguard, but Martí became separated from the bulk of
the Cuban forces, and entered the Spanish line.[34]
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José Martí was killed in battle against Spanish troops at the Battle of Dos Ríos, near the
confluence of the rivers Contramaestre and Cauto, on May 19, 1895. Gómez had recognized that
the Spaniards had a strong position between palm trees, so he ordered his men to disengage.
Martí was alone and seeing a young courier ride by said: "Joven, ¡a la carga!" meaning: "Young
man, charge!" This was around midday, and he was dressed in a black jacket while riding a white
horse, which made him an easy target for the Spanish. After Martí was shot, the young trooper,
Ángel de la Guardia, lost his horse and returned to report the loss. The Spanish took possession
of the body, buried it close by, then exhumed the body upon realization of its identity. He was
buried in Santa Ifigenia Cemetery in Santiago de Cuba. Many have argued that Maceo and others
had always spurned Martí for never participating in combat, which may have compelled Martí to
that ill-fated two-man charge. Some of his can seem premonition-like: "No me
entierren en lo oscuro/ A morir como un traidor/ Yo soy bueno y como bueno/ Moriré de cara al
sol." ("Do not bury me in darkness/ to die like a traitor/ I am good, and as a good man/ I will die
facing the sun.")
The death of Martí was a blow to the "aspirations of the Cuban rebels, inside and outside of the
island, but the fighting continued with alternating successes and failures until the entry of the
United States into the war in 1898".[37]
Political ideology
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Martí's political ideas were shaped by his early encounter with Krausist liberalism and its defense
of spirituality and solidarity.[38][39][40][41] Radical liberalism in Latin America during this time period
often took on a nationalist and anti-imperialist cast, as shown by the examples of Francisco
Bilbao in Chile, Benito Juárez in Mexico, José Santos Zelaya in Nicaragua, and Ramón Emeterio
Betances in Puerto Rico, whom Martí deeply admired and considered one of his teachers.[42][43]
An increasingly radicalized liberalism emphasizing democratic participation, economic equality,
national sovereignty, and supplemented by his exposure to doctrines such as Georgism,
remained the dominant basis of Martí's outlook.[44][45]
Martí wrote extensively about Spanish colonial control and the threat of US expansionism into
Cuba. To him, it was unnatural that Cuba was controlled and oppressed by the Spanish
government, when it had its own unique identity and culture. In his pamphlet from February 11,
1873, called "The Spanish Republic and the Cuban Revolution", he argued that "Cubans do not live
as Spaniards live.... They are nourished by a different system of trade, have links with different
countries, and express their happiness through quite contrary customs. There are no common
aspirations or identical goals linking the two peoples, or beloved memories to unite them. ...
Peoples are only united by ties of fraternity and love.".[46]
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Martí opposed slavery and criticized Spain for upholding it. In a speech to Cuban immigrants in
Steck Hall, New York, on January 24, 1879, he stated that the war against Spain needed to be
fought, recalled the heroism and suffering of the Ten Years' War, which, he declared, had qualified
Cuba as a real nation with a right to independence. Spain had not ratified the conditions of the
peace treaty, had falsified elections, continued excessive taxation, and had failed to abolish
slavery. Cuba needed to be free.[47]
Martí proposed in a letter to Máximo Gómez in 1882 the formation of a revolutionary party, which
he considered essential in the prevention of Cuba falling back on the Home Rule Party (
) after the Pact of Zanjón.[48] The Home Rule Party was a peace-seeking party that
would stop short of the outright independence that Martí thought Cuba needed. But he was
aware that there were social divisions in Cuba, especially racial divisions, that needed to be
addressed as well.[49] He thought war was necessary to achieve Cuba's freedom, despite his
basic ideology of conciliation, respect, dignity, and balance. The establishment of the
(fatherland) with a good government would unite Cubans of all social classes and colours in
harmony.[50] Together with other Cubans resident in New York, Martí started laying the grounds
for the Revolutionary Party, stressing the need for a democratic organization as the basic
structure before any military leaders were to join. The military would have to subordinate
themselves to the interests of the fatherland. Gómez later rejoined Martí's plans, promising to
comply.
Martí's consolidation of support among the Cuban expatriates, especially in Florida, was key in
the planning and execution of the invasion of Cuba. His speeches to Cuban tobacco workers in
Tampa and Key West motivated and united them; this is considered the most important political
achievement of his life.[51] At this point he refined his ideological platform, basing it on a Cuba
held together by pride in being Cuban, a society that ensured "the welfare and prosperity of all
Cubans"[52] independently of class, occupation or race. Faith in the cause could not die, and the
military would not try for domination. All pro-independence Cubans would participate, with no
sector predominating. From this he established the Cuban Revolutionary Party in early 1892.
Martí and the CRP were devoted to secretly organizing the anti-Spanish war. Martí's newspaper,
, was a key instrument of this campaign, where Martí delineated his final plans for Cuba.
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Through this medium he argued against the exploitative colonialism of Spain in Cuba, criticized
the Home Rule ( ) Party for having aims that fell considerably short of full
independence, and warned against U.S. annexationism which he felt could only be prevented by
Cuba's successful independence.[53] He specified his plans for the future Cuban Republic, a multi-
class and multi-racial democratic republic based on universal suffrage, with an egalitarian
economic base to develop fully Cuba's productive resources and an equitable distribution of land
among citizens, with enlightened and virtuous politicians.[54]
From Martí's 'Campaign Diaries', written during the final expedition in Cuba, it seems evident that
Martí would have reached the highest position in the future Republic of Arms.[55] This was not to
be; his death occurred before the Assembly of Cuba was set up. Until his last minute, Martí
dedicated his life to achieve full independence for Cuba. His uncompromising belief in
democracy and freedom for his fatherland is what characterized his political ideology.
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Martí demonstrated an anti-imperialist attitude from an early age, and was convinced that the
United States posed a danger for Latin America. While critiquing the United States for its
stereotypes of Latin Americans and preoccupation with capitalism, Martí also drew parallels with
the American Revolution and the nationalist movement in Cuba.[56] At the same time, he
recognized the advantages of the civilizations of Western Europe and the United States, which
were open to the reforms that Latin American countries needed in order to detach themselves
from the colonial heritage of Spain. Martí's distrust of U.S. politics had developed during the
1880s, due to the intervention threats that loomed on Mexico and Guatemala, and indirectly on
Cuba's future. Over time Martí became increasingly alarmed about the United States' intentions
for Cuba. The United States desperately needed new markets for its industrial products because
of the economic crisis it was experiencing, and the media was talking about the purchase of
Cuba from Spain.[57] Cuba was a profitable, fertile country with an important strategic position in
the Gulf of Mexico.[58] Martí felt that the interests of Cuba's future lay with its sister nations in
Latin America, and were opposite to those of the United States.[59]
Another trait that Martí admired was the work ethic that characterized U.S. society. On various
occasions Martí conveyed his deep admiration for the immigrant-based society, "whose principal
aspiration he interpreted as being to construct a truly modern country, based upon hard work and
progressive ideas." Martí stated that he was "never surprised in any country of the world [he had]
visited. Here [he] was surprised... [he] remarked that no one stood quietly on the corners, no door
was shut an instant, no man was quiet. [He] stopped [him]self, [he] looked respectfully on this
people, and [he] said goodbye forever to that lazy life and poetical inutility of our European
countries".[60]
Although Martí opposed US intervention in Cuba, he found American society to be so great that
he believed Latin America should consider imitating the United States. Martí argued that if the US
"could reach such a high standard of living in so short a time, and despite, too, its lack of unifying
traditions, could not the same be expected of Latin America?"[60] However, Martí believed US
expansionism represented Spanish American republics' "greatest danger."[61] Martí was amazed
at how education was directed towards helping the development of the nation and once again
encouraged Latin American countries to follow the example set by U.S. society. At the same time,
he criticized the elitist educational systems of Cuba and the rest of Latin America. Often, Martí
recommended countries in Latin America to "send representatives to learn more relevant
techniques in the United States". Once this was done, Martí hoped that this representatives
would bring a "much-needed modernization to the Latin American agricultural policies".[62]
However, not everything in the United States was to be admired by Martí. When it came to politics
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Martí wrote that politics in the US had "adopted a carnival atmosphere... especially during
election time".[63] He saw acts of corruption among candidates, such as bribing "the constituents
with vast quantities of beer, while impressive parades wound their way through New York's
crowded streets, past masses of billboards, all exhorting the public to vote for the different
political candidates".[63] Martí criticized and condemned the elites of the United States as they
"pulled the main political strings behind the scenes". According to Martí, the elites "deserved
severe censure" as they were the biggest threat to the "ideals with which the United States was
first conceived".[63]
Martí started to believe that the US had abused its potential. Racism was abundant. Different
races were being discriminated against; political life "was both cynically regarded by the public at
large and widely abused by 'professional politicians'; industrial magnates and powerful labor
groups faced each other menacingly". All of this convinced Martí that a large-scale social conflict
was imminent in the United States.[64]
On the positive side, Martí was astonished by the "inviolable right of freedom of speech which all
U.S. citizens possessed". Martí applauded the United States' Constitution which allowed freedom
of speech to all its citizens, no matter what political beliefs they had. In May 1883, while
attending political meetings he heard "the call for revolution – and more specifically the
destruction of the capitalist system". Martí was amazed that the country maintained freedom of
speech even with respect to calls that "could have led to its own destruction". Martí also gave his
support to the women's suffrage movements, and was "pleased that women here [took]
advantage of this privilege in order to make their voices heard". According to Martí, free speech
was essential if any nation was to be civilized and he expressed his "profound admiration for
these many basic liberties and opportunities open to the vast majority of U.S. citizens".[65]
The works of Martí contain many comparisons between the ways of life of North and Latin
America. The former was seen as "hardy, 'soulless', and, at times, cruel society, but one which,
nevertheless, had been based upon a firm foundation of liberty and on a tradition of liberty".[65]
Although U.S. society had its flaws, they tended to be "of minor importance when compared to
the broad sweep of social inequality, and to the widespread abuse of power prevalent in Latin
America".[65]
Once it became apparent that the United States were actually going to purchase Cuba and
intended to Americanize it, Martí "spoke out loudly and bravely against such action, stating the
opinion of many Cubans on the United States of America."[66]
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José Martí as a liberator believed that the Latin American countries needed to know the reality of
their own history. Martí also saw the necessity of a country having its own literature. These
reflections started in Mexico from 1875 and are connected to the Mexican Reform, where
prominent liberals like Ignacio Manuel Altamirano and Guillermo Prieto had situated themselves
in front of a cultural renovation in Mexico, taking on the same approach as Esteban Echeverría
thirty years before in Argentina. In the second "Boletin" that Martí published in the
(May 11, 1875) one can already see Martí's approach, which was fundamentally Latin
American. His wish to build a national or Latin American identity was nothing new or unusual in
those days; however, no Latin-American intellectual of that time had approached as clearly as
Martí the task of building a national identity. He insisted on the necessity of building institutions
and laws that matched the natural elements of each country, and recalled the failure of the
applications of French and American civil codes in the new Latin American republics. Martí
believed that "el hombre del sur", the man of the South, should choose an appropriate
development strategy matching his character, the peculiarity of his culture and history, and the
nature that determined his being.[67]
Writings
Martí as a writer covered a range of genres. In addition to producing newspaper articles and
keeping up an extensive correspondence (his letters are included in the collection of his
complete works), he wrote a serialized novel, composed poetry, wrote essays, and published four
issues of a children's magazine, [68](The Golden Age, 1889). His essays and
articles occupy more than fifty volumes of his complete works. His prose was extensively read
and influenced the modernist generation, especially the Nicaraguan poet Rubén Darío, whom
Martí called "my son" when they met in New York in 1893.[69]
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Martí did not publish any books: only two notebooks ( ) of verses, in editions outside of
the market, and a number of political tracts. The rest (an enormous amount) was left dispersed
in numerous newspapers and magazines, in letters, in diaries and personal notes, in other
unedited texts, in frequently improvised speeches, and some lost forever. Five years after his
death, the first volume of his was published. A novel appeared in this collection in 1911:
, which Martí had made known was published under a pseudonym in 1885. In
1913, also in this edition, his third poetic collection that he had kept unedited: . His
(Campaign Diary) was published in 1941. Later still, in 1980, Nicaraguan poet
Ernesto Mejía Sánchez produced a set of about thirty of Martí's articles written for the Mexican
newspaper that weren't included in any of his so-called
editions. From 1882 to 1891, Martí collaborated in , a Buenos Aires newspaper. His
texts from have been collected in .
Over the course of his journalistic career, he wrote for numerous newspapers, starting with
(The Limping Devil) and (The Free Fatherland), both of which he
helped to found in 1869 in Cuba and which established the extent of his political commitment
and vision for Cuba. In Spain he wrote for ,in Mexico for ,
and in Venezuela for , which he founded. In New York he contributed to
Venezuelan periodical , Buenos Aires newspaper , Mexico's
, and from the U.S.[70]
The first critical edition of Martí's complete works began to appear in 1983 in
. The critical edition of his complete poems was published in 1985 in
Volume two of his includes his famous essay 'Nuestra America' which
"comprises a variety of subjects relating to Spanish America about which Martí studied and
wrote. Here it is noted that after Cuba his interest was directed mostly to Guatemala, Mexico and
Venezuela. The various sections of this part are about general matters and international
conferences; economic, social and political questions; literature and art; agrarian and industrial
problems; immigration; education; relations with the United States and Spanish America; travel
notes".[71]
According to Martí, the intention behind the publication of "La edad de oro" was "so that
American children may know how people used to live, and how they live nowadays, in the United
States and in other countries; how many things are made, such as glass and iron, steam engines
and suspension bridges and electric light; so that when a child sees a coloured stone he will
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know why the stone is coloured. ... We shall tell them about everything which is done in factories,
where things happen which are stranger and more interesting than the magic in fairy stories.
These things are real magic, more marvelous than any. ... We write for children because it is they
who know how to love, because it is children who are the hope for the world".[72]
Martí's "Versos Sencillos" was written "in the town of Haines Falls, New York, where his doctor
has sent [him] to regain his strength 'where streams flowed and clouds gathered in upon
themeselves'".[73] The poetry encountered in this work is "in many [ways] autobiographical and
allows readers to see Martí the man and the patriot and to judge what was important to him at a
crucial time in Cuban history".[73]
Martí's writings reflected his own views both socially and politically. "Cultivo Una Rosa Blanca" is
one of his poems that emphasize his views in hopes of betterment for society:
This poem is a clear description of Martí's societal hopes for his homeland. Within the poem, he
talks about how regardless of the person, whether kind or cruel he cultivates a white rose,
meaning that he remains peaceful. This coincides with his ideology about establishing unity
amongst the people, more so those of Cuba, through a common identity, with no regards to
ethnic and racial differences.[75] This doctrine could be accomplished if one treated his enemy
with peace as he would treat a friend. The kindness of one person should be shared with all
people, regardless of personal conflict. By following the moral that lies within "Cultivo Rosa
Blanca", Martí's vision of Cuban solidarity could be possible, creating a more peaceful society
that would emanate through future generations.
After his breakthrough in Cuba literature, José Martí went on to contribute his works to
newspapers, magazines, and books that reflected his political and social views. Because of his
early death, Martí was unable to publish a vast collection of poetry; even so, his literary
contributions have made him a renowned figure in literature, influencing many writers, and
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His didactic spirit encouraged him to establish a magazine for children, (1889)
which contained a short essay titled "Tres Heroes" (three heroes), representative of his talent to
adapt his expression to his audience; in this case, to make the young reader conscious of and
amazed by the extraordinary bravery of the three men, Bolivar, Hidalgo, and San Martín. This is
his style to teach delightfully.[79]
José Martí is universally honored as a great poet, patriot and martyr of Cuban Independence, but
he was also a translator of some note. Although he translated literary material for the sheer joy
of it, much of the translating he did was imposed on him by economic necessity during his many
years of exile in the United States. Martí learned English at an early age, and had begun to
translate at thirteen. He continued translating for the rest of his life, including his time as a
student in Spain, although the period of his greatest productivity was during his stay in New York
from 1880 until he returned to Cuba in 1895.[80]
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In New York he was what is known today as a "freelancer," as well as an "in house" translator. He
translated several books for the publishing house of D. Appleton, and did a series of translations
for newspapers. As a revolutionary activist in Cuba's long struggle for independence he
translated into English a number of articles and pamphlets supporting that movement.[81] In
addition to fluent English, Martí also spoke French, Italian, Latin and Classical Greek fluently, the
latter learned so he could read the Greek classical works in the original.[82]
There was clearly a dichotomy in Martí's feeling about the kind of work he was translating. Like
many professionals, he undertook for money translation tasks which had little intellectual or
emotional appeal for him. Although Martí never presented a systematic theory of translation nor
did he write extensively about his approach to translation, he did jot down occasional thoughts
on the subject, showcasing his awareness of the translator's dilemma of the faithful versus the
beautiful and stating that "translation should be natural, so that it appears that the book were
written in the language to which it has been translated".[83]
Modernists, in general, use a subjective language. Martí's stylistic creed is part of the necessity
to de-codify the logic rigor and the linguistic construction and to eliminate the intellectual,
abstract and systematic expression. There is the deliberate intention and awareness to expand
the expressive system of the language. The style changes the form of thinking. Without falling
into unilateralism, Martí values the expression because language is an impression and a feeling
through the form. Modernism mostly searches for visions and realities, the expression takes in
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the impressions, the state of mind, without reflection and without concept. This is the law of
subjectivity. We can see this in works of Martí, one of the first modernists, who conceives the
literary task like an invisible unity, an expressive totality, considering the style like "a form of the
content" (forma del contenido).[84]
The difference that Martí established between prose and poetry are conceptual. Poetry, as he
believes, is a language of the permanent subjective: the intuition and the vision. The prose is an
instrument and a method of spreading the ideas, and has the goal of elevating, encouraging and
animating these ideas rather than having the expression of tearing up the heart, complaining and
moaning. The prose is a service to his people.[85]
Martí produces a system of specific signs "an ideological code" (código ideológico). These
symbols claim their moral value and construct signs of ethic conduct. Martí's modernism was a
spiritual attitude that was reflected on the language. All his writing defines his moral world. One
could also say that his ideological and spiritual sphere is fortified in his writing.[85]
The difference between Martí and other modernist initiators such as Manuel Gutiérrez Nájera,
Julián del Casal, and José Asunción Silva (and the similarity between him and Manuel González
Prada) lies in the profound and transcendent value that he gave to literature, converting prose
into an article or the work of a journalist. This hard work was important in giving literature
authentic and independent value and distancing it from mere formal amusement. Manuel
Gutiérrez Nájera, Rubén Darío, Miguel de Unamuno and José Enrique Rodó saved the Martínian
articles, which will have an endless value in the writings of the American continent.[86]
Apart from Martínian articles, essay writing and literature starts to authorize itself as an
alternative and privileged way to talk about politics. Literature starts to apply itself the only
hermeneutics able to resolve the enigmas of a Latin American identity.[86]
Legacy
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Martí's dedication to the cause of Cuban independence and his passionate belief in democracy
and justice has made him a hero for all Cubans, a symbol of unity, the "Apostle",[87] a great leader.
His writings have created a platform for all that he went through during the duration of this period
in time.[88] His ultimate goal of building a democratic, just, and stable republic in Cuba and his
obsession with the practical execution of this goal led him to become the most charismatic
leader of the 1895 colonial revolution. His work haranguing the Cuban community, raising funds,
resolving the disagreements of important revolutionary leaders, and creating the Cuban
Revolutionary Party to organize this effort, put into motion the Cuban war of independence.[89]
His foresight into the future, shown in his warnings against American political interests for Cuba,
was confirmed by the swift occupation of Cuba by the United States following the Spanish–
American War. His belief in the inseparability of Cuban and Latin American sovereignty and the
expression thereof in his writings have contributed to the shape of the modern Latin American
Identity. Through his beliefs for Cuban and Latin American sovereignty, Cuba revolted on former
allies.[88] This is why Cuba became an independent nation. His works are a cornerstone of Latin
American and political literature and his prolific contributions to the fields of journalism, poetry,
and prose are highly acclaimed.[90]
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Martí was a Classical liberal whose major goal was the liberation of Cuba from Spain and the
establishment of a democratic republican government.[91] His writings on the concepts of Cuban
nationalism fuelled the 1895 revolution, and have continued to inform conflicting visions of the
Cuban nation.
Due to the great admiration of the Cuban people for Martí, the communist government and
Castro himself have tried to associate themselves with the hero as much as possible, endorsing
his anti-imperialist positions, and ignoring those writings that promote individual freedom and
are critical of dictatorships. Despite Martí never having supported communism or single party
systems,[92] Cuban leaders repeatedly cited Martí as an inspiration, and claimed that Martí's
Partido Revolucionario Cubano was a "forerunner of the Communist Party".[92] A clear example of
this forced association, is that following his death in 2016, former Cuban leader Fidel Castro was
buried next to Martí in Santiago.[93][94]
Regarded as Cuba's "martyr" and "apostle,"[6] several landmarks in Cuba are dedicated to Martí.[6]
[5] During Castro's tenure, the politics and death of Martí were used to justify certain actions of
the state.[92] The Cuban government claimed that Martí had supported a single party system,
creating a precedent for a communist government.[92] However, such claims are due more to the
communist administration's desire to justify its actions by attributing them to the thinking of the
national hero, than to concrete evidence.[95] There is no proof that Martí wanted a one-party
system for Cuba. On the contrary, he was an admirer of democracy and the American republican
system, and throughout his life he fiercely criticized any type of dictatorial government.[96] In
addition, he also criticized Marx, and warned on several occasions about the dangers of
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socialism.[97]
Martí's nuanced, often ambivalent positions on the most important issues of his day[98] have led
Marxist interpreters to see a class conflict between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie as the
main theme of his works, while others have identified a liberal-capitalist emphasis.[99] Cubans
who oppose the communist government honor Martí as a defender of freedom and democracy,
and a figure of hope for the Cuban nation, and condemn Castro's government for manipulating
his works and creating a "Castroite Martí" to justify its "intolerance and abridgments of human
rights".[100] His writings thus remain a key ideological weapon in the battle over the fate of the
Cuban nation.
José Martí International Airport, Havana's international airport, is named after Martí. A statue of
Martí was unveiled in Havana on his 123rd birth anniversary, with President Raúl Castro attending
the ceremony.[101] The José Martí Memorial in the Vedado neighborhood of Havana includes a
109-m tower and is the largest monument in the world dedicated to a writer.
On the waterfront of Cap-Haïtien, Haiti, a city that José Martí visited three times,[103] a power
station is named after him.[104] The home where he resided during his final visit in 1895[105] bears
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a marble plaque.[106] Place José Martí (José Martí Square), featuring a bust of the poet, was
inaugurated in 2014.[107]
Parque Amigos de José Martí is a small park located in the Ybor City neighborhood of Tampa,
FL. In 1956, the land was gifted to Cuba and the park was officially dedicated in 1960.[108] The
park prominently features a statue of Martí and a plaque erected in 1998.[109] Near the park’s
entrance is a plaque commemorating the site of La Casa De Pedroso, a boarding house where
Martí convalesced following an attempted poisoning.[110] About a block away is another
historical marker commemorating his impromptu speech to Cuban cigar workers from the steps
of the Ybor Factory Building in 1893.[111] The parks and markers are inside the Ybor City Historic
District.
The "White Rose" name of Germany's Anti Nazi resistance group (led by Sophie and Hans Scholl)
of Munich university was apparently inspired by Jose Marti's verse "Cultivo Una Rosa Blanca".
In Romania, a Bucharest public school and the Romanian-Cuban Friendship Association from
Targoviste are both named "Jose Martí".
In Shively, Ky., part of Louisville Metro, a bronze bust atop a marble monument (https://www.co
urier-journal.com/story/opinion/2022/10/17/jos-mart-bust-in-shively-ky-a-monument-to-interna
tional-friendship/69556056007/) pays tribute to José Martí.
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• 1869 January:
• 1869 January:
• 1871:
• 1873:
• 1875:
• 1882:
• 1882 February:
• 1882 February:
• 1882 July:
• 1883 January:
• 1883 March:
• 1883 March:
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• 1883 March:
• 1883 September:
• 1883 December:
• 1884 April:
• 1884 November:
• 1884 November:
• 1885:
• 1885 January:
• 1885 March:
• 1885 June:
• 1885 August:
• 1886 May:
• 1886 September:
• 1887 April:
• 1887 April:
• 1887 November:
• 1887 November:
• 1888 May:
• 1888 August:
• 1888 November:
• 1888 November:
• 1889: '
• 1889 May:
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• 1889 July:
• 1889 August:
• 1889 September:
• 1890 November:
• 1891 October:
• 1891 January:
• 1894 January:
• 1895:
See also
• Guantanamera
Notes
1. Hudson, Michael (15 January 2000). "Speech to the Communist Party of Cuba" (http://michael-hudso
n.com/2000/01/speech-to-the-communist-party-of-cuba/) . Retrieved 5 August 2015.
2. Mace, Elisabeth. "The economic thinking of Jose Marti: Legacy foundation for the integration of
America" (https://archive.today/20150908183320/http://www.akimoo.com/2013/the-economic-thin
king-of-jose-marti-legacy-foundation-for-the-integration-of-america/) . Archived from the original (ht
tp://www.akimoo.com/2013/the-economic-thinking-of-jose-marti-legacy-foundation-for-the-integrati
on-of-america/) on 8 September 2015. Retrieved 5 August 2015.
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5. Jr, W. T. Whitney (22 January 2018). "José Martí, soul of the Cuban Revolution" (https://www.peoples
world.org/article/jose-marti-soul-of-the-cuban-revolution/) . .
8. Fidalgo 1998, p. 26
21. It is common, and in fact legal, practice in Spanish-speaking societies to use and include the maternal
surname as the "second" last name, such that both surnames are the legal and customary surname of
an individual. E.g., Pérez López means that in -Spanish societies esp. anglophone societies,
is the correct surname to which to refer; otherwise, 'both' names together are the legal surname.
22. Guatemala was one of the first regions of the New World to be exposed to European music
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39. Ortega Paredes, Juan J. (2007). "José Martí: su concepto de democracia en el Partido Revolucionario
Cubano". . : 100.
41. Conde, Guillermo Hierrezuelo (2014). "Il pensiero politico di José Martí" (https://doi.org/10.4067%2F
S0716-54552014000100020) . (36): 518–521. doi:
10.4067/S0716-54552014000100020 (https://doi.org/10.4067%2FS0716-54552014000100020) .
43. Hidalgo Paz, Ibrahim (2008). "Puerto Rico en el Partido Revolucionario Cubano, 1895-1898".
. (2): 87–100.
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56. Giles, Paul (Spring 2004). "The Parallel Worlds of Jose Marti" (https://muse.jhu.edu/article/169486/p
df) . . (89): 185–190. doi:10.1215/01636545-2004-89-185 (https://doi.o
rg/10.1215%2F01636545-2004-89-185) . S2CID 144839689 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/Corpu
sID:144839689) . Retrieved 16 November 2017.
61. Kirk 1977, pp. 278–79 Martí thought that US expansionism represented the Spanish American
republics' "greatest danger"
68. Lally, Carolyn. "Foreign Language Program Articulation: Current Practice and Future Prospects." 2001.
p. 54.
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74. Martí, José, Manuel A.Tellechea Versos Sencillos. U of Houston: Arte Público Press, 1997
75. Morukian, Maria. "Cubanidad: Survival of Cuban Culture Identity in the 21st Century".
83. "la traducción debe ser natural, para que parezca como si el libro hubiese sido escrito en la lengua al
que lo traduces." De la Cuesta 1996, p. 7
91. Lecuona, Rafael (March 1991). "Jose Marti and Fidel Castro". .
(1): 45–61. JSTOR 20751650 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/20751650) .
92. Ripoll, Carlos (1994). "The Falsification of Jose Marti in Cuba". . : 3–38.
JSTOR 24485768 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/24485768) .
94. "Fidel Castro will be buried next to Jose Marti | Miami Herald" (https://web.archive.org/web/2016113
0142928/http://www.miamiherald.com/news/nation-world/world/americas/fidel-castro-en/article11
7762148.html) . . Archived from the original (https://www.miamiherald.com/news/nati
on-world/world/americas/fidel-castro-en/article117762148.html) on 2016-11-30.
95. Ripoll, Carlos (1994). "The Falsification of José Martí in Cuba" (http://www.jstor.org/stable/2448576
8) . . : 3–38. JSTOR 24485768 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/24485768) .
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96. Cave, Damien (March 21, 2016). "Cuban Poet José Martí: Everyone's Revolutionary" (https://www.nyti
mes.com/interactive/projects/cp/international/obama-in-cuba/cuban-poet-jose-marti-everyones-rev
olutionary) . .
97. León, Luis Leonel (2021-02-16). "Martí jamás sería socialista" (https://www.diariolasamericas.com/a
merica-latina/marti-jamas-seria-socialista-n4216711) .
104. "Centrale thermique Jose Marti : les fruits ne tiennent pas la promesse des fleurs" (https://www.haiti
z.com/haitiznews/index.php/categorynord/117-centrale-thermique-jose-marti-les-fruits-ne-tiennent-
pas-la-promesse-des-fleurs) . (in French). Retrieved 2021-11-09.
107. "Haiti - Politic : President Martelly inaugurates the Jose Marti Square in Cap-Haitien" (https://www.ha
itilibre.com/en/news-10371-haiti-politic-president-martelly-inaugurates-the-jose-marti-square-in-cap-
haitien.html) . . Retrieved 2021-11-09.
108. Sellers, John (2018-03-01). "Does Cuba Own Jose Marti Park?" (https://digitalcommons.usf.edu/sunl
andtribune/vol3/iss1/7) . . (1). ISSN 2575-2472 (https://www.worldcat.org/issn/2
575-2472) .
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References
• Fidalgo, Jose Antonio. "El Doctor Fermín Valdés-Domínguez, Hombre de Ciencias y Su Posible
Influencia Recíproca Con José Martí" 1998 (84)
pp. 26–34
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• Gray, Richard B. (April 1966), "The Quesadas of Cuba: Biographers and Editors of José Martí y
Pérez", , (4), Academy of American Franciscan History: 389–403, doi:
10.2307/979019 (https://doi.org/10.2307%2F979019) , JSTOR 979019 (https://www.jstor.o
rg/stable/979019) , S2CID 127392531 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:1273925
31) .
• Kirk, John M. (November 1977), "Jose Marti and the United States: A Further Interpretation"
(http://DalSpace.library.dal.ca/bitstream/10222/21684/1/kirk_1977.pdf) (PDF),
, (2), Cambridge University Press: 275–90, doi:10.1017/
S0022216X00020617 (https://doi.org/10.1017%2FS0022216X00020617) , JSTOR 156129
(https://www.jstor.org/stable/156129) , S2CID 145685578 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/
CorpusID:145685578) .
• Martí, José (1963a), "El presidio político en Cuba. Madrid 1871", , vol. 1,
Havana: Editorial Nacional de Cuba, pp. 46–50, OCLC 263517905 (https://www.worldcat.org/
oclc/263517905) .
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José Martí - Wikipedia https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/José_Martí
• Martí, José (1963c), "Letter to Antonio Maceo, 20 July 1882", , vol. 1, Havana:
Editorial Nacional de Cuba, pp. 172–73, OCLC 263517905 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/26
3517905) .
• Martí, José (1963d), "Letter to Enrique Trujillo, 6 July 1885", , vol. 1, Havana:
Editorial Nacional de Cuba, OCLC 263517905 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/263517905) .
• Martí, José (1963e), "Speech known as "Con todos y para el bien de todos" given in Tampa, 26
November 1891", , vol. 4, Havana: Editorial Nacional de Cuba, pp. 266–70,
OCLC 263517908 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/263517908) .
• Morukian, Maria. "Cubanidad: Survival of Cuban Culture Identity in the 21st Century".
• Quiroz, Alfonso. "The Cuban Republic and José Martí: reception and use of a national symbol".
Lexington Books, 2006
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• Vincent, Jon S. "Jose Marti: Surrealist or Seer?" Latin American Research Review, Vol. 13, No. 1
(1978), pp. 178–81.
External links
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José Martí - Wikipedia https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/José_Martí
Project Gutenberg
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