Comp 120
Comp 120
Comp 120
Do college admissions have policies that factor in identity—race, gender identity, sexual
orientation, etc.—make up “reverse racism”? Top colleges and universities were largely
exclusive to wealthy, primarily white people for a significant portion of American history.
Adopting tactics like affirmative action and the specifically targeted practice of considering race
and ethnicity as part of a holistic evaluation of a student's application marked the start of these
institutions actively prioritizing diversity and expanding access only in the 20th century.
Affirmative action is one of the best instruments colleges and universities use to encourage
diversity and ensure that people who are otherwise shut out of the American postsecondary
Despite the fact that the United States Supreme Court has frequently upheld the use of race in
admissions, some groups continue to obstruct access for students of color. After the 2008
presidential elections in the United States, the world thought that there would be a change in the
racist lifestyle of Americans as President Barack Obama was victorious, but it was far from it.
Ever since November 4th, 2008, I personally believe there have been more prominent racial
attacks. That same year, the University of Texas at Austin was sued for racial discrimination by
Abigail Fisher, a University of Texas at Austin applicant who was turned down. Fisher alleged
that students of color and people of color were admitted before her despite having lower
application scores.
Although nine black and Latino students with lower scores were admitted, there were also about
40 white students who received scores below Fisher. Along with these figures, separate
research discovered that more than 60 black and Latino students with test scores higher than
Student for Fair Admissions was founded by the legal team representing Fisher, Edward Blum,
and the Center for Individual Rights (CIR). This team opposed affirmative action. Although
historically the CIR has focused on white candidates. In April 1989, the Center for Individual
Rights officially opened for business. Michael McDonald and Michael Greve, the founders, met
while they were employed by the Washington Legal Foundation. Greve wrote on environmental
issues and helped with WLF's fundraising; McDonald, an attorney, had founded WLF's Legal
Studies Branch in 1987 and specialized in First Amendment lawsuits. Before that, the
conservative public interest law movement was typically hampered by two issues: first, many
conservative firms had a tendency to avoid initiating original litigation, preferring instead to file
cost-saving (but largely ineffective) amicus briefs; and secondly, these firms had a tendency to
maintain sizable legal staffs, a situation that necessitated significant fundraising efforts.
Throughout the last four decades, college enrollment and completion rates have increased
dramatically. Yet, students of color, particularly black and Latin students, are underrepresented
at selective universities today, than they were 35 years ago. In reality, 45 of the 50 flagship state
institutions have a black student enrollment imbalance, which means that the number of black
students is lower than the percentage of black high school graduates in that state. Black
students, for example, made up 50% of Mississippi high school graduates in 2015–2016 but just
exacerbates this long-standing issue. Students of color, for instance, have a 23 percentage
classrooms can reduce students' racial bias, increase satisfaction and intellectual self-
confidence, and improve leadership skills. These advantages may lead to improved economic
outcomes and, among other things, prepare students to work in a diverse global economy,
increasing team productivity, effectiveness, and creativity. In recent decades, higher education
institutions have placed a greater emphasis on integration and campus diversity. This effort may
have benefited white women the most. Female college enrollment more than doubled between
applicants, it should supplement rather than replace consideration of race and ethnicity.
Although income is a good indicator of a household's ability to cover regular expenses, it does
not tell the entire story about economic well-being and access to higher education. Wealth
allows families to relocate to better school districts, purchase test preparation books and
classes, and pay for or contribute to college tuition. But centuries of systemic racism and
intergenerational transfers have provided white households with far more wealth than
households of color, even after controlling for income. In fact, middle-income white households
typically have twice as much wealth as their Latino counterparts and three times as much
Affirmative action, in general, is a mechanism that has enabled previously excluded groups to
attend college. In the American education system, students of color have long faced systemic
barriers such as exclusion, segregation, underfunding, fewer resources, and lower familial
wealth. As a result, students of color are more likely to perform poorly on the success indicators
that colleges use to determine admission, making it more difficult for people of color to gain
admission to top-tier public and private colleges. Affirmative action and other race-conscious
admissions practices attempt to address these inequities by encouraging colleges to look more
closely at some of the nontraditional factors that could lead to a student's success but are
Work Cited:
Crutchfield, Joshua L., “Students for Fair Admissions V. Harvard and the History Behind
admissions-v-harvard-and-the-history-behind-colorblind-admissions/.
“The Case for Affirmative Action.” Harvard Graduate School of Education, Crutchfield, Joshua
L., “Students for Fair Admissions V. Harvard and the History behind Colorblind Admissions.”
.ttps://www.gse.harvard.edu/news/uk/18/07/case-affirmative-action