rElIGIoUS VIolENCE IN lAtE ANtIqUE

EGyPt rECoNSIdErEd: tHE CASES

of AlEXANdrIA, PANoPolIS ANd
PHIlAE1

Jitse h. F. Dijkstra2
University of ottawa

ABStrACt
the period of late Antiquity has long been perceived, and is still often perceived,
through the lens of (Christian) literary works, which tell dramatic stories
of violence against temples, statues and even ‘pagans’, and may give the

1 I would like to thank the audiences at the University of Kent (19 February 2014), the University of
Toronto (28 February 2014), the sixth Annual UNISA Symposium for New Testament and Early
Christian Studies (16 September 2014), and the exhibit ‘One God. Abraham’s Legacy on the Nile’
at the Bode-Museum (2 July 2015) for stimulating discussions of this paper, and the conveners,
Luke Lavan (Canterbury), John Kloppenborg and Katherine Blouin (Toronto), Chris de Wet and
Wendy Mayer (Pretoria), and Cäcilia Fluck (Berlin) for their kind invitations. I am also grateful
to Jan Bremmer and Geoffrey Greatrex for comments on an earlier version of this article, which
appeared in much abridged form as J.H.F. Dijkstra, ‘Religiöse Gewalt im spätantiken Ägypten’, in
Ein Gott: Abrahams Erben am Nil. Juden, Christen und Muslime in Ägypten von der Antike bis im
Mittelalter (ed. C. Fluck, G. Helmecke and E. O’Connell; Petersberg: Imhof, 2015), 80–83, with
its counterpart in English, ‘Religious Violence in Late Antique Egypt,’ in Egypt. Faith after the
Pharaohs (ed. C. Fluck, G. Helmecke and E. O’Connell; London: British Museum Press, 2015),
78–81.
2 Jitse H.F. Dijkstra is a guest lecturer at the Department of Biblical and Ancient Studies, University
of South Africa, Pretoria.

university
of south africa

Journal of Early Christian History Print ISSN 2222-582X

Volume 5 | Number 2 | 2015 © Unisa Press
pp. 24–48

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Jitse H. f. dijkstra religious Violence in late Antique Egypt reconsidered

impression that this was a period of widespread religious violence. Egypt, where
such stories abound, has often been seen as a particularly good illustration of
the pervasive nature of religious violence in the late Antique world. this article
takes a different view. By adopting a theoretical framework on religious violence
from religious Studies and including all the other sources available from
Egypt – papyri, inscriptions and archaeological remains – it argues that events
were often dramatised for ideological reasons and that, when seen against a
general background of religious transformation, religious violence occurred
only occasionally in speciic local or regional circumstances. This point will be
demonstrated by discussing three iconic events that have often been adduced
as symptomatic of widespread violence in late Antique Egypt: the destruction
of the Serapeum at Alexandria in 391/392, the anti-‘pagan’ crusade of Abbot
Shenoute in the region of Panopolis around 400, and the closure of the Isis
temple at Philae in 535–537.

Keywords: religious transformation; religious violence; Ancient Egyptian religion;

Christianity; late Antique Egypt.

1. INtrodUCtIoN: toWArdS A NEW NArrAtIVE

of rElIGIoUS VIolENCE IN lAtE ANtIqUE
EGyPt
Among the splendid Raphael rooms in the Vatican is the Hall of Constantine, which
contains depictions of four scenes from the life of Constantine that serve to illustrate
the triumph of the Church. On the ceiling in the middle of this room is the famous
painting Triumph of the Cross, completed in 1585 by Tommaso Laureti. We see a
statue of a ‘pagan’ god smashed to pieces on the ground and replaced with the cross
(Fig. 1):3

3 This painting is also briely mentioned by T. Myrup Kristensen, Making and Breaking the Gods.
Christian Responses to Pagan Sculpture in Late Antiquity (Aarhus Studies in Mediterranean
Antiquity 12; Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 2013), 16.

25
Jitse H. f. dijkstra religious Violence in late Antique Egypt reconsidered

Figure 1: tommaso laureti, Triumph of the Cross (1585; Hall of Constantine,

Vatican Museums, rome; Wikimedia Commons).

This captivating image of a violent clash between ‘pagans’ and Christians from which
the new religion rapidly emerged triumphant has long characterised studies of the
religious transformation from the ancient religions to Christianity in Late Antiquity,
the period from the fourth to seventh centuries C. E.4 Inspired by the work of Peter
Brown, however, since the 1980’s scholars have abandoned the monolithic view of
a period dominated by a stark Christian-‘pagan’ conlict and a rapid transition to
Christianity in favour of a more intricate web of religious interactions in a world

4 I mention here only A. Momigliano, ed., The Conlict between Paganism and Christianity in the
Fourth Century (Oxford: Clarendon, 1963), for the historical context of which see P. Brown, ‘Back
to the Future. Pagans and Christians at the Warburg Institute in 1958,’ in Pagans and Christians
in the Roman Empire: The Breaking of a Dialogue (IVth–VIth Century A.D.) (Christianity and
History 9; ed. P. Brown and R. Lizzi Testa; Zurich: Lit and Piscataway, NJ: Transaction, 2011),
17–24.

26
Jitse H. f. dijkstra religious Violence in late Antique Egypt reconsidered

that only gradually became Christian.5 Nevertheless, the idea that religious violence
was endemic in the Late Antique world has remained inluential. Our sources are
full of book burnings, temple and statue destructions, and inter- and intra-religious
violence. Perhaps unsurprisingly in a world where religious violence is so on our
minds, the topic has received much attention in the last ten years and is currently one
of the most hotly debated issues in Late Antique studies.6
Despite a growing awareness of the complexity of the phenomenon, all of these
studies have ‘violence’ and/or ‘religion’ (or similar words) in their titles without
deining or even discussing the terms. This is surprising, since both terms are highly
complex and problematic, as demonstrated in a stream of recent publications in
Religious Studies analysing cases of religious violence in their modern contexts.
If we concentrate on violence alone, for example, it can encompass a diversity of
actions, from verbal abuse to actual physical violence. Moreover, these studies show
that – despite the recent arguments proposed by Egyptologist and cultural historian

5 E.g. R. MacMullen, Christianizing the Roman Empire (A.D. 100–400) (New Haven, CT: Yale
University Press, 1984); R. Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians (London: Viking, 1986); F.R.
Trombley, Hellenic Religion and Christianization c. 370–529 (2 vols.; Leiden: Brill, 1993–1994);
R. MacMullen, Christianity and Paganism in the Fourth to Eighth Centuries (New Haven,
CT: Yale University Press, 1997); P. Chuvin, Chronique des derniers païens. La disparition du
paganisme dans l’Empire romain, du règne de Constantin à celui de Justinien (3rd ed.; Paris: Les
Belles Lettres, 2009); É. Rebillard, Christians and Their Many Identities in Late Antiquity, North
Africa, 200–450 CE (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2012); C. P. Jones, Between Pagan
and Christian (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014).
6 E.g. J. Hahn, Gewalt und religiöser Konlikt: Studien zu den Auseinandersetzungen zwischen
Christen, Heiden und Juden im Osten des Römischen Reiches (von Konstantin bis Theodosius
II.) (Klio Beihefte NF 8; Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2004); M. Gaddis, ‘There Is No Crime for
Those Who Have Christ’. Religious Violence in the Christian Roman Empire (Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press, 2005); H.A. Drake, ed., Violence in Late Antiquity: Perceptions
and Practices (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006); J. Hahn, S. Emmel and U. Gotter, eds., From Temple
to Church. Destruction and Renewal of Local Cultic Topography in Late Antiquity (RGRW 163;
Leiden: Brill, 2008); Th. Sizgorich, Violence and Belief in Late Antiquity. Militant Devotion in
Christianity and Islam (Divinations; Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009); P.
Athanassiadi, Vers la pensée unique. La montée de l’intolérance dans l’Antiquité tardive (Histoire;
Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2010); B. Isele, Kampf um Kirchen: Religiöse Gewalt, heiliger Raum
und christliche Topographie in Alexandria und Konstantinopel (4. Jh.) (JAC Ergänzungsband,
Kleine Reihe 4; Münster: Aschendorff, 2010); E. J. Watts, Riot in Alexandria. Tradition and
Group Dynamics in Late Antique Pagan and Christian Communities (TCH 46; Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press, 2010); J. Hahn, ed., Staat und religiöser Konlikt. Imperiale und
lokale Verwaltung und die Gewalt gegen Heiligtümer in der Spätantike (Millennium-Studien 34;
Berlin: De Gruyter, 2011); B. D. Shaw, Sacred Violence: African Christians and Sectarian Hatred
in the Age of Augustine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), with the discussion
of this book by M.A. Tilley, D. Frankfurter, P. Frederiksen, and B. D. Shaw in JECS 21 (2013):
291–309 and by C. Ando, C. Conybeare, C. Grey, N. Lenski, and H. A. Drake in JLA 6 (2013):
197–263; Myrup Kristensen, Making and Breaking the Gods.

27
Jitse H. f. dijkstra religious Violence in late Antique Egypt reconsidered

Jan Assmann, that religious violence is rooted in monotheism7 – the phenomenon

exists in all places and times, and even where violence is cast in religious terms,
other factors (political, psychological, social, economic) are almost always involved.
Consequently, religious violence needs to be analysed on a case-by-case basis and in
the context of the particular local and historical circumstances in which it arises,8 a
theoretical premise that has now also been applied to Late Antiquity.9
Such a nuanced understanding of religious violence its in well with two recent
trends within the ield. First of all, scholars of Late Antique studies are becoming
increasingly critical of the (mostly Christian) literary accounts that describe violence
between Christians and ‘pagans’.10 For example, one of the most detailed texts
describing a temple destruction, the Life of Porphyry, by Mark the Deacon – while
purporting to describe events in Gaza ca. 400 – has now been shown to date to the sixth
century, which strongly diminishes its trustworthiness.11 The deconstruction of the
literary evidence goes hand in hand with the increasing availability of large amounts
of archaeological data. Until not too long ago, the picture of what happened to the

7 J. Assmann, Of God and Gods. Egypt, Israel, and the Rise of Monotheism (Madison, WI:
University of Wisconsin Press, 2008); and, The Price of Monotheism (trans. R. Savage; Stanford,
CA: Stanford University Press, 2010).
8 E.g. B. Rennie and P. L. Tite, eds., Religion, Terror, and Violence. Religious Studies Perspectives
(New York, NY: Routledge, 2008); W. T. Cavenaugh, The Myth of Religious Violence. Secular
Ideology and the Roots of Modern Conlict (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009); J. N.
Bremmer, ‘Religious Violence and Its Roots: A View from Antiquity,’ Asdiwal 6 (2011): 71–
79; H. Kippenberg, Violence as Worship. Religious Wars in the Age of Globalization (trans. B.
McNeil: Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2011); M. Juergensmeyer, M. Kitts and M.
Jerryson, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Religion and Violence (Oxford Handbooks; Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2013); S. Clarke, R. Powell and J. Savulescu, eds., Religion, Intolerance,
and Conlict. A Scientiic and Conceptual Investigation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013);
S. Clarke, The Justiication of Religious Violence (Blackwell Public Philosophy 15; Chichester:
Wiley Blackwell, 2014); cf. also the launching of the Journal of Religion and Violence in 2013.
9 W. Mayer, ‘Religious Conlict: Deinitions, Problems and Theoretical Approaches,’ in Religious
Conlict from Early Christianity to the Rise of Islam (AKG 121; ed. W. Mayer and B. Neil;
Berlin: De Gruyter, 2013), 1–20; J. N. Bremmer, ‘Religious Violence between Greeks, Romans,
Christians and Jews,’ in Violence in Early Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators (VCSup 125;
ed. A.-K. Geljon and R. Roukema; Leiden: Brill) 8–30; W. Mayer, ‘Theorising Religious Conlict.
Early Christianity to Late Antiquity and beyond,’ paper presented at the Sixth Annual UNISA
Symposium for New Testament and Early Christian Studies, September 2014, Pretoria, South
Africa.
10 E.g. S. Emmel, U. Gotter and J. Hahn, ‘“From Temple to Church”: Analysing a Late Antique
Phenomenon of Transformation,’ in Hahn, Emmel and Gotter, From Temple to Church, 1–22;
R.S. Bagnall, ‘Models and Evidence in the Study of Religion in Late Antique Egypt,’ in Hahn,
Emmel and Gotter, From Temple to Church, 25–32; L. Lavan, ‘The End of the Temples: Towards
a New Narrative?’ in The Archaeology of Late Antique ‘Paganism’ (LAA 7; ed. L. Lavan and M.
Mulryan; Leiden: Brill, 2011), xv–lxv.
11 T. D. Barnes, Early Christian Hagiography and Roman History (Tria corda 5; Tübingen: Mohr
Siebeck, 2010), 260–283; A. Cameron, The Last Pagans of Rome (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2011), 799.

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Jitse H. f. dijkstra religious Violence in late Antique Egypt reconsidered

temples in Late Antiquity was strongly inluenced by a seminal study of Friedrich

Deichmann who collected 89 cases of temple conversion and laid down a historical
narrative in which violence against temples and their conversion into churches was
a widespread phenomenon in the fourth and ifth centuries.12 The archaeological
evidence that has now been collected for most parts of the Roman Empire, however,
shows overwhelmingly that the destruction of temples and their re-use as churches
were exceptional rather than routine events, and merely two aspects of the changing
sacred landscape in Late Antiquity.13
I am currently working on a project that will build on these recent trends
by conducting the irst book-length study of religious violence in Late Antique
Egypt.14 Thus far, the idea that violence, in particular against temples and statues,
was widespread in Late Antique Egypt has been persistent.15 To quote the much-
discussed study Religion in Roman Egypt by David Frankfurter: ‘the gutting and
conversion of traditional Egyptian temples, often still functioning, was a widespread
phenomenon in Egypt during the fourth, ifth and sixth centuries’.16 My regional
study of the process of religious transformation from the Ancient Egyptian religion

12 F. W. Deichmann, ‘Frühchristliche Kirchen in antiken Heiligtümern,’ JdI 54 (1939): 105–36, repr.

in Rom, Ravenna, Konstantinopel, Naher Osten. Gesammelte Studien zur spätantiken Architektur,
Kunst und Geschichte (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1984), 56–94.
13 E.g. B. Ward Perkins, ‘Reconiguring Sacred Space: From Pagan Shrines to Christian Churches,’
in Die spätantike Stadt und ihre Christianisierung (Spätantike – frühes Christentum – Byzanz:
Kunst im ersten Jahrtausend. Reihe B, Studien und Perspektiven 11; ed. G. Brands and H.-G.
Severin; Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2003), 285–90; R. Bayliss, Provincial Cilicia and the Archaeology
of Temple Conversion (BAR International Series 1281; Oxford: Archaeopress, 2004); Hahn,
Emmel and Gotter, From Temple to Church; Lavan and Mulryan, Archaeology of Late Antique
‘Paganism’.
14 The project is funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. As
the examples mentioned thus far show, I shall clearly limit my topic to religious violence against
the Ancient Egyptian religion, in particular temples, statues, and ‘pagans’, and not venture into
intra-religious, Christian violence, which would require a separate project. For now, see e.g. Isele,
Kampf um Kirchen, 113–92 on Alexandria.
15 E.g. L. Kákosy, ‘Das Ende des Heidentums in Ägypten,’ in Graeco-Coptica. Griechen und
Kopten im byzantinischen Ägypten (Wissenschaftliche Beiträge der Martin-Luther-Universität
Halle-Wittenberg, Reihe I 29; ed. P. Nagel; Halle: Martin-Luther-Universität, 1984), 61–76; E.
Wipszycka, ‘La christianisation de l’Égypte aux IVe–VIe siècles. Aspects sociaux et ethniques,’
Aegyptus 68 (1988): 117–65, repr. in Études sur le christianisme dans l’Égypte de l’Antiquité
tardive (SEAug 52; Rome: Institutum Patristicum Augustinianum, 1996), 63–105; L. Kákosy,
‘Probleme der Religion im römerzeitlichen Ägypten,’ ANRW II 18.5 (1995): 2894–3049; D.
Frankfurter, Religion in Roman Egypt. Assimilation and Resistance (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 1998), esp. 265–84, and ‘“Things Unbeitting Christians”. Violence and
Christianization in Fifth-Century Panopolis,’ JECS 8 (2000): 273–95; E. Sauer, The Archaeology
of Religious Hatred in the Roman and Early Medieval World (Stroud: Tempus, 2003), esp. 89–101;
D. Frankfurter, ‘Iconoclasm and Christianization in Late Antique Egypt: Christian Treatments of
Space and Image,’ in Hahn, Emmel and Gotter, From Temple to Church, 135–59.
16 Frankfurter, Religion in Roman Egypt, 265.

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Jitse H. f. dijkstra religious Violence in late Antique Egypt reconsidered

to Christianity in the First Cataract region in southern Egypt, which exhaustively

studies all sources from Philae and the two other towns in the region, Aswan
and Elephantine, is a strong counter-argument against such views. It argues that
the religious transformation in the whole region, including Philae, consisted of a
gradual and complex process that was essentially peaceful.17 The present project
extends the picture of a complex and gradual process of religious transformation,
in which religious violence only occasionally occurred in speciic local or regional
circumstances, to Egypt as a whole.
Focusing on Egypt has the advantage that a wealth and variety of sources not
found elsewhere in the Mediterranean can be taken into account. In addition to
literary works, there is an abundance of inscriptions and extremely well-preserved
archaeological material as well as papyri, a category of evidence preserved almost
exclusively in Egypt. The project aims to bridge the gap between the ideological story
of the literature and the evidence from other sources, in particular the archaeology.
Part of the evidence is already presented in my study of the fate of the temples in Late
Antique Egypt, in which I demonstrate, by confronting the literary works with the
other sources available, that what happened to Egyptian temples conforms entirely
to the complex picture that is now well established for the rest of the Late Antique
world.18 By placing the incidents in a regional context of religious transformation
as opposed to a context of violence, I hope to challenge the still pervasive view in
current scholarship that religious violence was widespread in Late Antiquity. In the
end, this project will not result in a dramatic picture of religious violence in Late
Antique Egypt, such as now popularised in the Hollywood movie Agora (2009),
but it will lead to an ininitely more accurate understanding of the complexity and
diversity of this fascinating phenomenon.
In this article, I shall take a closer look at three iconic events that have been well
documented in literature and at irst sight might seem to conirm the impression that
violence was widespread in Late Antique Egypt: the destruction of the Serapeum at
Alexandria in 391/392, the anti-‘pagan’ crusade of Abbot Shenoute in the region of
Panopolis ca. 400, and the closure of the Isis temple at Philae in 535–537. In fact,
these events have often been quoted as perfectly illustrating the pervasive nature
of religious violence in the Late Antique world. As I shall argue, when we take
away the emphasis on violence and a stark Christian vs. ‘pagan’ conlict that is so
characteristic of the literary works and include the other sources available, and when
we place the events in their regional contexts, a more nuanced picture arises, which

17 J. H. F. Dijkstra, Philae and the End of Ancient Egyptian Religion. A Regional Study of Religious
Transformation (298–642 CE) (OLA 173; Leuven: Peeters, 2008).
18 J. H. F. Dijkstra, ‘The Fate of the Temples in Late Antique Egypt,’ in Lavan and Mulryan,
Archaeology of Late Antique ‘Paganism’, 389–436, a shortened and adapted version of which
appeared as ‘Das Schicksal der Tempel in der Spätantike,’ in KultOrte. Mythen, Wissenschaft und
Alltag in den Tempeln Ägyptens (ed. M. A. Stadler and D. von Recklinghausen; Berlin: Manetho,
2011), 201–17.

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Jitse H. f. dijkstra religious Violence in late Antique Egypt reconsidered

shows that the representation of religious violence in the literary sources is based
more on ‘wishful thinking’ than reality.

2. tHE ‘dEStrUCtIoN’ of tHE SErAPEUM At

AlEXANdrIA
The irst case that I wish to discuss, that of the Serapeum, in many ways constitutes
an exception among the cases of religious violence to be discussed from elsewhere in
Egypt. This is because Alexandria, with its huge, multi-ethnic population – one of the
largest cities in the Roman Empire – had a long history of urban violence, a setting
that is decidedly different from the Egyptian countryside, the chôra, where violence
was not present to the same extent. One only has to think of the tensions between
the Jews and Greeks in the years 38–41, which the Emperor Claudius tried to ease in
his famous letter to the Alexandrians.19 In his important study, Gewalt und religiöser
Konlikt, Johannes Hahn has convincingly demonstrated that outbreaks of religious
violence in Late Antique Alexandria should not be seen in exclusively religious
terms, as many of our literary sources do, but rather as a socio-political phenomenon
arising from deep-seated social tensions. For example, he sees the disturbances in
the capital during the episcopate of George of Cappadocia (357–361), including an
earlier plundering of the Serapeum and eventually the lynching of George himself,
not so much as a Christian-‘pagan’ conlict but rather as a direct result of the rift
caused by the imperial appointment of this controversial Arian bishop.20
The so-called ‘destruction’ of the Serapeum, about thirty years later, is perhaps
the best-documented case of religious violence in the Late Antique world. We have
no fewer than four accounts by the Church historians Ruinus, Socrates, Sozomen,
and Theodoret, and even a non-Christian account, by the sophist Eunapius, which
were all written within slightly over half a century of the incident.21 Yet these
accounts offer a far from consistent reconstruction of the events and contradict each

19 Claudius’ letter to the Jews: P.Lond. VI 1912 = CPJ II 153. For the events of 38–41, see e.g. J. M.
G. Barclay, Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora. From Alexander to Trajan (323 BCE–117 CE)
(Hellenistic Culture and Society 33; Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1996), 48–71;
E. S. Gruen, Diaspora. Jews amidst Greeks and Romans (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 2002), 54–83; P. W. van der Horst, Philo’s Flaccus: The First Pogrom. Introduction,
Translation and Commentary (Philo of Alexandria Commentary Series 2; Leiden: Brill, 2003); K.
Blouin, Le conlit Judéo-Alexandrin de 38–41: L’identité juive à l’épreuve (Collection Judaïsmes;
Paris: L’Harmattan, 2005); A. Harker, Loyalty and Dissidence in Roman Egypt: The Case of
the Acta Alexandrinorum (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 9–47; S. Gambetti,
The Alexandrian Riots of 38 C. E. and the Persecution of the Jews: A Historical Reconstruction
(JSJSup 135; Leiden: Brill, 2009).
20 Hahn, Gewalt und religiöser Konlikt, 66–74.
21 Eunap. VS 6.107–13 (Goulet, pp. 39–41); Ruin. hist. 11.22–23 (GSC NF 6.2, pp. 1025–30); Socr.
h.e. 5.16–17 (GCS NF 1, pp. 289–91); Soz. h.e. 7.15.2–10 (GCS NF 4, pp. 319–21); Thdt. h.e.
5.22 (GCS NF 5, pp. 320–21).

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Jitse H. f. dijkstra religious Violence in late Antique Egypt reconsidered

other on numerous points. As we shall shortly see, not even its exact date is known.
Hahn has done an admirable job in teasing out the evidence and placing the incident
within its socio-political context.22 In two respects, however, I think his analysis can
still be improved on.
First of all, unlike previous scholarship, in particular the excellent study by
Françoise Thelamon, who relied heavily on the earliest Christian account by Ruinus
in 401/402,23 Hahn is highly critical of Ruinus and places great weight instead on
Socrates (writing between 439 and 443).24 Whereas Hahn is right that we have to
take into account the triumphal overtones in Ruinus, Socrates’ version is even more
problematic in that it starts with an alleged edict by the Emperor Theodosius I giving
carte blanche to Bishop Theophilus to destroy the temples in Alexandria.25 It is only
after the destruction of the Serapeum that riots break out with the ‘pagans’. If one
looks at imperial legislation regarding temples during the fourth century as preserved
in book 16 of the Codex Theodosianus, however, it is clear that such an edict could
never have been promulgated. Imperial policy before 435 was not aimed at the
destruction of temples and the emperor would certainly not have given powers to act
against temples to a local bishop.26 On 16 June 391, an edict was indeed promulgated
at Alexandria, forbidding sacriice and the access to temples and this law has often
been directly connected to the Serapeum incident.27 However, this law does not,
and could not, call for the destruction of temples and should merely be taken as a
terminus post quem for the Serapeum incident, which makes Socrates’ version of the
events highly suspect.28

22 Hahn, Gewalt und religiöser Konlikt, 78–101, reiterated in J. Hahn, ‘The Conversion of the Cult
Statues. The Destruction of the Serapeum 392 A.D. and the Transformation of Alexandria into the
“Christ-Loving” City,’ in Hahn, Emmel and Gotter, From Temple to Church, 335–65.
23 F. Thelamon, Païens et chrétiens au IVe siècle: l’apport de l’‘Histoire ecclésiastique’ de Ruin
d’Aquilée (Paris: Études Augustiniennes, 1981).
24 Hahn, Gewalt und religiöser Konlikt, 85–89, and ‘Conversion of the Cult Statues,’ 345–48.
25 Socr. h.e. 5.16.1 (GCS NF 1, p. 289).
26 See the balanced overview of imperial policy on temples by J. Hahn, ‘Gesetze als Waffen? Die
kaiserliche Religionspolitik und die Zerstörung von Tempel,’ the concluding chapter (pp. 201–20)
of the edited volume Staat und religiöser Konlikt, on which see the review by J. H. F. Dijkstra,
JLA 6 (2013): 191–94. The irst decree to advocate the destruction of temples is the one by
Theodosius II in 435 (Cod. Theod. 16.10.25).
27 Cod. Theod. 16.10.11. See e.g. T. D. Barnes, ‘Ammianus Marcellinus and His World,’ CP 88
(1993): 61–62.
28 As Hahn, Gewalt und religiöser Konlikt, 81–84, ‘Vetustus error extinctus est. Wann wurde
das Sarapeion von Alexandria zerstört?,’ Historia 55 (2006): 371–74, and ‘Conversion of the
Cult Statues,’ 340–44, himself argues without, however, making a clear distinction between the
improbable representation by Socrates, in which the imperial order determines the sequence of
events and leads directly into the destruction of the Serapeum, and the more plausible versions
of Ruinus and Sozomen. Cf. the excellent analysis by M. Errington, ‘Christian Accounts of the
Religious Legislation of Theodosius I,’ Klio 79 (1997): 423–28.

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Jitse H. f. dijkstra religious Violence in late Antique Egypt reconsidered

The second point is that Hahn, while giving pride of place to Socrates, adds
elements from the other accounts in order to provide a coherent picture of the
events.29 However, a sounder historical method would be to discuss the accounts
in chronological sequence, starting with the earliest preserved account, the one by
Eunapius in 399, and paying detailed attention to the interrelations between the
sources. While we have to leave such a close literary analysis to another occasion, it
can be said in general that the order of events as described by Ruinus seems the most
plausible: an incident involving the Christian re-use of a former temple leads to riots,
which soon centre on the Serapeum complex, where the violence gets out of hand
and is directed against the temple, leading to the end of its cults. The involvement
of the highest imperial authorities in Egypt, the governor (praefectus augustalis)
Evagrius and the highest military commander (comes Aegypti) Romanus, and an
imperial rescript sent in response to the riots, seem in line with how the state would
respond to such a situation and, although it cannot have taken the form Ruinus gives
it – that the Christians who died are to be considered martyrs and should not be
avenged, and that the ‘cause of the trouble’ should be taken away (which is clearly
interpreted here as an order to destroy the Serapeum) – a more neutral imperial order
to make an end to the public disorder is likely.30
Concerning the other accounts, it is clear that Socrates’ account is a condensed
version of Ruinus, reversing the events (Ruinus: riots – rescript – destruction;
Socrates: edict – destruction – riots). No doubt he does this in an effort to provide a
clearer cause for the destruction of the Serapeum, in which he could have interpreted
the edict of 391 in hindsight as providing the trigger for the incident by making
imperial involvement into an outright imperial order to destroy the temples. He does
add an eyewitness account from two of his teachers in Constantinople, Helladius
and Ammonius, who had led after the incident, showing the impact that the event
had on the Alexandrian philosophical schools. Sozomen relies mostly on Ruinus
for the chronology but replaces the rescript with Socrates’ imperial call for the
destruction of all Alexandrian temples. Finally, Theodoret’s version, which starts
from an Empire-wide edict to destroy temples, focuses entirely on Theophilus and
embellishes Ruinus’ scene of the striking of the statue of Serapis by adding that mice
came out of it, is so concocted that it is hardly useful for reconstructing the events.
What we are left with after a close reading of the sources is disappointingly little:
a general sense of how the events unfolded, in which the chain of events as described
by Ruinus is the most likely, with the Alexandrian Church under Bishop Theophilus
and some Greek philosophers in opposing camps, and the imperial authorities trying
to do something about the situation. Because of the literary colouring of the events,
which are presented, even in Eunapius, in clear Christian-‘pagan’ terms, precise

29 Hahn, Gewalt und religiöser Konlikt, 85–92, and ‘Conversion of the Cult Statues,’ 347–52.
30 See also Errington, ‘Christian Accounts,’ 427–28.

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Jitse H. f. dijkstra religious Violence in late Antique Egypt reconsidered

details are forever lost to us and we can only speculate about what is the most
plausible scenario.
There are two sources that have the potential to shed further light on these
literary accounts, however. The irst of these is the archaeological evidence studied
in recent years by the Oxford team under Judith McKenzie. On the basis of previous
excavations and their own observations of what little is left of the foundations, it
has been possible to reconstruct both the Ptolemaic- and Roman-phase temple and
to reine its building history.31 The work of McKenzie and her team has also led to
some clariications regarding the fate of the Serapeum in the fourth century.32 No
new structures were added to the temple precinct at this time, which argues against
the account of Sozomen, who states that under Arcadius (395–408) a church was
built inside the temple.33 Moreover, architecturally it would have been dificult to
turn the Serapis temple into a church. Remains of Christian buildings, including
a church, have been found west of the temple terrain, which seems in line with
Ruinus’ remark that churches were built on either side of the Serapeum, though
where the other church was located remains unclear.34 The extent to which the
Serapeum was destroyed will probably remain an unresolved question. In any case,
in the Arab period the colonnade surrounding the temple was still intact and it seems
most probable that the temple was not immediately destroyed but – having been
deprived of its primary function – only gradually dismantled over time.35
The second source to be considered is the so-called ‘Alexandrian World
Chronicle’. This fragmentary illustrated papyrus codex is best known for its leaf
(fol. VI) containing a list of consuls of 383–392 C. E. with occasional historical
entries. It includes, on its back side, an entry on the destruction of the Serapeum
listed under the year 392, with in the left margin a famous depiction of the victorious
Bishop Theophilus on top of the Serapeum, and another illustration of the temple in
the lower right corner (Fig. 2).

31 J. S. McKenzie, ‘Glimpsing Alexandria from Archaeological Evidence,’ JRA 16 (2003): 50–56; J.

S. McKenzie, S. Gibson and A. T. Reyes, ‘Reconstructing the Serapeum in Alexandria from the
Archaeological Evidence,’ JRS 94 (2004): 73–121; J. S. McKenzie, The Architecture of Alexandria
and Egypt, c. 300 BC to AD 700 (Pelican History of Art; New Haven, CT: Yale University Press,
2007), 53–56, 195–203.
32 McKenzie, Gibson and Reyes, ‘Reconstructing the Serapeum,’ 107–10; McKenzie, Architecture
of Alexandria and Egypt, 246.
33 Soz. h.e. 7.15.10 (GCS NF 4, p 321.19–20).
34 Ruin. hist. 11.27 (GCS NF 6.2, p. 1033.16–17).
35 Dijkstra, ‘Fate of the Temples,’ 399.

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Jitse H. f. dijkstra religious Violence in late Antique Egypt reconsidered

Figure 2: Moscow, Pushkin Museum of fine Arts, inv. no. 310/8, verso (Burgess
and dijkstra, ‘“Alexandrian World Chronicle”,’ Pl. 2).

In his 2006 article, Hahn has argued at length that the entry proves that the incident
took place in 392.36 His arguments are based on the assumption that this is the last
leaf of the manuscript and that the work dates to shortly after 412, that is, fairly
close to the events. As this was the last entry of the work, it formed a ‘grand inale’,
highlighting the triumph of the Alexandrian Church. Therefore the scribe could not
possibly have made an error in the date, which must be 392, more speciically before
April of that year when Evagrius, who as we have seen was involved in the event
and is also mentioned as the governor of Egypt for this year in the papyrus, was out
of ofice.37
A detailed study of the text undertaken with my colleague Richard Burgess,
however, has revealed that this text cannot be used for dating the event, irst and
foremost because the papyrus dates to the second half of the sixth century, not shortly
after 412, and is thus signiicantly removed in time from the event it is recording.
Furthermore, the work would almost certainly not have ended with the 392 entry

36 Hahn, ‘Wann wurde das Sarapeion.’

37 Evagrius is mentioned in the accounts of Eunap. VC 6.108 (Goulet, p. 40.5) and Soz. h.e. 7.15.5
(GCS NF 4, p. 320.16) and was succeeded by Hypatius on 9 April 392, as appears from Cod.
Theod. 11.36.1 = Cod. Iust. 1.4.6. See PLRE I s.v. Evagrius 7 (p. 286) and Hypatius 3 (p. 448).

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Jitse H. f. dijkstra religious Violence in late Antique Egypt reconsidered

but rather continued until the time of compilation in the sixth century, as we know
is the case with such chronicle texts. Finally, the other historical entries in the same
text are full of mistakes, increasing the likelihood that this date, too, is incorrect.
Thus, the date has been opened up again to between 16 June 391, the date of the
edict of Theodosius I, and 8 April 392, the latest possible date of Evagrius being in
ofice.38 The illustration does provide us with an interesting, sixth-century Christian
perspective on the event, which already developed at an early stage, of Theophilus
making a deinitive end to the ‘pagan’ cults in the city.

3. SHENoUtE of AtrIPE’S ANtI-‘PAGAN’ CrUSAdE

Our second case is that of Shenoute (ca. 385–465), the main author of Coptic
literature and abbot of the homonymous monastery situated on the west bank of the
Nile at Panopolis (modern Akhmim), commonly referred to as the White Monastery.
In his classic study of Shenoute, the German Coptologist Johannes Leipoldt made
Shenoute into a religious fanatic, roaming the countryside on the lookout to destroy
temples: ‘The Copts of his time had only one passion: this was the hatred against
the “Greeks”, the pagans. And this hatred restlessly stirred up Shenoute and aroused
in him the blazing lame to reduce one temple after the other to ashes’.39 His view
has been extremely persistent, witness for example the words of David Bell, the
translator of the Bohairic Life of Shenoute into English, who – paraphrasing an earlier
characterisation of Shenoute by Emile Amélineau – describes him as ‘an erupting
volcano: an impressive sight, though not necessarily a pretty one’.40
Meanwhile, however, the lifelong work of Stephen Emmel on the dispersed
and ruinous works of Shenoute has placed the study of his literary corpus on

38 R. W. Burgess and J. H. F. Dijkstra, ‘The “Alexandrian World Chronicle”, Its Consularia and
the Date of the Destruction of the Serapeum (with an Appendix on the Praefecti Augustales),’
Millennium 10 (2013): 39–113, esp. 96–102, and the summary by J. H. F. Dijkstra, ‘The
“Alexandrian World Chronicle”: Place in the Late Antique Chronicle Traditions, Date and
Historical Implications,’ in Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology (JJPSup;
ed. T. Derda et al.; Warsaw: Faculty of Law and Administration and Institute of Archaeology,
Department of Papyrology, Warsaw University and Taubenschlag Foundation, 2016), in press.
39 J. Leipoldt, Schenute von Atripe und die Entstehung des national ägyptischen Christentums (TU
NF 10.1; Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1903), 175: ‘Die Kopten seiner Zeit hatten aber nur eine Leidenschaft:
das war der Haß gegen die “Hellenen”, die Heiden. Und diesen Haß hat Schenute rastlos geschürt,
hat aus ihm die lodernde Flamme erweckt, die einen Göttertempel nach dem anderen einäscherte’
(my translation).
40 D. N. Bell, Besa, The Life of Shenoute (CS 73; Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications, 1983), 9.
Cf. A.G. López, Shenoute of Atripe and the Uses of Poverty. Rural Patronage, Religious Conlict,
and Monasticism in Late Antique Egypt (TCH 50; Berkeley, CA: University of California Press,
2013), 2 who cites this passage but without mentioning that Bell paraphrases E. Amélineau, Les
moines égyptiens: Vie de Schnoudi (Annales du Musée Guimet. Bibliothèque de vulgarisation 1;
Paris: Leroux, 1889), 58: ‘Un volcan n’est jamais plus beau que lorsqu’il vomit le feu, les cendres
et les laves. Le spectacle est imposant, mais il est horrible et malsain’.

36
Jitse H. f. dijkstra religious Violence in late Antique Egypt reconsidered

a new footing, and an international effort led by Emmel is underway to make it

systematically available to the scholarly world.41 While deinitive conclusions must
await further study of Shenoute’s works, Emmel has conducted a meticulous analysis
of all available passages on religious violence in the Shenoutian corpus. His study
shows that there is only one secure case of a temple destruction in Shenoute’s works,
that of the temple of Atripe, in which idols were destroyed and the temple was set
on ire. Shenoute was also, albeit rather indirectly, involved in the ‘destruction’
of another temple, that of Pneueit, in which he defended in court at Antinoopolis
some Christians who had been accused of the demolition. Shenoute is best known,
however, for his actions against the local aristocrat Gessios, whom he singled out as
a ‘pagan’. According to his own version of the events, Shenoute stole into his house
at night, robbed him of his house statues and threw them into the Nile.42
It has been assumed since Leipoldt, without any good grounds, that following its
‘destruction’ Shenoute dismantled the temple of Atripe (Greek Athribis) and reused
the blocks in his monastery, where reused materials are still visible today (Fig. 3).43

Figure 3: the church of the Shenoute Monastery, showing reused columns

(McKenzie, architecture of alexandria and egypt, fig. 453).

41 See esp. S. Emmel, Shenoute’s Literary Corpus (2 vols.; CSCO 599–600; Leuven: Peeters, 2004).
42 S. Emmel, ‘Shenoute of Atripe and the Christian Destruction of Temples in Egypt: Rhetoric and
Reality,’ in Hahn, Emmel and Gotter, From Temple to Church, 161–201. See also Dijkstra, ‘Fate
of the Temples,’ 396–97, and ‘“I Wish to Offer a Sacriice to God Today”: The Discourse of Idol
Destruction in the Coptic Life of Aaron,’ JCSCS 7 (2015): 67–68.
43 Leipoldt, Schenute von Atripe, 92–93, with n. 1. This view is still found e.g. in P. Grossmann,
‘Tempel als Ort des Konlikts in christlicher Zeit,’ in Le temple, lieu de conlit (Les Cahiers du
CEPOA 7; ed. P. Borgeaud et al.; Leuven: Peeters, 1994), 190, and Christliche Architektur in
Ägypten (HO I 62; Leiden: Brill, 2002), 171, 532.

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Jitse H. f. dijkstra religious Violence in late Antique Egypt reconsidered

A recent archaeological investigation of the temple of Athribis demonstrates,

however, that Shenoute could not have completely dismantled the temple. This
picture is conirmed by a study of the spolia reused in the Shenoute Monastery,
which derive not from one but various different monuments that were probably no
longer functioning by the mid-ifth century. Among the re-used materials some slabs
from the temple of Atripe have indeed been detected, but they only come from its
roof and certainly do not provide evidence for extensive re-use of building material
from this site. In fact, the temple was largely left intact and gradually incorporated
into the adjacent nunnery, also part of the monastic network of Shenoute, from the
early ifth century onwards, which suggests that – as we might expect at this time
– this temple, too, was no longer in use for Ancient Egyptian cults and practices.44
As with the ‘destruction’ of the Serapeum, we should therefore be cautious
in assuming wholesale destruction of temple buildings and idols out of religious
frenzy. While the incidents described in Shenoute’s works no doubt go back to
actual events, the image of Shenoute as an anti-‘pagan’ crusader does not hold and
is clearly more rhetoric than reality. In this case too, more was at stake than purely
religious motivations. In fact, as a recent study by Ariel Lόpez shows, the anti-
‘pagan’ measures of Shenoute can be placed in the context of his power struggle
with the local elite at Panopolis on the other side of the Nile, as embodied especially
in Gessios.45 That Shenoute’s actions were not always uncontroversial appears from
the indignant reactions to the nightly raid on Gessios’ house, after which Shenoute
had to write an open letter to the citizens of Panopolis to defend his deed.46

4. tHE CloSUrE of tHE tEMPlE of ISIS At

PHIlAE
The last case that we shall consider is that of the Isis temple at Philae. The religious
situation of the famous temple island has often been regarded as exceptional.47
Due to its location on the southern Egyptian frontier, Philae retained its traditional

44 R. el-Sayed, ‘Schenute und die Tempel von Atripe. Zur Umnutzung des Triphisbezirks in der
Spätantike,’ in Honi soit qui mal y pense. Studien zum pharaonischen, griechisch-römischen und
spätantiken Ägypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen (OLA 194; ed. H. Knuf, C. Leitz and D.
von Recklinghausen; Leuven: Peeters, 2010), 519–38; D. Klotz, ‘Triphis in the White Monastery:
Reused Temple Blocks from Sohag,’ AncSoc 40 (2010): 197–213; R. el-Sayed and Y. el-Masry.
Athribis I. General Site Survey 2003–2007; Archaeological & Conservation Studies; The Gate of
Ptolemy IX: Architecture and Inscriptions (2 vols.; Cairo: Institut français d’archéologie orientale,
2012), 1:24–29.
45 López, Shenoute of Atripe and the Uses of Poverty, 102–26, with the review of this book by J.H.F.
Dijkstra, VChr 69 (2015): 97–101.
46 For text and translation of this work, known by its incipit as Let Our Eyes, see Emmel, ‘Shenoute of
Atripe and the Christian Destruction of Temples in Egypt,’ 182–97. For a discussion of Shenoute’s
raids on Gessios’ house, see the same article, pp. 166–81.
47 E.g. R. S. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993), 264.

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Jitse H. f. dijkstra religious Violence in late Antique Egypt reconsidered

attraction to the southern peoples from the other side of the frontier, the Blemmyes
and Noubades, and managed to stay open for much longer than any other major
Egyptian temple. It is here that we ind the last inscriptions in the Ancient Egyptian
scripts hieroglyphic and demotic, dating to 394 and 452, respectively. It is interesting
to observe, however, that despite these special circumstances it has been presupposed
that the end of the cults at Philae also occurred in a context of religious violence – a
situation that is usually more associated with the end of the fourth and beginning of
the ifth century, the time of the Serapeum incident and Shenoute. According to this
picture, the ‘last bastion of pagan worship’ remained open until 535–537, when the
Emperor Justinian himself had to intervene to close it. This picture is based on the
account by the sixth-century Byzantine historian Procopius, who writes:
These barbarians retained the temples on Philae right down to my day, but the Emperor
Justinian decided to destroy them. Accordingly, Narses … destroyed the temples on the
emperor’s orders, held the priests under guard, and sent the statues to Byzantium.48

In an inluential article published in 1967, the Patristics scholar Pierre Nautin

connected this incident to the dedicatory inscriptions of a church of St. Stephen inside
the temple, especially the one next to the door leading towards the main sanctuary or
naos, which says: ‘The cross has conquered, it always conquers!’ (Fig. 4).49

Figure 4: I.Philae II 201 (photo J. H. f. dijkstra).

48 Procop. Pers. 1.19.36–37 (trans. T. Eide et al., Fontes Historiae Nubiorum. Vol. III: From the First
to Sixth Century AD [Bergen: University of Bergen, Department of Greek, Latin and Egyptology,
1998], 1191 [no. 328], adapted).
49 I.Philae II 200–204; quoted here is no. 201.

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Jitse H. f. dijkstra religious Violence in late Antique Egypt reconsidered

In Nautin’s view the Christian community on the island, annoyed by the continuation
of the ‘pagan’ cults until such a late date, must have felt a sense of triumph when they
inally entered the holiest part of the temple, the naos. Their feelings were embodied
in the inscription of the conquering cross. According to Nautin, this inscription
therefore has to be taken quite literally: in a pious ceremony the bishop of Philae,
Theodore, would have brought a cross inside the naos and erected it there to replace
the cult image of Isis: ‘from then on, the whole island was for the Christians’.50 The
circle is complete: we are back at the evocative image of the Triumph of the Cross
with which we started this article.
My study of the religious transformation in the region of Aswan, based on all
available sources from the region, has disentangled many presuppositions that have
contributed to this triumphalist image, which has made the re-use of the temple of
Isis into perhaps the most famous case of a temple conversion in Egypt.51 First of
all, Procopius’ account is not unproblematic. As everyone can still see today, the Isis
temple is among the best preserved temples in Egypt. It could not therefore have
been ‘destroyed’, as Procopius says, although most scholars have recognised this
and speak only of a ‘closure’ of the temple.52 The historian also gives the impression
that the southern peoples continued to worship Isis undisturbed until the sixth
century, but this completely ignores the impact that Christianity must have had on
the island. Philae probably had a see from as early as 330 onwards and a cathedral
church, known as the East Church, was situated on the northern part of the island.
This means that Christians and worshippers of Isis lived peacefully side by side for
over a century. At the same time, the expansion of Christianity at Philae conforms
entirely to similar developments in the rest of the region or, for that matter, in Egypt
as a whole.
Moreover, my analysis of the no less than thirty-ive inscriptions in demotic and
Greek from the last priests of Isis indicate that the Ancient Egyptian cults already
show signs of contraction and isolation from the early fourth century onwards.
When the last inscription was incised, signiicantly written in Greek in 456/457, a
continuous recording by these priests from time immemorial came to an end, so that
it is highly likely that cultic practice stopped soon after, if not in the same year.53 As
a result, the closure that Procopius describes, some eighty years later, cannot have

50 P. Nautin, ‘La conversion du temple de Philae en église chrétienne,’ CArch 17 (1967): 1–43
(quote at p. 16: ‘désormais l’île entière était aux chrétiens’), essentially followed e.g. by J. Hahn,
‘Die Zerstörung der Kulte von Philae. Geschichte und Legende am ersten Nilkatarakt,’ in Hahn,
Emmel and Gotter, From Temple to Church, 203–42.
51 Emmel, Gotter and Hahn, ‘“From Temple to Church”,’ 12: ‘possibly Philae represents the only
completely unambiguous case of an immediate take-over in cultic use from an active pagan
temple to a regular church’.
52 E.g. Nautin, ‘Conversion du temple de Philae en église chrétienne,’ 7; Hahn, ‘Zerstörung der
Kulte von Philae,’ 204–205.
53 I.Philae II 199.

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Jitse H. f. dijkstra religious Violence in late Antique Egypt reconsidered

been more than a symbolic closure – we know that Justinian closed other temples
for show – which was no doubt fuelled by the imperial propaganda machine. In this
context, the dedication of the church of St Stephen need not directly have followed
the temple closure, as the inscriptions that record the dedication are undated and
mention Theodore, who was bishop of Philae until after 577. Probably, then, the
decision to turn the temple into a church was made by the bishop, in which a new
purpose had to be found for an abandoned building. Viewing the re-use of the temple
in more practical terms also ties in better with the architectural reconstruction by
Peter Grossman, which indicates that rather than the naos, as was assumed by Nautin,
the pronaos was turned into a three-aisled church.54 We have therewith placed the
re-use of the temple of Isis in a local context rather than regarding it as a triumph of
Christianity over still thriving Ancient Egyptian cults.55
A second, even less reliable literary source on the end of the cults at Philae exists
in the form of the Coptic Life of Aaron. The Life, which describes events taking place
in the fourth and early ifth century but which was written down in the sixth century,
contains an entertaining story of the irst bishop of Philae, Macedonius (ca. 343).
Having been freshly appointed by Bishop Athanasius in Alexandria, he travels south
and arrives on the island, which is still dominated by idol worshippers, incognito. He
approaches the altar where sacriices are made and ambiguously asks the sons of the
temple priest, who happens to be away on some business, to sacriice to ‘God’. As the
sons are preparing the ire, he goes to the cage where the sacred falcon is kept, takes
it out, cuts off its head and throws the bird into the ire: thus the old god is sacriiced
to the new God. At irst, Macedonius has to lee but eventually a miracle results in
the conversion of the entire island to Christianity. Since we know that the falcon
cult was still practised into the ifth century and the island only became Christian
gradually, this story is purely legendary. On the other hand, it does have historical
value as the perspective of a later, sixth-century audience on how its community had
become Christian.56

54 P. Grossmann, ‘Die Kirche des Bischofs Theodoros im Isistempel von Philae. Versuch einer
Rekonstruktion,’ RSO 58 (1984) 107–17, ‘Tempel als Ort des Konlikts,’ 194, and Christliche
Architektur in Ägypten, 47. Pace Nautin, ‘Conversion du temple de Philae en église chrétienne,’
27–29, 34–43.
55 For a full analysis, see Dijkstra, Philae and the End, with the summaries/updates in ‘Fate of the
Temples,’ 421–30, and ‘Philae,’ in RAC 27 (2015), 574–91.
56 I am currently preparing a new critical edition of this work, together with J. van der Vliet, for the
announcement of which, see J.H.F. Dijkstra, ‘Monasticism on the Southern Egyptian Frontier in
Late Antiquity: Towards a New Critical Edition of the Coptic Life of Aaron,’ JCSCS 5 (2013):
31–47. For the passage of Macedonius and the holy falcon of Philae, see now Dijkstra, ‘“I Wish
to Offer a Sacriice to God Today”,’ which also places it in the context of other stories of idol
destruction in Egyptian hagiographical literature.

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Jitse H. f. dijkstra religious Violence in late Antique Egypt reconsidered

5. CoNClUSIoN
In this article, we have discussed three cases that have been taken as exemplary
for widespread religious violence in Late Antique Egypt or even for the pervasive
nature of religious violence in the Late Antique world. Each of these three cases
is well documented in Christian literature, and even secular literature (Eunapius,
Procopius), which describes the violence in dramatic terms as a direct consequence
of Christian-‘pagan’ conlict, thus seemingly conirming the picture that the fourth
and ifth centuries saw a struggle between the old and the new religion, leading to
Christian triumph.
As it now becomes more and more accepted in Late Antique studies to discard the
triumphalist overtones of our Christian sources and to view religious transformation
as a gradual and complex process, in which violence only rarely erupted, these cases
have been re-evaluated. It has been argued that, if we take away the emphasis on
violence and take proper account of the other sources available (inscriptions, papyri
and material remains), it becomes clear that all three incidents occurred in speciic
local, socio-political circumstances: the Serapeum incident arose from the explosive
situation in the capital, perhaps induced by but not necessarily directly related to
the imperial edict of June 391, the anti-‘pagan’ rhetoric of Shenoute needs to be
seen in the context of his power struggle with the local elite, and the closure of the
Isis temple at Philae was probably no more than a propaganda stunt of Justinian’s
that would have had a minimal effect at a local level. We have also seen that in each
case, the literary sources speak of a ‘destruction’ of temples and idols, whereas in
reality the violence was something less extreme. At Philae there are no signs at all
of destruction, whereas in Atripe the ‘destruction’ by Shenoute could have consisted
at most of starting a ire in an abandoned building. Finally, the Serapeum was not
as thoroughly destroyed as suggested in the sources, although it is impossible to
evaluate the extent to which initial damage was done. The impact of the event cannot
be underestimated, however, and was soon perceived as the total triumph of the
Alexandrian Church.
All in all, I hope that my project – by bridging the gap between the ideological
discourse in the literature and the other sources, especially material remains, and
by placing the incidents against a wider background of religious transformation
– will put these and other events into their proper contexts. Rather than assuming
widespread violence from the start, it will address the question why religious violence
broke out at all and under what special circumstances. The resulting picture will not
be one of a particularly violent society but it will provide clearer insights into why
ancient authors used a violent discourse and what factors led to this rhetoric spilling
over into reality. The powerful image of the movie Agora can thus be discarded, but
the much more complex reality behind it makes religious violence an all the more
interesting phenomenon to study.

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Jitse H. f. dijkstra religious Violence in late Antique Egypt reconsidered

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