Block 3
Block 3
Block 3
9.0 Objectives
9.1 Introduction
9.2 Characteristics of Pre-colonial Economy
9.2.1 Agriculture
9.2.2 Trade
9.2.3 Handicraft Industries
9.3 Aspects of Colonial Rule
9.4 Evolution of Colonial Rule
9.5 Impact of the Colonial Rule: Western View-point
9.6 Impact of the Colonial Rule: Indian View-point
9.6.1 The Drain theory
9.6.2 De- industrialization
9.7 Phases of the Colonial Rule
9.8 Agriculture under the Colonial Rule
9.8.1 The New Land Settlement
9.8.2 Commercialisation of Agriculture
9.8.3 Impact on Agriculture
9.9 Role of the Colonial State
9.10 Let Us Sum Up
9.11 Key Words
9.12 Answers to Check Your Progress/ Exercises
9.0 OBJECTIVES
The British rule in India did not mean political control only. It extended to every sphere of Indian life-social,
economic and cultural. In the economic field the British rule brought about fundamental changes and
transformed the Indian economy. This unit attempts to deal with the economic changes brought about by the
British rule.
After reading this unit you will:
have an idea about the nature of Indian economy just before the British conquest,
know the ideas of the Western Scholars about the impact of the British rule over the Indian economy, ,
learn about the processes of drain of wealth and de-industrialization, and
be able to assess the role that the colonial state played in the impoverishment of India.
9.1 INTRODUCTION
India was a direct colony of the British and the impact of this colonial rule over the economy, society and
polity of India has been quite deep. Many serious consequences of the British Colonial Rule are still
persisting and this makes the study of colonial phase of India very relevant for understanding many
contemporary aspects of the Indian society. It must be stated at the outset that direct colonial rule leaves a
total impact on the colonized society because every aspect of social life is influenced by colonia
policies of the colonizers. A direct colony (as was the case with India) is under the complete control of the
colonizers and colonial policies and interests penetrate every aspect of social life of a colony.
Another important fact about India is that the colonial rule lasted for a very long time and this longevity of
the colonial rule over India affected the vitals of the Indian society. The long period of British rule over
India provided enough time to the British to establish strong and stable institutions for the governance of
India. The journey of British occupation of India was slow and steady and it passed through various stages.
This evolutionary process provided the British an opportunity to evolve their policies and change their
policies on the basis of experience gained through practice. But before we go into that, we should have a
look at the nature of Indian economy prior to British rule.
9.2.1 Agriculture
Agricultural operations were carried on in India by subsistence farmers, organised in small village
communities. Village was more or less a self-sufficient economic unit and its business contacts with the
outside world were limited to payment of land revenue (generally in kind) and the purchase of a few
necessary things from the town nearby. The farmer raised only those crops which he needed for his own use
and shared the same with the village artisan who supplied him with simple manufacture that he needed for
his domestic consumption.
Means of communication were of a primitive type. Therefore, trade in agricultural produce, was somewhat
limited. The farmer usually raised enough produce to feed himself and the non-agricultural members of the
village community. If his crop yielded more than the consumption needs, due to favourable climatic
conditions, he stored that surplus for use in the lean years. Storage of food grains was a common practice
among the pre-colonial agriculturists and constituted, under these conditions, the only remedy against
famines.
This pattern of agriculture continued throughout the medieval times. However, towards the end of the 18th
century the village communities began to break up, under pressure from new forces which imparted
dynamism to the Indian rural economy. This happened mainly because of two factors, (1) The change in the
property relations brought by the introduction of new forms of land tenure which you will study a little later
in this unit, and (2) the development of an active export trade in agricultural produce of India. The contact
with the west through the establishment of the British rule was responsible for both these developments.
9.2.2 Trade
In spite of the fact that the Indian villages were largely self-sufficient units and the means of communication
were primitive, India enjoyed extensive trade both within the country and with other countries of Asia and
Europe. A balance of the imports and exports was maintained. The items imported into India were pearls,
wool, dates, dried fruits and rosewater from the Persian gulf; coffee, gold, drugs and honey from Arabia; tea,
sugar and silk from China; gold, musk and woollen cloth; metals like copper, iron and lead, and paper from
Europe. The main items exported from India were cotton textiles. Besides cotton textiles which were famous
the world over, India also exported raw silk, indigo, opium, rice, wheat, sugar, pepper and other spices,
precious stones and drugs.
The major features of Indian trade in pre-colonial times were (i) a favourable balance of trade and (ii) a
foreign trade most suitable to the level of manufacturing in India. A favourable balance of trade meant an
excess of exports over imports, i.e., India exported more than it needed to import. Since the economy was on
the whole self-sufficient in handicrafts and agricultural products, India did not need foreign imports on a
large scale and continued to enjoy a healthy trade. Secondly, India's foreign trade suited its requirements
very well. In other words, the commodity pattern, so important to any country's foreign trade, was in India's
favour. India exported the items it specialised in; and imported the ones it needed.
One major change that occurred in India's foreign trade from pre-colonial to colonial times was in its
commodity pattern. Although India continued to have an export surplus, the pattern of foreign trade turned
up side down. For instance, from an exporter of cotton textiles, India was converted into an importer of
cotton textiles, thereby ruining India's rich traditional handicrafts.
India, towards the end of the 18th century was, undoubtedly one of the main centres of world trade and
industry. This status of India was completely destroyed under colonial times. Its beginnings can be traced to
the after-math of the industrial Revolution in England. The machine made cloth of England began to replace
the indigenous manufactures. India's artisans were forced out of production. It was this pressure from the
British goods which led to the decline of the traditional India's centres of economic activity listed above. The
number of weavers also declined.
1) Read the following statements and mark right (√) or wrong (x).
i) British colonial policies made an impact on every aspect of the Indian society.
ii) British policies in India were influenced by the social and economic changes in Britain.
iii) The performance of indigenous industries improved after the colonial conquest.
iv) Indian agriculture remained unchanged from the pre-colonial to colonial period
2) Write five lines each on the state of agriculture, trade and industries in the pre colonial period.
Agriculture
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Trade
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Industries
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"Despite a Hindu tradition of imperial expansion, at no time in Indian history over any large region did a
stable political unit survive for more than a century or a century-and-a-half. There was nothing that
compares with the imperial chronologies of Rome, Egypt, or China. A crucial consequence is that no
tradition of continuous administrative institutions and no persistent bureaucracy ever developed."
Indian political unity, according to them, was a myth, an abstract concept which was concretized into a
reality by the British rulers. In the absence of political unity, the eighteenth century India had very low
levels of "commerce and capital accumulation" and its implication was that the British rule in India had to
deal with very low level of economy. This argument of the western writers challenges the nationalist
argument that India was economically very attractive and profitable for the British.
Second, the western writers have suggested that the history of India revealed a very low level of agricultural
productivity because it was based on a 'non-animal powered agriculture'. According to many western
historians, the absence of any worthwhile technology kept a large portion of India 'virgin land as late as
1800'. Tobacco, potato and peanut cultivation was introduced by the British in India.
Third, according to them, India could not claim any great achievements in manufacturing because it lacked
modem technology. Although India had some excellent craftsmen and produced textiles and a few other
manufactured goods but they were the result of hard work and not of any developed technology. The
evidence for this viewpoint is gathered from the seventeenth century records of the English which point out
the inelasticity of textile productivity in India. W.H. Moreland and many other scholars have used the
evidence of early European travellers to prove that Indian technology was poor. On the basis of such
evidence, Morris D. Moms observes that:
"...the Indian subcontinent was a region in which per capita income was relatively low in the centuries
before 1800. Given the lack of political stability, low agricultural and non-agricultural productivity, and
insignificant commerce no other conclusion is supportable."
If the opinions of Morris D. Morris, W.H. Moreland, or European travelers or British factory records are
accepted that India was underdeveloped when the British gradually conquered it, then the implication is that
the British conquest of India was beneficial for the economy, society and polity of this country. In history
whenever two societies interact, the advanced and well organized society succeeds in establishing its control
over the less advanced society and at the same time the less advanced society gains from the technology and
organization of the advanced society. This is the basic premise of the western writers who view the British
colonial rule as a rule of advanced society over an underdeveloped society. In the process, the
underdeveloped society like India achieved benefits from the British rule and they are enumerated by the
Western scholar:
To sum up, the Western writers have made two points regarding the impact of British rule over India. First,
on the eve of colonial expansion, the British found a highly underdeveloped India with low productivity in
agriculture, very low per capita income and absence of any developed technology or tools for
manufacturing. Second, the benevolent policies of the British helped in the establishment of political unity, a
system of governance and it laid the foundations of economic development in India.
Two important aspects of British colonial rule over India highlighted by the nationalists were the 'drain
theory' and the theory of 'de-industrialisation'.
Since after acquiring dominion over India, the East India Company and private traders could appropriate
Indian goods or tribute or profits without really paying for them. Britain did not any longer have to send
bullion to India to balance here accounts. Instead bullion was now sent out from India either to China or to
Britain.
Bagchi's estimate is that 'external drain' from Bengal constituted about 3 to 4 per cent of the gross domestic
material product. If expenditure on wars of the East India Company is added in this period, Bagchi maintains
that "at least 5 to 6 per cent of resources of the ruled land were siphoned off from any possibility of
investment."
An elementary principle of economic development is that surplus is generated for investment but if the
surplus is siphoned off from a colony to the colonizers, the colony gets underdeveloped. This was the impact
of external drain on the economy of India under British colonial rule starting with Bengal after the battle of
Plassey in 1757.
External drain, however, was only one element of British exploitation of India, linked, with other sources of
exploitation like heavy taxation and an unfavourable trade. The British benefited immensely from the
plunder and exploitation of India. Lord Curzon wrote:
India is the pivot of our Empire... If the Empire loses any other part of its Dominion we can survive, but if
we lose Indian the sun of our Empire will have set.
The Company obtained Dewani or civil administration rights of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa in 1765 and this
opened new opportunities for plunder by the Company. The land revenue because of Dewani rights were
remitted by the Company to England. This monopoly plunder and exploitation by the Company continued
till the end of eighteenth century when England moved from mercantile capitalism to industrial revolution
and the emerging industrial capitalists in Britain started demanding the end of Company rule in India.
9.6.2 De-industrialization
Besides the external drain theory, the nationalists argued that British rule led to the deindustrialization of
India. India was an exporter of cotton manufacture and this was how the Company started its trade but
gradually India became an importer of cotton manufacture and thus Indian artisans, craftsmen and important
trading centres collapsed and whatever manufacturing activity existed was destroyed under the impact of
imports of cotton manufacture almost exclusively from Britain. Amiya Bagchi observed: "for more than
seventy-five years up to 1913, India remained the major importer of cotton goods from Britain, often taking
more than forty per cent of the British exports."
Thus the industrialization of England was accompanied by the decline and destruction of Indian cotton
manufacturer. As a result, India witnessed, from the early 19th century onwards, a steady decline in
population dependent on indigenous industries and a consequent over-burdening of agriculture. This proved
injurious to both. its political ramifications have been summed up by Sumit Sarkar:
The sufferings of artisans have to be kept in mind as a significant factor in the understanding of many
movements of our period: both in the way in which de-industrialization stimulated patriotic sentiments
among intellectuals alike in the Moderate, Extremist and Gandhian eras, as well as more directly, in
occasional urban and rural explosions of various types.
The decay of Dacca, Surat, Murshidabad and many other flourishing towns bears testimony to
de-industrialization of India. Sir Charles Trevelyan observed in 1840:
The population of the town of Dacca has fallen from 1,50,00 to 30,000 or 40,000 and the jungle and malaria
are fast encroaching upon the town... Dacca, which was the Manchester of India, has fallen off from a very
flourishing town to a very poor and small one; the distress there has been very great indeed.
The impact of the British rule, in the initial stages has been summed up by R.P. Dutt:
While machine-made cotton goods from England ruined the weavers, machine-made twist ruined
the spinners. Between 1818 and 1836, the export of cotton twist from England to Indian rose 5,200
times.
The same process could be traced in respect of silk goods, woollen goods, iron, pottery, glass and
paper.
The effects of this wholes destruction of the Indian manufacturing industries on the economy of the
country can be imagined. In England the ruin of the old handloom weavers was accompanied by the
growth of the new machine industry. But in India, the ruin of the millions of artisans and craftsmen
was not accompanied by any alternative growth of new forms of industry... The old populous
manufacturing towns, Dacca, Murshidabad, ... Surat and the like, were in a few years rendered
desolate under the 'Pan-Brittanica' with a completeness which no ravages of the most destructive
war or foreign conquest could have accomplished.
The merchant capital of the British, found new opportunities in India, when, Company started its conquests,
in which monopolistic buying of Indian material was undertaken by the revenue earned from India, and they
were exported to foreign markets with maximum profits. The pre-industrial British capital, instead of
making so-called "investments", were buying Indian commodities for profitable exports on the basis of
money earned from revenue in India. Thus, the conquest of India by the British East India Company gave it
the 'power to levy and collect land revenue and other taxes', and, on the basis of the gross profits the
Company exploited Indian commodities. This 'semi-bondage' situation of India made the British mercantile
capitalism earn "tribute from conquest". According to Professor Habib, during the later half of eighteenth
century the total British imports from India increased from 12 per cent to 24 per cent, and the British exports
to India increased from 6.4 per cent to only 9 per cent of the total British exports.
The phase of Merchant Capitalism, gave way to the phase of industrial Capitalism towards the beginning of
the 19th century. Now the emphasis shifted from revenue collection and trade to new forms of surplus
appropriation. Indian economy was now geared to serve the interests of industrial England. India was now
used to provide raw material to the industries of England and a market for the readymade British
manufactured industrial goods. Indian resources continued to be drained out to England, although in
different forms. Similarly, the process of de-industrialization also got accelerated.
After 1857, when the British Government took on direct control of India, some British capital also started
pouring into the Indian market, along with the manufactured goods. This was the result of the accumulation
of capital at an unprecedented level in the leading industrial countries. Now England needed India, not only
as a market for their goods, but also as a favourable ground for the investment of their capital. As a result
India started getting industrialized, but only on foreign capital. All the major industries like Railways, Jute,
Iron and Steel (with the exception of cotton textiles) were being run by British capital. Its result was a
further drain of wealth, as all the profits made on British capital were going back to England.
Thus up to the end of nineteenth century India was sucked by the British during both phases of colonialism,
i.e., during mercantile capitalism and industrial revolution in England.
1) Read the following statements and mark right (√) or wrong (x)
i) There was a basic agreement between the Indian and Western Scholars
regarding the role of British policy towards Indian economy.
ii) The nationalist Scholars felt that the British rule had provided unity and
stability to India.
iii) The drain theory was put forward by the Western Scholars.
iv) The industrialization of England was largely responsible for the de-industrialization of
India.
Drain of wealth
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De-industrialization
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What was the basic agrarian policy of the British which led to the destruction of the Indian agricultural
economy?
The infamous Permanent land settlement of Lord Cornwallis in 1793 for Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and later
extended to parts of North Madras created a class of zamindars who became "landlords in perpetuity". The
land revenue was fixed on permanent basis, and the zamindars became intermediaries between the rulers and
the peasantry. The amount fixed broke the back of the peasantry. While under this system the peasantry
suffered enormously the landlords and the British rulers benefited. Lord William Bentinck himself observed:
If security was wanting against extensive popular tumult or revolution, I should say that the
Permanent Settlement, though a failure in many other respects and most important essentials, has
this great advantage at least, of having created a vast body of rich landed proprietors deeply
interested in the continuance of the British Dominion and having complete command over the mass
of the people.
Besides the Permanent Settlement, the British evolved the Ryotwari System implemented in Madras
Presidency in 1820 by Sir Thomas Munro. The Ryotwari system had two features. First, the government and
the cultivators would have direct relationship and land revenue will be settled directly between the two
without any intermediary. Second, unlike the system of Lord Cornwallis, Munro's system was based on
periodical re-assessment of land revenue.
Whether the system in some parts of India was Permanent Zamindary settlement, or its minor variant
Temporary Zamindary settlements, or the Ryotwari settlements, landlordism became the system under the
British. It dispossessed the cultivators, moneylenders entered rural India, the tenants were unprotected and
the majority of real cultivators became landless labourers. When real cultivators are dispossessed and
intermediaries and non-cultivating interests emerge powerful, agricultural development suffers and the
majority becomes poor. This happened in India as a result of the policies of the British. The beneficiaries
were landlords and the government and victims were the peasants. In the words of Daniel Thorner:
In no other period of Indian history can be find so large, so well-established, and so secure a group
of landholders as that which grew up and flourished between the 1970s and the 1940s.
The agrarian system as evolved by the British had a built-in system of destruction of agriculture which is
proved by the famines of 1870s and late 1890s and epidemics and slow growth of population.
Agriculture could develop if investments were made in public works either by the government or by the
efforts of the peasants. Naturally poor peasantry could not do it. The British did it in a very limited manner.
Wherever government took initiative in public works, results were encouraging as in the case of the canal
system in Punjab. Since the government and the landlords showed very little interest in public works,
agriculture remained backward. The impoverishment of the peasantry was a glaring fact during the British
rule over India. The agrarian policies pursued by the British increased the number of landless labourers, the
pressure of population on backward village economy and the profitable plantation economy filled the
pockets of the British. The magnitude of rural poverty was graphically described by the saying that the
Indian is born in debt, he lives in debt and he dies in debt. "The vast majority of peasants live to debt to the
moneylender" was stated by the Simon Commission. Even for paying land revenue to the government, the
peasants were obliged to borrow and how could an indebted peasantry develop agriculture?
A rapid development of railway occurred in this period. The length of the railway tracks increased from 288 miles in
1857 to 30576 in 1908. This expansion of the railway facilitated the commercialisation of agriculture.
The opening of Suez canal in 1869 shortened the sea route between England and India by about 3000 miles and brought
the two countries closer to each other for purpose of trade.
Certain technological innovations in England between 1873 and 1886 replaced sailing vessels with modern steam ships.
This brought down the freight rates by half and had a stimulating effect on the export of agricultural produce from
India which grew rapidly both in volume and value.
The Civil war in North America diverted, for the time being, the British demand for raw cotton from the United States
to India. Consequently there was a sudden increase in the export of raw cotton from India after 1862. From 5.6
crore in 1859-60, it rose to 37.5 crore in 1864-65.
The result of all this was a phenomenal increase in the export of agricultural goods from India. The total
value of export went up by more than five hundred per cent from 1859- 60 to 1906-07.
Paradoxically, this increase in foreign demand for Indian agricultural produce did not lead to the
development of Indian agriculture. There were many reasons for this:
his unpreparedness for the commercialisation and therefore inability to take till advantage of the opportunities offered,
absence of any increase in the productivity of land, and
the role of colonialism which super-imposed the commercialisation process from the top. It was precisely because of
colonialism that the commercialisation of agriculture emerged as an artificial. forced process which could not lead
to a genuine growth in agriculture. The objective conditions for such a growth had already been destroyed by
colonialism.
However, the impact of the commercialisation was quite far reaching. To begin with, it led to a scarcity of
food. This happened because the increasing demand for cash crops like raw cotton, jute, indigo and opium
etc. was met by substitution of commercial crops for traditional food crops. This was done by the farmers to
increase their profits, as the commercial crops were more paying. But its impact on the food supply of the
country was disastrous. It was reported that one major cause of the famine in 1866 in Bengal and Orissa was
that the best land was cultivating indigo instead of rice.
Yet another impact was a differentiation among the farmers. Although a small section of the farmers, who
had the resources, prospered by shifting completing to the cultivation of commercial crops, the poor farmer
suffered great losses as he had to now depend on a market for his own food requirements.
However, there were some positive aspects also. Regional specialization grew and the village lost its
isolation and got linked with the world market. The farmer, in his choice of crops, came to attach greater
importance to market demands and prices than to his own immediate needs.
"The land revenue under the preceding Indian regimes was fixed as a share of the crop, and varied according
to the crop cultivated. The land revenue under the British, whether directly imposed on the ryots or assessed
on the zamindars, was a true tax on land."
Thus revenue collections went up, the prices of foodgrains declined, the rural indebtedness increased and the
rural economy was depressed. The direct appropriation of the agricultural surplus was the sole goal of the
British rule and its direct consequences was impoverishment of the peasantry and stagnation of the rural
economy.
"We know, and respect the feelings of attachment with which the natives of India regard the land inherited
from the ancestors, and we desire to protect them in all rights connected therewith, subject to the equitable
demands of the State."
While the above promises of the Queen were only to seek social support and collaboration of the native
princess and landlords, the essence of the abolition of the Company's rule in 1858 was to serve the interests
of the British industrial classes in exploiting Indian market. The main goal of the colonial state established in
1858 was to protect and promote the interests of the British industrial capitalists who were occupying a
leading position in the British Parliament.
The British colonial state completely integrated India with the world capitalist economy and as a colony,
India was subjected to exploitation.
The role of colonial state in the economic development of India as a colony cannot be understood by
emphasizing the establishment of railways by the British or other modernizing activities like the spread of
English language and education. These are peripheral facts in evaluating the role of colonial state in India.
The basic goal of colonial state was to promote British capital and its investment in India for profit and to
achieve this goal, India under the colonial state was made a market for raw material for the British industry
and investment of British capital in sectors of Indian economy which brought profits to the British investors.
The promotion of plantation and mines, jute mills, banking, insurance, shipping, export-import concerns,
railways were all under British who were favoured and patronized by the colonial state if on the one hand,
colonial bureaucracy extended facilities and concessions to the British in India, on the other, it discriminated
against the locals through highly biased and discriminatory tariff and excise policies.
Behind a facade of laissez faire, government policies often actively promoted European enterprise
(railways under the guarantee system, and the allotment of vast tracts of land to Assam tea planters
at nominal prices, would be two obvious examples) while discriminating against Indians. The
railway network and freight-rates encouraged traffic with ports as against that between inland
centres. The organised money-market was largely under white control……. Most significant of all
perhaps was the fact that nineteenth century Indian economic growth was largely geared to export
needs, and the British controlled the bulk of the external trade of the country through
Exchange Banks, export-import firms and shipping concerns.
The main features of colonial state and its economic policies were geared towards ruthless exploitation of
India. The mechanisms of this exploitation were clear. India was structurally integrated with the world
capitalist economy. India was made an export oriented economy. India was to supply raw material to the
British industry, the British in India worked under the protective umbrella of the colonial state which
protected and safeguarded the interests of British investors. Indian capitalists were obstructed by
discriminatory policies of the British colonial bureaucracy. This colonial state was racial and exploitative
and India as a colony was sucked for British interests.
The beginning of twentieth century and specially two World Wars saw a change in this trend and provided
an opportunity for the development of the Indian capitalist class in the fields of textile, sugar, jute, some
chemical factories and steel plant. The World Wars had an impact on the British economy and the pre-war
situation, in which India was profitable for export of British manufactures and a secure market for profitable
investment, was changing, and, the economy and requirements of second world war, compelled the British
to induce development of indigenous industries under the indigenous capitalists in India.
1) Write about the various land settlement introduced by the British, and their characteristics.
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2) Read the following statements and mark right (9) or wrong (x).
i) The British colonial state has been rightly characterized as a laissez faire state.
ii) The British colonial state integrated Indian economy with the world capitalist economy.
iii) Indian capitalists were protected by the colonial policies.
iv) The two world wars brought about constraints on colonialism.
When the British left India, they left a stagnant economy. The development of industries as mentioned above
does not mean that India was an industrial nation on the eve of independence in 1947. An industrial nation
can develop if proper infrastructure is developed along with basic industries like heavy machine tools, steel
and capital goods industries are established to support industrialization. The result of British economic
policies was that India had industries without industrialization, because the colonial state was not interested
in this aspect of economy. Further, Indian agriculture was stagnant. In terms of raw material for industry, the
situation was pretty bad. The direct consequence of British rule over India was low per capita income, low
agricultural output, low level of savings, underdeveloped infrastructure and low level of human skills. Thus
the claim that the British motorized Indian economy is quite hollow in the light of the above description.
Foreign Capital: Money or resources acquired from outside a nation either from another nation or a
transnational firm.
Gross Profits: Total profits before deductions are made for taxes, depreciation etc.
Laissez Faire: The philosophy in 19th century British which said free trade or trade without restriction was
solution to all economic problems.
Underdeveloped Society: A society in which development is retarded because of factors like colonial rule
or colonial pressures. This is different from a non-developed or developing societies, where the colonial
factor does not play a strictly significant role, since a direct colonial rule is not there.
10.0 OBJECTIVES
No major development of modern India can be explained and understood without a reference to the Indian
National Movement. The Indian National Movement represented the Indian people's urge to be free from the
foreign yoke. After reading this Unit you will:
be able to explain the political objectives and the strategies of the early nationalist leadership,
understand the differences of approach between the moderates and militant nationalists,
understand the Swadeshi Movement and its implications for the Indian National
Movement,
10.1 INTRODUCTION
In this Unit we introduce you to the various aspects of Indian National Movement during its earlier phase.
Resistance to British rule had always been there, but it was in 1857 that large sections of Indian people in
various regions made a combined effort to overthrow the British. That is why it is often termed as the first
war of independence. Due to certain weaknesses the uprising was crushed by the British but as far as the
struggle was concerned there was no going back. This inspired a new kind of struggle. The intelligentsia,
which earlier believed in the benevolence of British rule now came forward to expose its brutality. Political
associations were formed and the Indian National Congress played a vital role in directing the freedom
struggle. We discuss in this Unit the role of moderates and militant nationalists and the efforts made during
the Swadeshi Movement to involve the masses into the freedom struggle.
This was also a period of cultural renaissance as far as Indian society was concerned. Many social and
religious reformers took up the battle against the social and religious evils that existed in our society. This
contributed immensely towards the making of a new India.
This Unit attempts to give you a glimpse of the issues that were undertaken by the Indian social reformers.
The scope of this Unit is however confined to the period just before the emergence of Gandhi on the Indian
political scene.
The revolt of 1857 was, however, to involve millions in large parts of the country and to shake the British
rule to its very roots.
1: Soldiers of 11th irregular cavalry being disarmed (1 August 1857)
10.2.1 Causes
The Revolts of 1857 started on 10 May when the Company's Indian soldiers (sepoys) at Meerut rebelled,
killed their European officers, marched to Delhi, entered the Red Fort and proclaimed the aged and
powerless Bahadur Shah 11 (who still bore the prestigious name of the Mughals) as the Emperor of India.
The Company's sepoys had many grievances against their employers, ranging from declining material and
other service conditions to religious interference and racial arrogance. But basically they reflected the
general discontent with British rule. They were after all a part of Indian society they were 'peasants in
uniform'. The hopes, desires, despair and discontent of other sections of Indian society they were
reflected in them. The sepoys' rebellion was a product of the accumulated grievances of the Indian people.
The most important underlying cause of the Revolt was the disruption of the traditional Indian economy and
its subordination to British economy and the intense economic exploitation of the country. Above all, the
colonial policy of intensifying land revenue demand led to a large number of peasants losing their land to
revenue farmers, traders and moneylenders. Destruction of traditional handicrafts ruined and impoverished
millions of artisans. The economic decline of peasantry and artisans was reflected in 12 major and numerous
minor famines from 1770 to 1857.
Thousands of zamindars and poligars lost control over their land and its revenues. Hundred of chieftains lost
their principalities. The interference by the East India Company was disliked by many Indian rulers. The
traditional scholarly and priestly classes lost their patronage from the traditional rulers, chieftains, nobles
and zamindars, and were impoverished.
A major cause of the Revolt was the very foreign character of British rule. The British remained perpetual
foreigners in the land. The Indian people felt humiliated in having to obey the orders of 'foreign
tresspassers'.
2: People and Soldiers in the Battle at Bareilly (5 May 1858)
10.2.3 Defeat
In the end, British imperialism, at the height of its power the world over, succeeded in ruthlessly
suppressing the Revolt. The reasons were many. Despite its wide reach, the Revolt could not embrace the
entire country or all sections of Indian society. Bengal, South India and large parts of Punjab remained
outside its reach since these areas had already exhausted themselves through prolonged rebellions and
struggle against the British. Most rulers of Indian states and the big zamindars remained loyal to the foreign
rulers. Thus, Scindhia of Gwalior, Holkar of Indore, the Nizam of Hyderabad, the Rajput rulers of Jodhpur
and many other Rajputana states, the Nawab of Bhopal, the rulers of Patiala and Kashmir, the Ranas of
Nepal, and many other rulers and chieftains gave active support to the British in suppressing the Revolt.
In general, merchants and moneylenders either supported the British or refused to help the rebels. The
modem educated Indians also did not support the Revolt. The leaders of the Revolt fought with courage, but
could neither coordinate their struggle nor evolve a unified high command. Instead, they indulged in
constant petty quarrels. The rebels were short of modern weapons and often had to fight with primitive
weapons such as swords and spikes. They were very poorly organised. The sepoys were brave
but at times there was lack of discipline which affected their military efficiency.
5: Rani Jhansi in Battle field.
Above all the rebels lacked a modern understanding of British colonialism or the nature of the state and
society which was to replace it. They were united by their hatred of the British rule and the desire to restore
pre-British economic, political and social relations, but shared no conception of the political or socio-
economic structure of free India. This was perhaps inevitable. Common all-India feeling and interests were
yet to evolve. Perhaps if the Revolt had lasted a few years, a common modern understanding and national
consciousness would have evolved in the course of the struggle, as it did later; but the rebels were given no
such time- their revolt was crushed by the end of 1858.
This first great struggle of the Indian people to win freedom from British domination was not in
vain. It left an indelible mark on the consciousness of the Indian people and served as a permanent
source of inspiration to the later struggle for freedom.
1) Write in about 100 words the main causes behind the Revolt of 1857.
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2) Which of the following statements are right or wrong ? Mark (9) or (X).
i) The Revolt of 1857 was the first effort at a national level to overthrow British rule.
ii) The revolt of 1857 was only a sepoy mutiny
iii) All the merchants and moneylenders supported the revolt of 1857.
3) i) Give the names of three Indians rulers who supported the British in 1857.
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ii) Give the names of three Indian leaders who opposed the British in 1857.
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Many factors were responsible for the rise of this powerful movement. But the decisive factor was the
gradual emergence of the contradiction between the interests of the Indian people as a whole and the
interests of the British rule, which was leading to the increasing underdevelopment of the Indian economy
and society. It was also hampering India's further economic, social, cultural, intellectual and political
developments. Let us briefly have a look at the factors that contributed towards the emergence of organised
nationalism.
They had believed that the restructuring of Indian society could occur under British rule because Britain was the most
advanced country of the time.
They hoped that the British would help India get rid of its past backwardness.
The intellectuals, attracted by modem industry and the prospects of modern economic development, hoped that, Britain
would industrialize India and introduce modern capitalism.
They believed that Britain, guided by the doctrine of democracy, civil liberties, and sovereignty of the people, would
introduce modern science and technology and modern knowledge in India, leading to the cultural and social
regeneration of its people.
The emerging unification of the Indian people was an added attraction. Consequently, they supported British
rule even during the Revolt of 1857 and described it as 'providential' or "ordained by Gods that be".
The second half of the 19th century witnessed the gradual disillusionment of the intellectuals, for experience
increasingly showed that that expectations were misplaced and based on a wrong understanding of the nature
and character of British rule. The intellectuals realised that:
In practice, British colonialism was disrupting Indian economy and preventing the rise of modern industry and
agriculture.
Instead of promoting democracy and self-government, British administrators were arguing for the imposition of
permanent benevolent despotism in India.
They neglected the education of the masses, curbed civil liberties and pursued a policy of divide and rule.
Thus, in such a situation what were the intellectuals supposed to do? Gradually, the intelligentsia created
political associations to spread political education and to initiate political work in the country. Raja Ram
Mohan Roy was the first Indian leader to start an agitation for political reforms in India. The Bengal British
Indian Society and other associations were founded in 1840s and 1850s to promote general public interests.
But these associations were local in character and were dominated by wealthy and aristocratic elements.
However, in 1870s and 1880s more modern, explicitly political, and middle class based organizations like
Poona Sarvajanik Sabha in Maharashtra, the Indian Association in Bengal, Madras Mahajan Sabha, and
Bombay Presidency Association came up all over the country.
The Arms Act of 1878 disarmed the entired Indian people at one stroke.
The Vernacular Press Act of 1878 sought to suppress the growing Indian criticism of British rule.
The reduction of the maximum age for sitting in the Indian Civil Service Examination from 21 years to 19 further
reduced the chances of Indians entering the Civil Service.
The holding of a lavish imperial Durbar (in 1877) at a time when millions of Indians were dying of famine and the
waging of a costly war against Afghanistan at the cost of the Indian economy.
The removal of import duties on British textile imports threatened the existence of the newly rising Indian textile
industry.
All these were clear manifestations of the colonial character of British rule in India. In 1883, the new
viceroy, Lord Ripon, tried to assuage Indian feelings by removing a glaring instance of racial discrimination
by passing the IIbert Bill which would enable Indian district and session judges to try Europeans in criminal
cases. The Government was compelled to amend the Bill by a vehement, racialist agitation led by the
European in India. These factors created a congenial environment for the growth of Indian nationalism.
The early nationalist leaders believed that a direct struggle for freedom was not yet on the agenda of history.
Instead, they had first to lay the foundations of such struggle. Would you like to know what were then the
basic objectives of the early Indian nationalists ?
i) One of the basic objectives of the early nationalists was to promote the feeling of national
unity, to weld India into a nation, to help create an Indian people, to meet the imperialist
charge that Indians were not a people or nation but a mere grouping of hundreds of diverse
races, languages, castes and religions.
ii) The second basic objective was to create a national political platform or programme on
which all Indians could agree and which could serve as the basis for all-lndia political
activity.
iii) The third objective was the politicisation of the people and the creation of public interest in
political questions and the training and organization of pubic opinion in the country.
iv) Another important aim of the time was the creation of an all-lndia political leadership. No
movement without a headquarters, that is, a united leadership. Such a leadership on a
country-wide level did not exist in the 1880s. Allied to this was the need to train a common
band of political workers or cadre to carry on political work.
Thus, the basic objectives of the early nationalists can best be summed up as the creation of a broad-based
anti-colonial, nationalist movement on an all lndia basis.
1) Which of the following statements are right or wrong '? Mark (9) or (X).
i) After 1857 it became clear that new methods were needed to defeat imperialism.
ii) The Indian intellectuals always remained loyal to the British.
iii) The British encouraged civil liberties.
iv) Indian economy flourished under British rule.
2) What were the basic objectives of the early nationalists ? Answer in about 10 lines.
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The weakness of the early nationalists lay in the narrow social base of the movement. The movement did
not, as yet, have a wide appeal. It did not penetrate down to the masses. The Moderates' political work was
confined to the urban educated middle classes. Their programme and policies, however, were not confined
to the interests of the middle classes. They took up the causes of all sections of the Indian people and
represented the interests of the emerging Indian nation against colonial domination.
The Moderates believed in the methods of constitutional agitation within the tour walls of law. Thus, they
relied on agitation through public meetings and newspapers. They also sent numerous carefully prepared and
argued memorials and petitions to the Government. Though on the surface these memorials, etc., were
addressed to the Government, their real objective was to educate and politicise the Indian people. For
example, Justice Ranade explained to the young G. K. Gokhale in 1891:
You don't realize our place in the history of our country. These memorials are nominally addressed to
Government, in reality they are addressed to the people, so that they may learn how to think in these matters
because politics of this kind is altogether new in this land.
In spite of their political mildness, they aroused intense hostility from the officials. British officials and
statesmen condemned them as disloyal and seditious elements. Lord Curzon, the Viceroy, declared in 1900
that it was his ambition to contribute to the death of the Congress. This was because the Moderate had, on
however small a scale, generated an anti-imperialist awakening in the country. Their powerful economic
critique of imperialism was to serve as the main plank of nationalist agitation in the later years of active
mass struggle against British Colonialism. They had, by their economic agitation, undermined the moral
foundations of British rule by exposing its cruel, exploitative character. Moreover, the political work of the
Moderates was based on a concrete study and analysis of the hard reality of the life of the people rather than
on shallow and narrow appeals to religion and mere emotion. Once a sound basis for a national movement
was laid, mass struggles could come, and did come, in time.
The social and economic conditions of the country also pointed in the same direction. Economic decay and
stagnation. the fruits of colonial underdevelopment, were beginning to surface by the end of the 19th
century. Symbolic in this respect were the famines that devastated the country from 1987 to 1900, and killed
millions.
Several international events at this time contributed to the growth of militant nationalism. The defeat of the
Italian army by the Ethiopians in 1896 and Russia by Japan in 1905 exploded the myth of European
superiority. Similar was the impact of the revolutionary movements in Ireland, Russia, Egypt, Turkey and
China: a united people, who were willing to make sacrifices, were surely capable of overthrowing foreign
despotic rule even if it appeared powerful on the surface.
A new political leadership now emerged on the scene. The most prominent in it were Bal Gangadhar Tilak,
known as the Lokmanya, Aurobindo Ghose, Bipin Chandra Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai. The new leadership
believed and preached that Indians trust rely on their own efforts, on their own political activity and on their
own sacrifices. Their political work and outlook encouraged self-reliance and self-confidence. Moreover,
they possessed deep faith in the strength of the Indian people and mass action. Once the masses took up
politics, they asserted, it would be impossible for the British to suppress the national movement. They,
therefore, pressed for political work among the masses. They also denied that British rule could be reformed
from within. Swaraj or independence was to be the goal of the resurgent national movement.
Political agitation was inaugurated by a general hartal and a day of fasting on 16 October in Calcutta. Huge
crowds paraded in the streets of Calcutta and a mammoth meeting of 50,000 was held in the evening. Entire
Bengal, from cities to villages, was reverberating with meetings, processions and demonstrations.
Soon a new form of political action was added. All foreign goods were to he boycotted and Swadeshi or
Indian-made goods along were to he used. In many places public burnings of foreign cloth were organized
and shops selling foreign cloth were picketed. The new leadership also gave a call for passive resistance to
the authorities. This was to take the form of non-cooperation with the Government by boycotting schools
and colleges, the courts, and government services. This part of the programme could not, however, be put
into practice on a significant scale. The new leadership also raised the slogan of independence from foreign
rule. One result was that Dadabhai Naoroji declared in his presidential address to the Congress in December
1906 that the goal of the Congress was "self-government or Swaraj".
The militant leadership succeeded in involving large sections of the rural and urban people in the movement.
In particular, students, women and urban workers participated enthusiastically in the movement. The slogans
of Swadeshi and Swaraj were soon taken up by other provinces. Boycott of foreign cloth was organized on
all-lndia scale. The entire country began to be united in a bond of' common sympathy and common politics.
The Government responded with quick repression. Meetings were banned, newspapers suppressed, political
workers jailed, several leaders deported, and students beaten up. Efforts were made to divide the Moderates
from Militants and Hindus from Muslims. At the same time, the new leadership failed to, discover or
implement new forms of organization and struggle which would correspond to their new and advanced
political understanding. For example, it failed to put passive resistance into practice. Consequently, the
Government succeeded to a large extent in suppressing the movement which did not survive the
imprisonment and deportation of Tilak for 6 years, the retirement from active politics of Bipin Chandra Pal
and Aurobindo Ghose and departare from India of Lala Lajpat Rai.
The youth finding no effective outlet in mass political activity and responding emotionally and heroically to
government repression, increasingly adopted revolutionary terrorism and assassination of hated officials as a
style of politics. Anushilan and Jugantar were the two important revolutionary groups of this
period.However, revolutionary terrorists lacked a mass base and could not continue for long.
But they um made a valuable contribution to the growth of the national movement. As a historian has put it,
"they gave us back the pride of our manhood".
8: Annie Besant
The national movement was in a rather dormant state from 1909 to 1916. But it revived during the First
World War when Annie Besant, an English admirer of Indian Culture and the newly released Lokmanya
Tilak started a popular, all-lndia constitutional agitation under the auspices of the two Indian Home Rule
Leagues. Indian revolutionaries abroad were also very active during the War of special importance was the
establishment of a mass Ghadar (Rebellion) Party in U.S.A. and Canada which had branches in East Asia
and South-East Asia and which tried to organize armed uprisings in India.
1) Differentiate between the methods adopted by moderates and militant nationalists Answer in
about 10 lines.
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2) Why were the moderate nationalists condemned by the British as seditious elements'' Answer in
about 10 lines
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3) What do you understand by Swadeshi Movement? To what extent was this movement an advance
in terms of methods adopted by earlier nationalists? Answer in about 100 words.
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Even though the forces of religious and social reform and cultural renewal arose at different times and in
different forms and with differing content in different parts of the country, their general perspective was very
similar and they represented more or less a common consciousness and understanding of the ills of Indian
society and their remedies.
The religious reformers vigorously opposed religious dogmatism and blind faith, rigidity of caste, and
prevalence of meaningless religious rituals, ceremonies and superstitions. Some of them also opposed the
priesthood where it had become too rigid or corrupt. They stood for the reform of existing Hindusim, Islam
and Sikhism. The social reformers attacked the caste system, especially inequality and oppression based on
the caste system. In particular, they condemned the degraded and unequal position of women in Indian
society and argued that women and men were equal in intellect and moral sense. They fought for the
abolition of the practice of Sati; they attacked polygamy or the system of men having more than one wife;
they advocated widow remarriage and education of women; some of them, like Rammohan, argued that
women should have the right of inheritance and property.
The battle against the caste system was also in time taken up by intellectuals and reformers belonging to the
so called "lower castes". Jotiba Phule, Narayana Guru and Dr. B. R. Ambedkar were three of the most
outstanding fighters against the inequities of the caste system. Gandhi linked the struggle against colonialism
with the struggle against untouchability. He made it mandatory for a member of the Congress to refuse to
practise untouchability and to oppose its practice by others. He founded the All India Harijan Seva Sangh to
work for the social, cultural, economic and educational uplife of the harijans.
While the women's cause was taken up mainly by male social reformers in the 19th century, in the 20th
century the women themselves came forward to fight for their own social liberation. A number of women's
magazines, many of them edited by women, appeared and, in the 1930s the women's movement took an
organised form when the All-lndia Women's Conference was formed. The national movement, trade unions
and Kisan Sabhas too took up the cause of women's rights.
It was a result of these reformist efforts and social struggles that complete equality of sexes and a ban on any
discrimination on the basis of sex or caste were enshrined in the Constitution of free India.
All the reformers tried to apply the rational approach to religion and society. They wanted religious and
social thought and practices to be based not on faith but on human reason and the good of humanity.
Opposing blind adherence to authority, they were willing to modify and even abandon religious principles
and inherited social traditions if they contradicted reason or logic or were harmful to society. Swami
Vivekanand, for example, said:
Is religion to justify itself by the discoveries of reason through which every science justifies itself?
Are the same methods of investigation which apply to the sciences and knowledge outside, to be
applied of the science of religion? In my opinion, this must be so, and I am also of opinion that the
sooner this is done the better.
Similarly, Sayyid Ahmed Khan all his life opposed blind obedience to tradition and dependence on
irrationalism and advocated adoption of a critical approach "So long as freedom of thought is not developed,
there can be no civilized life". Even Swami Dayanand, the most conservative of religious reformers, while
holding that the Vedas were infallible, said that they were to be interpreted by normal human beings and not
by a priestly class. In other words, the Vedas meant what individual reason accepted and indicated. Swami
Dayanand, consequently, led a revolt against Hindu orthodoxy.
Similarly, Gandhiji's entire campaign for the "root and branch removal of untouchability" was based on
humanism and reason. While arguing that untouchability had no sanctions in the Hindu shastras, he declared
that shastras should be ignored if they went against human dignity. Truth, he said, could not be confined
within the convers of a book.
Apart from gains in the field of religious and social welfare, the reformers' work contributed to the growth of
patriotism. It enhanced their self-confidence and confidence in their own culture. Even while contributing to
the opening of their minds to the winds of change and modern ideas, it prevented blind copying of the West.
It was a part of what historian K.N. Panikkar has described as cultural defence against the colonialization of
the culture and ideology of the Indian people. As Jawaharlal Nehru was to put it:
The rising middle classes were politically inclined and were not so much in search of a religion; but
they wanted some cultural roots to cling on to, something that gave them assurance of their own
worth, something that would reduce the sense of frustration and humiliation that foreign conquest
and rule had produced.
After 1920, many nationalists and reformers applied the techniques of Satyagraha and mass agitation and
mobilization to fight for democratization of society and religious reform. This often brought them into
conflict with the colonial authorities, thus directly linking and even merging the reform movements with the
anti-imperialist struggle. Two prime examples of this were the Akali movement for the reform of
Gurudwaras or Sikh temples in Punjab during the early 1920s and Gandhi's struggle against untouchability
during the 1920s and early 1930s.
Though the colonial authorities initially, from 1830s to 1860s, encouraged modern education, they soon
began to drag their feet when they found that many among the newly educated Indians were taking to
nationalism. Indians now took to promoting schools and colleges on their own. During the Swadeshi
agitation and the Non-cooperation Movement (1920-22), the nationalists gave a call for a system of National
Education outside the colonial framework. Hundreds of National Schools and Colleges and several National
Universities came up at that time. But it was, in the main, through the Indian languages press and literature
that cultural renaissance and cultural struggle was carried on:
i) From the beginning of the 19th century nationalist and modern Indians, made Indian languages the
vehicle for the popularization of their reformist and nationalist ideas. To enable Indian languages to
play this role successfully, they undertook such humdrum tasks as preparation of primers, etc. For
example, both Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar and Rabindranath Tagore wrote Bengali primers
which are being used till this day. From the 1860s, nationalist leaders agitated for inclusion of
Indian languages in the college curriculum and for a bigger role for them in the educational system.
In fact, the spread of modern ideas among the mass of people occurred primarily through Indian
languages. The most important role in this respect was that of the press; and once again pioneering
work was done by Rammohan Roy who brought out journals in Bengali, Persian and Hindi to spread
scientific, literary and political knowledge among the people. In Maharashtra, a similar role was
played by Gopal Hari Deshmukh, popularly known as Lokhitavadi. Hundreds of Indian language
newspapers and journals made their appearance during the 19th century. They were started not as
profit-making business enterprises, but as labour of love and social commitment with a view to
disseminate nationalist and reformist ideas among the people.
There is hardly a major modern Indian political or social figure who did not edit or write for the
popular Indian language press. The Amrit Bazar Patrika, Som Prakash, and Sanjivani in Bengali;
Rast Goftar and Gujarat Samachar in Gujarati; Indu prakash, Dhyan Prakash , Kesari and
Sudharak in Marathi; Swadesmitra in Tamil; Andhra Prakasika, Andhra Patrika in Telugu;
Matrubhoomi in Malayalam; the Hindi Pradeep, Elindustani, Aj and Pratap in Hindi; Azad,
Akbar-i-Am and Koh-i-Noor in Urdu; and Utkal Dipika in Oriya, were some of the major
newspapers of the time.
ii) Modern literature in Indian languages in the form of poetry, novels and short stories, and essays was
the second form though which cultural renaissance and patriotic sentiments were manifested as well
as promoted. From about the middle of he 19th century, powerful literary trends emerged in nearly
all the Indian languages. Already by 1860s, patriotic poems and songs in Bengali and other
languages had made their appearance. These two genre of literature were to become major
instruments of mass political agitation and mobilization in the 20th century. Almost every Indian
language was to throw up major poets during the 10h and 20 the centuries. Rabindranath Tagore and
Kazi Nazrul Islam in Bengali; Bharatendu Harishchandra and Maithili Sharan Gupta in Hindi;
Muhammad Iqbal, Altaf Hussain Hali and Josh Malihabadi in Urdu; Subramaniya Bharati in Tamil;
Kumaran Asan, and Vallathol in Malayalam; Lakshminath Bezbarua in Assamese, were some of the
major poets of 19th and 20th centuries.
Nationalist drama had its beginnings in 1860 with Dinabandbu Mitra's play Nil Darpan which dealt with the
British indigo planters' oppression of the peasants. India also produced powerful novelists and short story
writers who took up nationalist and reformist themes, often dealing with class and caste oppression and the
sorry plight of women in Indian society. Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, Sarat Chandra, Rabindranath Tagore
and Prem Chand were some of the major writers whose novels and short stories were translated and
published in nearly all the Indian languages. Essays were another genre through which Indian nationalists
and reformers spread their ideas. Some of the major essayists of the 19th century were Gopal Hari
Deshmukh, Vishnushastri Chiplunkar and Viresalingam. Cultural renaissance was also manifested in music,
painting and other arts and later in films.
The person who strode the cultural scene for over 60 years was Rabindranath Tagore who left his mark on
almost every aspect of literature-poetry, novel, short story, drama and essays. In his old age he also took to
painting. He was a major inspiring figure of the Swadeshi Movement. In 1919, he renounced the title of a
Knight (sir) in protest against the Jallianwalla massacre. In 1913, he was awarded the Nobel Prize for
literature. He also founded the Vishwabharati University at Shantiniketan to promote Indian culture and to
impart national education.
1) Which of the following statements are right or writing. Mark (9) or (X).
iii) Struggle against untouchability was a matter of great importance for Gandhi.
iv) The Indian language newspapers contributed in the growth of nationalist feelings.
v) The play Nil Darpan dealt with the condition of emigrant Indians.
2) Discuss in about five lines the issues taken up by reformers in relation to upliftment of women.
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The British continued with their repressive policies, and the partition of Bengal gave a new turn to the
national movement. The Swadeshi Movement, though still not fully a mass movement, was a major step
towards mass mobilization. Another new trend was the emergence of revolutionary terrorism.
There was yet another aspect to the national movement. Many social and religious reformers, guided by
rationalism and humanism fought against the evils that existed in Indian society. The press and literature
contributed immensely towards a new awakening in India.
Mass Mobilization: Process of bringing mass of people together for a definite political objective.
Nationalism: An ideology which emerged in opposition to colonial domination, secondly it offered itself as
a social, political, economic alternative to colonialism. In contrast to Europe where it arose due to the need
of a united market, in India it arose as a specific need of Indian people to find an alternative to colonial rule.
Patriotism: Feeling of loyalty towards one's own nation.
Zamindars: Permanent holders of land in the countryside whose share of revenue was fixed by the British
Government.
10.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS/
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress I
Holkar of Indore
Nizam of Hyderabad
Kunwar Singh
Tantya Tope
11.0 OBJECTIVES
The Indian National Movement was gradually developing into a mass movement. After reading this Unit,
you should be able to:
understand the significance of the emergence of Mahatma Gandhi on the Indian political scene,
known about the characteristics of the Non-Cooperation, Khilafat and Civil Disobedience Movements,
grasp the socio-economic content of Swaraj and understand the part played by the leadership and various peasants and
working class movements in achieving it,
know about the development of Indian National Movement during the Second World War, and finally
In this period sufficient emphasis was laid on the socio-economic content of Swaraj. The Communist Party
of India and the Socialist groups within the Congress pointed out towards economic emancipation of the
masses along with the importance of the struggle for independence.
This Unit, in dealing with the various above mentioned aspects, ultimately introduces you to the various
events which brought about independence.
During the First World War the Allies Britain, France and the U.S.A. had declared that the World War
was being fought in defence of democracy and the right of nations to self-determination. But after their
victory they showed little willingness to end the colonial rule. The Indians had not only cooperated with the
war effort but had considerably suffered also. They hoped of getting due returns. But they were very soon
disenchanted. While the British Government made a half-hearted attempt at constitutional reform, it also
made it clear that it had no intention to part with political power; and a new leader Mohandas Karamchand
Gandhi, took command. The new leader kept in mind the basic weakness of the previous leadership and
sought to remove them. He had evolved a new form of struggle-non-cooperation-and a new technique of
struggle-Satyagraha-which would not remain a mere programme but were capable of being put into practice.
He had already put them to test in South Africa while fighting for the rights of immigrant Indians. Gandhi
also took up the cause of peasants in Champaran (Bihar) and the working class in Ahmedabad (Gujarat).
This was also a period of rising prices and epidemics in various parts of the country. In many regions the
peasants had been subjected to extortions in the name of war effort. Gandhi responded to the growing anger
and militancy of the Indian people after the end of the World War and created the organisation and
techniques that would give the movement a mass base.
Almost the entire country came to life in the next two months. Strikes, hartals, processions and
demonstrations became the order of the day. At this time occurred the notorious Jallianwala Bagh incident in
Amritsar when, on 13 April 1919, a peaceful crowd was trapped in an enclosed garden by a unit of the
British army and fired upon with rifles and machine-guns. Thousands were killed and wounded. A wave of
horror ran through the country. The brutality of colonial rule was exposed once again. Simultaneously, the
British Government broke its war-time pledge of treating Turkey generously after the war and put into
jeopardy the control of the Sultan of Turkey, who was also regarded by many as the Caliph or religious head
of the Muslims thus producing deep resentment among Indian Muslims.
Lakhs of students left schools and colleges. Hundreds of lawyers gave up their practice. Majority of voters
refused to participate in elections to the legislatures. The boycott of foreign cloth became a mass movement,
with thousands of bonfires of foreign cloth lighting the Indian sky. Picketing of shops selling foreign cloth
and of liquor shops was also very successful. In many regions the factory workers aud peasants were at the
forefront.
Gandhi was, however, not satisfied. On 4 February, 1922 occurred the Chauri Chaura incident when a
Congress procession of 3,000 peasants was fired upon by the police and in retaliation the angry crowd burnt
the police station causing the death of 22 policemen. Gandhi took a very serious view of the incident.
Feeling that the people were not yet properly trained in non-violence, he called off the entire movement on
February 1922.
i) It had for the first time brought millions of peasants and urban poor within the sphere of
nationalism. In fact, all sections of Indian society had been politicised: peasant, workers, artisans,
shopkeepers, traders, lawyers, doctors, other professionals and white-collar employees. Women had
been drawn into the movement. The movement had reached the remotest corners of the land. In fact,
Gandhi based his entire politics on the militancy and self-sacrificing spirit of the masses. He brought
them to the forefront of the national struggle. He transformed it into a mass movement.
ii) The people of India were imbued with fearlessness. They were no longer afraid of the might of
British imperialism. As Nehru was to comment later that Gandhi made a man of him. This was true
of the entire nation.
It must be understood in this respect that, for Gandhi, non-violence was not a weapon of the weak and the
cowardly. Only the strong could practise it. Gandhi repeatedly said that he preferred even violence to
cowardice. He wrote in 1920:
Where there is only a choice between cowardice and violence, I would advice violence. I would
rather have India resort to arms in order to defend her honour, than that she should, in a cowardly
manner, become or remain a helpless witness to her own dishonour.
The most important consequence of the Non-Cooperation Movement was the tremendous self-confidence
and self-esteem which Indian people gained. Indian people had begun a war against colonial rule. No
temporary retreat in a battle could deflect the people from their march towards the goal. As Gandhi wrote on
23 February 1922, after the withdrawal of the movement:
It is high time that the British people were made to realize that the fight that was commenced in
1920 is a fight to the finish, whether it lasts one month or one year or many months or many years
and whether the representatives of Britain re-enact all the indescribable orgies of the Mutiny days
with redoubled force or whether they do not.
11.2.3 Aftermath
After the withdrawal of the Non-Cooperation Movement leaders like C.R. Das and Motilal Nehru formed
the Swarajist Party. The Swarajists believed that they will Fight the British in legislature. The Swarajists
fought elections, gained considerable victories and successfully obstructed work in many provincial
legislatures.
In November 1927 the British declared the formation of Simon Commission to look into the constitutional
aspects. This Commission had exclusively Englishmen as members. The Indians regarded it as a great insult.
The Commission was boycotted when it landed in India. All over the country there were demonstrations
with the slogan "Simon go back".
The scenes of Non-Cooperation days reappeared. The demonstrators were dealt with bullets and batons by
the Government. Lala Lajpat Rai succumbed to the injuries which he received in the police lathi charge at
Lahore.
i) Gandhi kept in mind the basic weaknesses of the earlier leadership and tried to remove
them.
ii) Indian masses welcomed the Rowlatt Act.
iii) Khilafat was aimed at removing the wrongs done by the British in Turkey
iv) The Congress did not accept a linguistic basis for organising its provincial
committees.
A temporary truce was signed through Gandhi-lrwin Pact in March 1931; but the struggle was resumed in
the beginning of 1932. No mass movement could, however, last for ever and the struggle gradually waned
and had to be withdrawn in mid-1934. In the mean time the Round Table Conferences which were called by
the British in London failed to evolve any formula regarding the political situation in India.
11.4 THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT
Revolutionary terrorism as a form of political activity emerged in the 20th century in spurts-first after the
petering out of the Swadeshi Movement and then again after the withdrawal of Non-Cooperation Movement.
It was pursued by a generation of highly motivated nationalist youth who found themselves disillusioned
with the activities of the dominant political groups. Fired with enthusiasm and devoted to the cause of
independence for India these young people increasingly took to violent action against the Government
offices, property and officials.
One major cause of the emergence of revolutionary terrorism was the creation of political vacuum every
time any major political movement was either exhausted or withdrawn. An organised form was given to the
revolutionary movement with the formation of the Hindustan Republican Association in 1924. The
Government responded with immediate repression. Consequently, a number of Hindustan Republican Army
(HRA) activists were arrested and tried in the famous Kakori Conspiracy case in 1925. In 1928, owing
largely to the influence of socialist ideas the name was changed to Hindustan Socialist Republican
Association (HSRA). Chandra Shekhar Azad, whose name you all must be familiar with, was the leader of
this organisation. Bhagat Singh, Raj Guru, Ramprasad Bismil, Sukhdev and Batukeshwar Dutt were some of
the leading revolutionary activists in the 1920s.
One major limitation of revolutionary terrorism was a lack of long-term vision. Although endowed with
unquestionable patriotism and capable of threatening the State apparatus, their movement tended to be short
lived and was suppressed by the Government.
Although defeated and suppressed these revolutionaries contributed to the cause of nationalism in no small
measure. They became a source of inspiration for the youth and the stones of their sacrifices helped in
keeping the flames of nationalism alive and burning.
11.5 THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTENT OF
SWARAJ
From the beginning the national movement had a pro-people or rather pro-poor people orientation. The
entire economic critique of colonialism and agitation on economic questions by the Moderates was
developed around the problem of the poverty of the Indian people. Their programme of industrial
development and taxation reform was designed to tackle this problem. In fact, their programme of economic
reforms was quite radical by contemporary standards. The commitment to the poor was further strengthened
as a result of the emergence of Gandhi as the main leader of the movement and the impact of the Russian
Revolution of 1917. From 1919 onwards, the movement continuously defined itself further and further in a
radical direction, as a strong left wing developed inside the Congress. The left wing did not confine its
politics to the struggle against imperialism. It simultaneously raised the question of internal class oppression.
"The peasants have to liberate themselves not only from foreign yoke but also from the yoke of
landlords and capitalists."
Socialist ideas became even more popular during the 1930s as the world was shaken by economic
depression. The Communist Party was reorganized after 1935 under the leadership of P.C. Joshi and the
Congress Socialist Party was founded in 1934 under the leadership of Acharya Narendra Dev and Jai
Prakash Narayan. Subhash Chandra Bose had already emerged as a powerful left-wing leader of the
Congress in the mid-1920s.
Nehru became the president of the historic Lahore Congress of 1929. He was elected to the post again in
1936 and 1937. As president of the Congress and as the most popular leader of the national movement after
Gandhi, Nehru repeatedly toured the country, travelling thousands of miles and addressing millions of
people. In his presidential speeches, as also in his popular speeches, Nehru propagated the ideas of socialism
and declared that political freedom would become meaningful only if it led to the. economic emancipation of
the masses and would therefore be followed by the establishment of a socialist society.
At the Lahore session of the Congress in 1929, Nehru had already declared his commitment to
socialism:
I am a socialist and a republican, and I am no believer in kings and princess, or in the order which produces
the modern kings of industry, who have greater power over the lives and fortunes of men than even the kings
of old, and whose methods are as predatory as those of the old feudal aristocracy.
He also said that India's poverty and inequality could be ended only by the adoption of a socialist
programme.
Nehru's commitment to socialism found a clearer and sharper expression during 1933-36. Answering the
question as to which direction India was going in October 1933, he wrote: "Surely to the great human goal
of social and economic equality, to the ending of all exploitation of nation by nation and class by class".
And, in December 1933, he wrote: "The true civic ideal is the socialist ideal, the communist ideal". Nehru
put his commitment to socialism in clear and unequivocal terms in his presidential address to the Lucknow
Congress in 1936:
I am convinced that the only key to the solution of the world's problems and of India's problems lies
in socialism.... That means the ending of private property, except in a restricted sense, and the
replacement of the present profit system by a higher ideal of cooperative service.... I see no way of
ending the poverty, the vast unemployment, the degradation, and the subjection of the Indian people
except through socialism.
Radicalism in the Congress was further reflected in Faizpur congress resolutions and the Election Manifesto
of 1936 which promised:
Later in 1945 the Congress Working Committee adopted a resolution recommending abolition of
landlordism.
During 1938, when Subhash Chandra Bose was its president, the congress got committed to economic
development and set up a National Planning Committee under the Chairmanship of Jawaharlal Nehru. Nehru
and other leftists and Gandhi also argued for the public sector in large-scale industries as means of
preventing concentration of wealth in a few hands. In fact, a major development of the 1930s was the
increasing acceptance of radical economic policies by Gandhi. In 1933, he agreed with Nehru that, "without
a material revision of vested interests the condition of the masses can never be improved. He also accepted
the principle of land to the tiller. He declared in 1942 that "the land belongs to those who will work on it and
to no one else".
The National congress had from its inception in 1885 opposed the use of Indian army for suppressing or
conquering other nations in the interests of British imperialism. It had also gradually developed a policy of
anti-imperialism and extending support to national movements in Asia and Africa. In the 1930s, under the
guidance of Nehru, it adopted a more above foreign policy. It took a strong anti-fascist stand and extended
full support to the people of Ethiopia, Spain, Czechoslovakia, and China in their struggle against aggression
by the three Fascist powers, Italy, Germany and Japan. It recognized that struggle against imperialism and
Fascism were aspects of a common struggle on a world scale.
2) Discuss in about ten lines the basic features of the Karachi Resolution.
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The agrarian relations varied in different parts of the country. Yet there were certain grievances which could
be listed as prevailing in all the regions:
The peasants along with their own initiatives now looked upon the Congress for support. We briefly discuss
some of the peasant movements here:
i) Champaran
The peasants in Champaran were forced to cultivate indigo by the European planters. They faced all kinds of
extortions at the hands of the planters. Raj Kumar Sukul, a ruined peasant took up the cause of indigo
peasants. In 1916 he went to Lucknow Congress session and spoke from the Congress platform about the
plight of Champaran peasants. It was Raj Kumar Sukul who brought Gandhi to Champaran (in 1917) to see
for himself the plight of peasants. A movement was launched and ultimately the Government had yield to
certain demands of the peasants.
ii) Awadh
In Awadh there was no security of tenure for the peasants and they had to pay Nazarana (extra premium) to
get and retain their holdings. Forced labour, rasad (forced supplies) and various other forms of illegal ceases
were extorted by the landlords. During 1918 many Kisan Sabhas (Peasant associations) were organised.
Baba Ram Chandra, who had earlier been an indentured labourer in Fiji, started organising the peasants and
built up a strong movement. In June 1920, he marched with about 500 peasant to Allahabad in order to draw
the attention of Gandhi. In December 1920 a massive peasant meeting was held in Ayodhya. Temples and
Mosques were thrown open to the peasants for stay. In January 1921, massive peasant uprising took place in
Awadh. In many villages peasants established Swaraj. The Government crushed the uprising with a heavy
hand. Many peasants lost their lives in police firings. The massacre of peasants at Munshiganj in Rai Bareili
district sent a wave of anger throughout the country. The Government was compelled to pass the
Oudh Rent (Amendment) Act in 1922. An important feature of this movement was that it was during this
period that Jawaharlal Nehru experienced the misery of the peasants and took up their cause.
17: Baba Ram Chandra
iii) Malabar
At about the same time, peasant discontent broke out in the Malabar district (now in Kerala). Here too the
Mappila tenants complained of insecurity of tenure, high rents and illegal dues. The peasant protest
developed in a massive fashion as a result of its becoming a part of the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat
Movements. The protest soon took the form of an armed uprising. The peasants attacked Government
offices, courts and police stations, burnt records, looted the treasuries, and attacked unpopular landlords.
Unfortunately, the Government was successful in giving the uprising a communal turn and succeeded in
suppressing it.
iv) Andhra
As a result of the Forest Laws introduced by the British there was considerable resentment among the tribals
all over the country. Alluri Sitarama Raju, inspired by the Non-Cooperation Movements, started organising
the tribals in the 'Rampa' region in Andhra, Village panchayats were started and a strong anti-liquor
campaign was initiated. Raju held Gandhi in high esteem but he believed that violence was necessary to oust
the British. The movement soon took a violent turn. Raids were carried on police stations. A guerilla type of
war went on between the armed forces and the followers of Raju. Ultimately Raju was captured by the
British and shot dead. Till today Raju remains a legendary figure in the region.
v) Bardoli
In 1928, under the leadership of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, the peasants of the Bardoli taluka of Gujarat
organised a no-tax campaign against the official effort to enhance land tax by nearly 30 per cent. The
peasants demanded that the Government should appoint an independent tribunal to enquire into the
enhancement. The peasants refused to pay the enhanced tax, resisted all official attempts to coerce them,
organised a neartotal boycott of all Government officials and locked up their houses and fled to the
neighbouring Baroda territory along with their cattle. In the end their demand for an enquiry had to be
accepted and the enhancement was reduced to about 6 per cent. There were also tribal and peasant uprisings
in Udaipur and Mewar under the leadership of Motilal Tejawat and in Darbhanga under the leadership of
Swami Vidyanand. In Bihar Swami Sahajanand Saraswati organised the Bihar Kisan Sabha.
A new, nation-wide awakening of the peasantry to their class defence occurred during the 1930s. The
symbol of this awakening was the establishment of the All-lndia Kisan Sabha in 1936. The main demands
around which the peasants mobilised were reduction in rents and land tax, abolition of illegal levies such as
begar or vethi by the zamindars, reduction of debt, ending of oppression by the landlords and moneylenders,
restoration of illegally seized lands, and security of tenure as tenants. The main forms of peasant
mobilisation were through meetings, conferences, demonstrations, peasant marches, formation of kisan
sabhas, non-payment of rent and taxes, and satyagraha.
Peasant movements acquired a fresh thrust after 1945 as freedom approached. The demand for abolition of
the zamindari system now acquired greater urgency all over the country. The most militant of the post-war
struggles was the Tebhaga struggle by the share-croppers of Bengal who said that they would pay not 1/2
but 1/3rd of the crop to the jotedars (intermediary landlords). Similarly, there emerged a very strong peasant
movement in Telangana. Both these movements were directed by the Communist leadership.
Though the peasant struggles before 1947 were organised around immediate demands which would lessen
the rigour of the exploitation and oppression by the state, landlords, and moneylenders, their long term effect
was to prepare the climate for basic transformation of the agrarian structure, system of credit, and peasants
relationship with the state.
A fresh upsurge of workers strikes occurred during 1928-29. There was a general strike by jute workers in
Bengal. There was a long strike lasting for two months in railway workshop at Kharagpur. The South Indian
Railway and East Indian Railway workers went on strike. Another strike was organised in the Tata Iron and
Steel Works at Jamshedpur. The most important strike of the period was in Bombay textile mills. Nearly
1,50,000 workers remained on strike for over five months. The strike was conducted by the legendary Girni
Kamgar Union. The last of this wave of strikes occurred on the G.I.P Railway in Bombay.
The Government was unnerved by this strike wave. In 1929 they arrested 31 labour leaders and put them on
trial for conspiring against the King and the Government. Their trial came to be popularly known as the
Meerut Conspiracy Case. Simultaneously, they appointed a Royal Commission (Whitley Commission) to
investigate conditions of workers in India and to make recommendation for their amelioration.
During the Civil Disobedience Movement the working class in Sholapur played a heroic role in opposing the
British.
Major strikes occurred during 1935 and 1936 at Calcutta, Ahmedabad, and Kanpur. The formation of
Congress Ministries in 1937 and the consequent expansion of civil liberties led to another spurt in workers,
organisation and struggles. Trade union membership increased by 50 per cent in 1938 over that in 1937.
Massive strikes occurred in Calcutta, Madras, Bombay and Kanpur during 1937-38.
As the national movement developed in British India, the people of the princely states were also influenced.
All-lndia States people's Conference had already come into existence in 1927 to coordinate political
activities in the states. These activities increased under the impact of the Civil Disobedience Movement.
Popular struggles were organised in many states including Kashmir, Jaipur, Rajkot, Hyderabad and
Travancore. Praja Mandals were organised in a large number of states with the development of democratic
and national consciousness.
The National Congress in the beginning kept itself aloof from these movements. But after 1937 it supported
them and opposed the princes efforts to suppress them. It urged the princes to grant civil liberties to their
people and to introduce democratic representative government. In 1938, the Congress defined it goal of
independence so as to include the independence of the states. In order to emphasise the close links between,
and in fact integration of, the freedom struggle in India and struggle for democratic government in the states,
Jawaharlal Nehru became the president of the All-lndia States People's Conference in 1939. The States
People's Movement contributed towards the integration of princely states into the Indian Union.
Similarly, the "lower castes" organised many movements in different parts of the country against upper caste
social and economic domination. There was the Satyashodhak Samaj Movement and the Non-Brahmo
Movement of the Marathas in Maharashtra, and the Self-Respect Movement and Anti-Brahmin movements
in South India, and the movement of the Harijans or Scheduled Castes led by Dr B. R. Ambedkar. Most of
them gradually faded away as the national movement itself included struggle against caste oppression in its
programme.
A B
i) Awadh a) Rajkumar Sukul
ii) Champaran b) Sita Ram Raju
iii) Andhra c) Motilal Tejawat
iv) Darbhanga d) Baba Ram Chandra
v) Udaipur and Mewar e) Swami Viyanand
2) Discuss in about ten lines the growth of working class movement in 1921's and 1930's.
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3) Discuss in about five lines the attitude of Congress towards the princely States
People's Movement.
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Later it succeeded in forming coalition governments in Assam and North-Western Frontier Province. Within
the narrow limits of power conferred on them, the Congress administration in the provinces tried to give
relief to the people and introduced many radical reforms:
political prisoners were released
police powers were curbed
civil liberties were encouraged and expanded
greater attention was paid to education and health
the ministries attempted to give relief to the peasantry through legislation for
debt-relief, restoration of lands lost by the peasants in recent years, and security
of tenure
attempts were made to give relief to workers.
The ministry period had a symbolic achievement as well. It established the Congress's credentials in not only
launching movements, but also running effective administration. It also put the withdrawal of British firmly
on the political agenda. The people were now convinced that independence was now only a matter of time.
The Congress ordered its ministries to resign in protest. But it still did not want to impede the British war
effort by giving a call for a massive anti-British struggle. At the same time, the patience of Congress
leadership and the masses was getting exhausted. Gandhi now decided to initiate a limited Satyagraha on a
individual basis by a few selected individuals in every locality. The individual Satyagraha had two aims: On
the one hand, it gave expression to the Indian people's strong political feelings, on the other hand, it gave the
British Government further opportunity to avoid confrontation and accept Indian demands. By the end of
May 1941, more than 25,000 satyagrahis had been arrested and sentenced.
Two major changes occurred in 1941. Having occupied western Europe, Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet
Union on 22 June 1941. And on 7 December 1941, Japan launched a surprise attack on the US fleet at Pearl
Harbour in the Pacific. Advancing rapidly through Philippines, Indo-China (Vietnam), Indonesia, and
Malaya, Japan began to overrun Burma in March 1942, and thus brought the war to India's borders.
The Indian leaders, released from prisons in early December, were worried about India's defence. They were
also concerned about the safety of the Soviet Union and China. They were once again ready to fully
cooperate in the war effort if India was granted the substance of power. The British Government too was
under pressure from its American and Chinese allies.
In March 1942, it sent the Cripps Mission to negotiate with Indian leaders. But negotiations soon broke
down because the British were not willing to accept the demand for the immediate transfer of power. The
Indian people were embittered and felt that time had come for a final assault on imperialism.
The Government now launched full machinery of repression. Over 10,000 persons died in police and
military firings.
In the meanwhile another front for freedom had been opened in South-East Asia. Subhash Bose had escaped
from India in March 1941. In 1943, he went to Japan and South-East Asia where he organized thousands of
Indian army soldiers and officers, who had surrendered to the Japanese, into the Indian National Army. The
INA marched along with the Japanese army towards India's borders to free India from the foreign yoke. But
Japan collapsed in 1944-45 and Subhash Bose, it appears, was killed in an aeroplane accident.
11.7.4 Independence
With the end of the war, India's freedom struggle entered a new phase. The Indian people were in an angry
mood. The new struggle took the form of a massive movement against the trial of the soldiers and officers of
the INA which finally forced the Government to set them free. Throughout 1945-46 there occurred
numerous agitations, strikes, hartals, demonstrations, etc., all over the country. In February 1946, the naval
ratings at Bombay revolted. There was a massive demonstration in Bombay in sympathy which the ratings.
The army shot over 250 persons on the streets of Bombay in an effort to suppress the popular upsurge.
In any case, despite having won the war, Britain was face with a new situation. The entire world balance of
power had changed. Britain, weakened by the war, was no longer a world power. Its economic and military
power had been shattered. Moreover, the entire colonial system had collapsed. France and Holland had been
occupied and weakened; Germany, Italy and Japan had been defeated. The Soviet Union supported India and
other colonial countries aspiration for freedom; nor was the U.S.A. averse to these aspirations. In any case, it
would not support Britain in any effort at total suppression of the national movement in India.
Within Britain itself, the political situation did not favour a renewed effort at suppression of the national
movement. The British army, recruited from the citizens, was tired and sick of war and had no stomach left
for waging a virtual war of suppression. The Labour Party, which was more sympathetic to India, defeated
the Conservative Party in elections in mid-1945. In any case, the British people would not support a policy
of colonial reassertion.
Within India, the colonial apparatus of administration and repression was breaking down. The bureaucracy
was no longer 'reliable'. The police was restive. The army was no longer loyal. Even apart from the RIN
Revolt, there had occurred numerous strikes, etc., in the army and airforce. And, above all, as brought out
earlier, there was the determination of the Indian people to no longer agree to be ruled by the alien power.
The Labour Government (of Britain) decided to heed the voice of the times. It decided to withdraw from
India after nearly 200 years of colonial rule. On 15 August 1947, India celebrated with joy its first day of
freedom, though its joy was marred by the fact that not one but two independent states-India and Pakistan-
had come into existence in the sub-continent.
1) Discuss in about five lines the reforms introduced under the Congress ministries
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During this period the peasants and workers movements also took an organised form-particularly with the
formation of All India Kisan Sabha and the All India Trade Union Congress. In the princely states, the
people fought for democratic rights and they linked their struggles with the national movement. Ultimately
the struggle of the Indian people and the changing international scenario forced the British to Quit India and
India became a free nation on 15 August 1947.
11.9 KEY WORDS
Adult Franchise: Right of vote to every adult irrespective of caste, sex, income, religion.
Conservative Party: A British political party which was rightist and dominated by the interests of landlords
and merchants.
Exploitation: The historical phenomenon of one class living off the surplus produced by another, e.g., land
lords living off the peasants produce.
Fascist: An extreme right wing political ideology which arose as a reaction to communists, social democrats
and labour movements in 20th century Italy and Germany.
Feudal Levies: Obligations of extra economic nature like that of begar or forced labour.
Indebtedness: The phenomenon of moneylender keeping long term hold over sections of rural or urban
poor.
Labour Party: A British political party distinct from conservatives and communists which argued for
advancing labours interests.
Landlordism: The phenomenon of Zamindars of medieval times being converted into permanent landlords
under the British permanent settlement.
Non-Violence: Basis of Gandhi's philosophy for conducting struggles without hurting the enemy.
Picketing: A peaceful agitational action to prevent routine work and to express protest.
Radicalisation: A sharp or slow swing of a movement, thought or idea towards the left.
Salt Law: The British law imposing a tax on Indians producing salt.
Socialism: The broad philosophy calling for equal socio-economic redistribution of resources and wealth.
1) i) d ii) a
12.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you will,
have idea of some of the important values which came in and through the national movement,
12.1 INTRODUCTION
As you have learnt in Units 11 and 12, the struggle against British imperialism was the central theme of the
national movement. But the basic essence of the movement was not confined only to anti-imperialism it also
upheld and preached universally accepted values of secularism, socialism, democracy and humanism. Not
only that, it also simultaneously practised and thereby popularised these values. A sustained propagation of
these values finally led to their incorporation in the constitution of India. In this Unit you are going to
familarise yourself with the values of the national movement.
12.2 SECULARISM
India is the home of major religions and during the course of history has emerged as a truly plural society.
People in India believe deeply in religion which influences their way of life. In such a situation strong
tolerance of religious differences only can avoid social disharmony and conflicts. A policy of divide and
rule, as followed by the British, could, in this context, engineer feelings of religious conflicts and cleavages.
The nationalist leadership had correctly responded to this challenge by strengthening the value of secularism
in a multi-religious society.
i) First, the nationalist leadership preached and tried to promote the spirit of religious tolerance among
the people.
ii) Second many reforms movements were undertaken to remove superstition and blind faith among the
believes.
iii) Third, equality of all religions was emphasised by the nationalist leadership.
ii) They emphasised the rationalist and reformist elements among various religions,
iii) It was emphasised that the various religious identities were within the higher identity of the Indian
nation.
This tradition of religious reform and tolerance was further strengthened by Mahatma Gandhi and Abul
Kalam Azad who were believers in religion but continuously promoted religious reform and tolerance of
each other's religions. Gandhi, e.g., started the 'constructive work' programme which worked for Hindu-
Muslim unity which helped unify the people-a primary task by any reckoning.
The task had to be performed in the face of the British attempt to promote the "Two Nation Theory" and
separate electorate for Hindus and Muslims in India. The Indian nationalists responded to this by assuring
the protection and respect of religious freedom to the minorities and also by promising that they would build
up the Congress as a secular platform. The Indian National Congress fought against separate electorate by
mobilizing all communities irrespective of their religious beliefs, in the struggle for Swadeshi, boycott of
foreign goods and Swaraj.
Gandhi believed in spiritualisation of politics, but, he was firmly committed to the equality and tolerance of
all religions. Gandhi derived his politics from religion but in struggling against religious divisions and
fanaticism and in emphasising the relationship between national unity and spirit of tolerance, he took the
struggle for secularism forward. He made it clear that state should have nothing to do with religion, which is
a personal affair. He gave the state the responsibility of looking after secular affairs like welfare, health,
communication, foreign relations, currency etc.
Nehru, in contrast, linked the struggle of secularism to complete scientific rationality. Religion for him bred
blind faith and ignorance. For him the essence of science was to doubt and to know. So for him in the fight
for secularism, there was no place for religion at all.
It is with these twin traditions of secularism that the nationalist leadership fought against communal
organisations like the Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League. It also opposed the British practice of religious
discrimination on similar grounds. The strength of values of secularism then, were again in built in the
strength and weakness of the two fights.
c) a theory and practice where religious tolerance, equality, freedom from blind
faith and superstition and separation of politics from religion is evolved
the leadership had to educate the masses against the disastrous policies of the colonisers.
the people had to be concretely made to understand the alternative solutions to the pressing problems of poverty and
deprivation.
The nationalist and the communist leadership went on to define a concrete socialistic programme of
economic planning and development. In this the leaders of the freedom struggle were inspired by the
development and social reconstruction in the Soviet Union.
First, agrarian India will be transformed and absentee landlordism will be abolished.
Second, planned development will not emphasise the production aspect only. Production was to be linked with
distribution.
Nehru further linked up these facets with the national movement. In various annual sessions of the Congress
the meaning and context of socialism was concretised and it was conveyed that Swaraj would include the
principles of socialism.
Practice of Socialism: In 30s and 40s, socialism for the masses assumed great significance. Following
events concretised this:
The Kisan Sabhas and the trade union of the workers were formed to organize the peasantry and industrial workers in
the struggle for freedom of socialism. The All India Trade Union Congress first met in Bombay on 31 October
1920, while the All India Kisan Sabha met first in 1936. Many important leaders came to be associated with the
Kisan Sabhas and trade union movement. Swadeshi, thus meant both self rule and socialism.
The pro-poor orientation and concern in the Congress pronouncements and annual sessions. While Gandhi talked of the
semi-starved millions and tried to identify them with his simple life-style, Nehru distinctly went on to observe that
the Congress represented not only the nationalist urge of India but also 'to a large extent the proletarian urges for
social change'.
In 1938 the Congress appointed a national planning committee to work out programmes for industrialization and
development of rural society. Development of Khadi and village industries was considered integral to
industrialization of India.
In 1931 the Karachi session of the Congress had passed a key resolution on fundamental rights and economic policy.
The resolution declared: "in order to end the exploitation of the masses, political freedom must include real
economic freedom of starving millions". The resolution guaranteed the basic civil rights of the people, i.e.,
d) better conditions for workers, including a living wage, limited hours of work and protection of
women workers.
These events were to consolidate the meaning and value of socialism and planning for the Indian people.
The British opposition to socialism and fears of communist conspiracy, as manifested in the Kanpur and
Meerut conspiracy cases, only highlighted the difficulty faced by the national movement in propagating
socialist values.
d) Unplanned development
a) Swaraj plus radical transformation of the agrarian system, abolition of feudal levies, right to
strike for peasant and trade unions and state ownership of key industries, mines and
transport.
c) Swaraj without the right to strike for peasant and trade union.
right to vote,
At the same time Congress conducted elections within its own organizational structure to inculcate the
values of democracy and democratic functioning. Decisions to launch struggles were taken through open
debates and struggles were conducted in open. Democratic right to dissent was granted in the Congress.
When these procedures were taken in the mass struggles of non-violent direct action the foundations of these
procedures were tested. Though at times certain unilateral withdrawals like the 1922 withdrawal of Non-
Cooperation or 1931 withdrawals of the Civil Disobedience Movement pointed to the weakness of these
procedures. Nonetheless a definite beginning had been made.
ii) Check your answer with that given at the end of the unit.
b) was democratic
d) had democratic institutions which were limited and made to serve the colonial state, with the
repressive might of army and police.
2) The nationalists
12.5 HUMANISM
The national movement brought to surface a new humanism of the Indian people. Any struggle has its
humanistic dimensions which help mobilize people of different concerns in a common brotherhood.
i) a scientific rationality, which taught that the backward and obscure institutions like caste, ritualistic
religion and bonded labour, sati, etc. were obstacles to human development.
ii) a sense of cultural identity of India, which meant belonging together the diverse cultural strands of
India into the national mainstream.
We also see the growth of anti-caste movements in this period. Mahatma Phule, e.g., organised the lower
castes against the dominant Brahminical ideology in Maharashtra.
With the national movement we can see three distinct strands drawing their inspiration from above:
i) One strand can be identifies with Nehru. Taking inspiration from the scientific humanism, Nehru
went to the extent of advocating a socio-economically humane system. Accepting Marxism as the
basis for such a society, his humanism drew deeply from the socialist humanism of countries like
Russia. The essential characteristics of this humanistic system were founded on the basis premise of
"each according to his needs to each according to his work" rather than the monetary hierarchies of
the west or the backward system of caste and religious hierarchies of the undeveloped countries.
ii) Gandhi was to stress on our cultural heritage. Rejecting caste and religious distinctions, he used
arguments from his religion to justify a human brotherhood.
This understanding shaped his efforts of Hindu-Muslim unity during Khilafat or the terrible days of
communal riots in the 1920s and the 1940s. Similarly he coined a new phrase Harijans for the
untouchables and actively worked amongst them to promote their well being.
iii) The third main strand was represented by Dr. Ambedkar. He integrated the more militant anti-upper
caste movements into the nationalist struggle and also found them a new identity. Similar role was
played by the 'Justice' movement in Madras or Sri Narayana Guru in the awakening of Ezhavas in
Kerala.
c) Happiness and pleasure about the way the British rule functioned
d) A scientific rationality and a sense of cultural identity which taught that backward and
superstitious values be removed and a national cultural mainstream be founded.
a) Casteist and ritualistic religious practices were the best Indian values
b) Caste and rituals were a man-made creation for exploitation of man by man
3) Mention the three humanist strands of the Indian national movement. How were
they different from each other?
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In February 1927, Nehru, on behalf of the National Congress, attended the Congress of oppressed nationalities at
Brussels organised by political exiles and revolutionaries from the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America
suffering from economic or political imperialism. Nehru was subsequently elected an executive council member of
the League against imperialism, which was born at this Congress.
In 1937 when Japan launched an attack on China, the National Congress passed a resolution calling upon the Indian
people "to refrain from the use of Japanese goods as a mark of their sympathy with China".
Drawing upon its humanistic and democratic values the Indian National Congress, under Nehru's guidance,
took a stand against fascism. In spite of the fact that the national movement was growing tremendously,
India refused to go with fascism to strengthen its battle against British rule. Correctly giving the growth of
an international democratic order the first priority, the Indian National Congress, though it did not join the
Second World war, refused to give any material or moral support to Germany or Italy.
To conclude, Indian national movement's foreign policy stances were consistent with the democratic and
human values it was propagating. It was this consistency which enabled a non-aligned policy to emerge in
the post independence period.
ii) Check your answer with that given at the end of the unit.
c) neither supported the British war effort nor did they support the fascists to take advantage
over the British
The values of secularism, socialist development, democracy, humanism and internationalism emerged through a
process of struggle and were not a gift of the British.
The British, infact, strongly opposed the development of these values and thereby made the struggle harder.
These values were not limited to national boundaries but made their impact internationally as well.
Agricultural indebtedness: The phenomenon of poorer cultivating sectors of agricultural classes being
forever in debt to the moneylender. The moneylender usually, advanced money on exhorbitant rates to
enable the cultivator to buy seeds and other agricultural equipment. Unable to pay it, the cultivator was
caught in a trap, where he had to go again for money. This way the moneylender kept a tight grip on the
agriculture classes and exploited the situation in many ways. Anti-moneylender riots of 1876 in Maharashtra
were one aspect of protest against this practice.
Constructive Work: Programme for uplifts of downtrodden and promoting Hindu-Muslim unity started by
Gandhi after the withdrawal of the Non-cooperation Movement.
Economic Depression: Phenomenon of extreme economic crisis when there is over production and glut.
Consequence is unemployment and drastic fall in prices.
Linguistic Formations: The recognized social formations in India by the nationalists with language as the
basic criterion for different identities. The nationalists gave scope for cultural diversities to flourish and also
brought them into mainstream of nationalism.
Rationalist: One believing in reason. Historically rationalist thought associated with the beginning of
Renaissance.
Reformist: One believing in positively modifying or amending society to make it better suited to times.
Separate Electorates: The British move to divide Hindus and Muslims as separate voting constituents and
with right to separate representatives through elections.
Two Nation Theory: The theory which says that historically India was composed for two nations: One
Hindu and One Muslim.
Uneconomic Holding: Land holding of small size, usually not even producing bare subsistence for the tiller.
1) (a) 2 (c)
SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THE BLOCK
Chandra, Bipan 1971: Modern India, N.C.E.R.T. New Delhi.
Paviov, V.1 1978: Historical Premises for India's Transition to Capitalism, Moscow.
Tara Chand (4 vols.) 1961-72: History of the Freedom Movement in India, Delhi.