MAC116

COURSE
GUIDE
MAC 116
AFRICAN COMMUNICATION SYSTEMS II
Course Team Dr. Abigail O. Ogwezzy (Developer/Writer) -

UNILAG
Dr Victor Ayedun- Aluma (Editor) - UNILAG
Chidinma Onwubere (Coordinator) – NOUN
Christine Ofulue Ph.D (Programme Leader)- NOUN
NATIONAL OPEN UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA

© 2021 by NOUN Press
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Printed 2021
ISBN: 978-978-058-898-4
ii
MAC116: AFRICAN COMMUNICATION SYSTEMS II
Welcome! This is a two-credit unit course designed to expose undergraduate
students mainly to the application of African traditional communication structure,
form and content. Compared to African communication systems I, it is analytical.
If I have to re-name the course, I would name it Applied African Communication
Systems. It examined folk media, esoteric, and institutional modes of
communication. Students are expected to identify and discuss the application of
African structure, form and contents drawing from some contemporary
development projects in their milieu. This material was developed with the
Nigerian context, drawing mainly from the six geopolitical zones in the country
AIMS
Generally, the major purpose of this course is to expose students to the
applicability of African communication systems. The main aims are to:
- help students understand the names, venue, institutions and folk media as
channels of communication in Africa
- help students explore myths and legends the use of myths in explaining the
unexplainable
- help students examine the applicability of African popular culture in
information dissemination
COURSE OBJECTIVES
To achieve the above aims, JIL 103 has overall objectives. Furthermore, each unit
also has specific objectives. The unit objectives are at the beginning of each unit.
It is advised that you read them before you start working through each unit. To
assess your progress during studies, you may refer to the unit objectives. Below
are the wider objectives of the entire course and by meeting the objectives, you
have met the aims of the course. On successful completion of the course, you will:
• Explain names as channels of communication in Africa
• Discuss venue-oriented channels of communication
• Explain institutional channels of communication in Africa
• Discuss folk media as channels of communication in Africa
• Understand extra-mundane or esoteric channels of communication
• Explain the concepts of myths and legends as channels of
communication
• Discuss African publics, popular culture and development
• Understand the need to use indigenous languages in information
dissemination in Africa
COURSE REQUIREMENTS
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To susseccfully complete this course, you are required to read all the study units
and other reference/related materials. You are also required to do all the practical
exercises. To do this you need a pen, note-book, assigment file and other materials
that are listed in this guide. The exercises are to guage your level of understanding
of the various units in each of the model. So, at the end of each unit, you are
required to submit written assignments for the purpose of assessment. At the end
of the course, you will write a final examination.
COURSE MATERIALS
The major materilas you need for this course are :
• Course guide
• Study modules broken down into units
• Assignment file
• Relevant text books including the ones listed under each unit
• As a beginner, you need to interact with your parents and kinsmen and over
a period of time, extract information on the various classes of traditional
commununication in your local community.
STUDY UNITS
There are a total of six modules in this course (of thirty-one units). Each module
has a fixed number of five units, except the third module, which has six units
fourth module, four units and fifth module, which has six. The third and fifth
modules are six units each while the fourth module is made up of four units to
avoid distorting the thematic links. The units in a module are based on what can
stand alone, but thematically linked. A module is broken down into the appropriate
number of units. Depending on the nature of what is being discussed in each unit,
some are longer than the others. Each module starts with an introduction, a list of
objectives and the main content (including Self-Assessment Exercises, SAEs). At
the end of each unit, you will see at least one standard Tutor-Marked Assignment
Question (TMAs) which you are expected to work on. The modules are listed
below:
Module One: Names, Venue-Oriented, And Institutional Channels Of

Communication In African
Unit 1: Names in Africa: History and Types
Unit 2: Venue-oriented Channels of Communication
Unit 3: Institutional Channels of Communication and The Communication

Patterns of Traditional Authorities and Socio-Political Organisations
Module Two: Folkmedia: Folklore, Proverbs And Parables

Unit 1: Folkmedia and Folklores
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Unit 2: Folklores: A Survey
Unit 3: Proverbs and Parables
Unit 4: Proverbs: A Survey
Module Three: Extra-Mundane Or Exoteric Channels Of Communication

Unit 1: What is Extra-mundane Communication?
Unit 2: Extra-Mundane Bottom-upCommunication: Definition and Some Channels
(Divination and Ancestral Worship)
Unit 3: Bottom-Up Communication: A Survey of Festivals
Unit 4: Extra-Mundane Bottom-up Communication - Ceremony as a Channel
Unit 5: Top-down Communication: Some Examples of Extra-Mundane and
Natural Phenomena
Module Four: Myths And Legends

Unit 1: Myths
Unit 2: Legends
Unit 4: Legends: A Survey
Module Five: Africa: Publics, Popular Culture And Development

Unit 1: African Communication Systems: Who Are The Publics?
Unit 2: African Communication Systems and African Development
Unit 3: African Popular Culture and Communication for Development
Unit 4: Researches into African Popular Culture and the Mass Media
Unit 5: Media and Communication for Development in Africa: Propects and
Challenges
Module Six: Verbal Communication, Mass Media And Information

Dissemination In Africa
Unit 1: Indigenous Language, Multilingualism and the Mass Media
Unit 2: Indigenous Language, Mass Media and Information Dissemination
Unit 3: Indigenous Language, Pidgin English, Mass Media and Information
Dissemination
Unit 4: The Use of a Radio Indigenous Public Enlightenment Programme to
Promote Development in Nigeria
Recommended Texts/Further Reading/References
Appendices
Appendix I: Cinderella Fairy Tale
Appendix II: TMA and Marking Scheme
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ASSESSMENT FILE
An assessment file will be made available to you. In this file, you will find details
of work you MUST do and submit to your tutor for marking. The marks obtained
in this course will be part of your final marks. A marking scheme has been
provided.
STUDY METHOD
You will study the units independently. However, arrangements have been made
for you to meet your tutor for tutorials on a regular basis in the study centre. Also,
you can organise interactive sessions (study group) with your course mates.
SUBMISSION OF ASSIGNMENTS
The dates for the submission of various assignments will be communicated to you.
Similarly, you will also be notified on the date for completing the study units and
dates for examinations.
SUMMARY
This course guide gives you an overview of MAC116: African Communication
Systems II. Best of luck!
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
Module 1: Names, Venue-Oriented, And Institutional
Channels Of Communication In African

Module 2: Folkmedia: Folklore, Proverbs And Parables

Module 3: Extra-Mundane or Exoteric Channels Of Communication

Unit 2: Extra-Mundane Bottom-upCommunication: Definition and Some
Channels (Divination and Ancestral Worship)
Natural Phenomena
Modul 4: Myths And Legends
Unit 1: Myths
Unit 2: Legends
Module 5: Africa: Publics, Popular Culture And Development

Challenges
Module 6: Verbal Communication, Mass Media And Information

Dissemination In Africa
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Dissemination
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MODULE ONE: NAMES, VENUE-ORIENTED, AND INSTITUTIONAL
CHANNELS OF COMMUNICATION IN AFRICAN


UNIT 1: NAMES IN AFRICA: HISTORY AND TYPES
CONTENTS
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3.1 What is a name
3.2 The History of Naming
3.3 Religious Naming
3.4 Types of Naming
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
6.0 Tutor – Marked Assignment (TMA)
7.0 References / Further Readings
1.0. INTRODUCTION
This unit focuses on history and types of names. It defines names, discusses the
types of names, and traces the history of naming ceremony. This unit also focuses
on names as channels of communication in African. It presents uses and
communication functions of names. It also highlights spiritual implications of
names.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
At the end of this unit of study, you should be able to:
• Define names
• Outline types of names
• Trace the history of naming ceremony
• Discuss the communication functions of names
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• highlight the spiritual implications of names
3.0 MAIN CONTENT

3.1 What is a name?
Names are channels of communication in Africa. Names are what people are
known with and are called. They communicate and tell stories about people and
events/occurrences at the time of christening. In fact, it is a pointed application of
African communication to the situation and circumstance, especially during the
period a child is born. This is the cultural dimension to naming.
It is a common knowledge that in human history, human beings start using a name
after christening. So, in Africa once a child is born, the child is christened, which
is referred to in Africa, as naming. It usually involves a ceremony; hence, Africans
hold naming ceremonies, which in fact originated from the Bible.
3.2 The History of Naming (Christening)

This is what the westerners refer to as christening. It is old as the history of
creation, probably extending into pre-history. Even in The Holy Bible, there is an
example. God told Adam to name all the creatures. According to Adeboye (2006)
in Genesis 2:19-20; God organised a great naming ceremony. He created animals
and brought them to Adam to name. This means that the creatures had no
individual identities until they received impartation from Adam and became what
he said each should be.
Children are parents’/families’ bundles of joy, because they are rewards from God.
So, when children are born, some families organise naming where friends and
well- wishers are invited to celebrate with them for new born children. Although
all cultures in Africa bear and use names, naming vary from people to people. In
some cases, elaborate parties are thrown, while in others, simple parties are held
depending on the circumstances of a child’s birth, family tradition/religious
beliefs, social life of the parents of the child and their level of income. The level of
income is a debatable variable as some people who can barely feed even throw
elaborate naming. Some even borrow money to organise naming.
3.3 Religious Naming

A religious name is a name given to a child based on the religion or faith of the
parents. Essentially, it signifies identity with a religion. For instance, a child born
into a Christian or Muslim family is expected to be given a Christain or Muslim
name based on religion or faith of the parents. This also applies to those who
practice African traditional religion (ATR). Again, if people convert to any
religion, they normally adopt a name to reflect their new religion/faith.
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Islam is a religion that is based on the teachings of Prophet Mohammed. In Islam,
the first stage in the naming of a child is call to prayer “into the baby’s ears” –
Adhan. During this stage, the child is exposed to Islamic call to prayer in the first
moments of his/her life and a declaration of faith that “no one is to be worshipped
except Allah”. Normally, this should be immediately after birth before the ears of
the child hears anything. After which the news of the birth of the baby is
disseminated to all. This is followed by supplication for the new born child
normally saying the following “may Allah make him/her a blessing to you and the
people”. The next stage is shaving the baby’s hair on the seventh day after birth as
prescribed for welcoming new babies by prophet Muhammad saying Salalahu
Alahi Wasalam (SAW) meaning “May the peace and blessing of Allah be upon
you”. Shaving the hair is a form of cleansing to remove the dirt the baby brought
from the mother’s womb. During the naming a rite, the sacrifice –Aqueeqah,
which involves slaughtering of two sheeps for a baby boy and one sheep for a
baby girl is performed. This is also done on the seventh day, when the child is
named. A child can be given a name indicating servitude to Allah by calling him
Abdul Fatai (meaning servant of Allah who opens the door of blessings;
Subuhanohu Wa Tahala (SWT), praise be to almighty Allah the highest;
Abdullahi, the slave of Allah; Ar-Raheem, the most merciful and Abdul Rahaman,
the most gracious as shown by the Hadith. Generally, Islamic names are derived
from the teachings, life, birth and events that surround the birth of Prophet
Mohammed and are mainly from Islamic laws and doctrine. Other examples of
Islamic names include Taofeek, “let me come across favour”; AbdulKabir,”The
greatest slave of Allah”; Sikirulahi,”Remembrance of Allah”; Sodiq,”the truth”;
Sukurat,”Praise Allah”; Abdulazeez, “The famous Allah”; Abdullahi, “The slave of
Allah”; Abdulrasaq, “The blessing of Allah”; Abdulshaheed, “servant of Allah
giving witness”; Abduh, “an epithet of Muhhamed”; Nasiru, “Be patient with
almighty Allah”; Hamudalat, “Glory be to almighty Allah”; Samirah, “jovial
companion”; Jubril, “Archangel”; Faruq, “Distinguisher of truth from falsehood”;
Umar, “lifetime”; Hassan, “first of a set of twins”; Hussein, “second of a set of
twins”; Hafsat, “wife if the prophet”; Halimah, “gentle”; A’men or Ah’ man’
“peace or security”; Aarif, “Saint”; Aayan, “Gift of Allah”; Latifah, “kind,
delicate, gentle and sensitive; and Maryam, Prophet Esa’s mother”.
Christianinty is a religion based on the teachings of Jesus Christ. Christians,

normally choose a day to name their children. In Nigeria, some are done after the
seventh, eight or nineth day depending on the culture of the ethnic group of the
parents. Once a date has been chosen and agrred upon by the parents of teh new
born, priest, normally the pastor of the parents is communicated and invited. On
the day, songs of worship and praise are rendered in an atmosphere of
celeberation. The pastor prays for the child and pronounces the name(s) of the
child. Normally, the ceremony is characterised by eating, drinking and dancing.
How elaborate the ceremony is, is determined by how wealthy the parents of the
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new born are and/or their decision to make it conservative or elaborate. The names
given could be from the dictionary of Christian names, the Holy Bible or coined
from the parents’ knowledge of the Bible and/or level of faith. Those from the
Holy Bible and in most cases are of Jewish and Hebrew Origin. Such are names of
great men/women, Jesus’ disciples, prophets, and even kings. For instance,
Abigail is a Hebrew name meaning the joy of the father. Other examples of
Christian names include Amos, “burden bearer”; Barnabas, “son of consolation”;
Christiana, “Christ-bearer”; Clement, “merciful, gentle”; Daniel,”God is my
judge”; Elijah,”Jehovah is God” Elisha, “God is my salvation”; Elizabeth,
“consencrated to God”; Emmauel,”God with us”; Isaac, “laughter”; Jacob,
“supplanted”; Naomi, “my delight”; Zacharias,”remember”; Ruth, “beautiful and
compassionate”; and David, “the beloved”.
In African traditional religion, parents give names to their new born babies based
on their cultural beliefs or affiliation to a particular cult group or deities as
worshipped by the family. Children are given such names either as a symbol of
appreciation to the deities or as a mark of dedication of such children to the gods.
In Nigeria, some are done after the seventh, eight or nineth day depending on the
culture of the ethnic group of the parents. Examples of such names drawn from
Western Nigeria are Ifadare, “Ifa has justified me”; Ogunmakin, “the god of iron
takes victory”; Ogunmakinde, “the god of iron has brought the brave one”
Sangobiyi, “a child given by the deity Sango (god of thunder)”;and Oyagbemi,
“Oya, the goddess has rewarded me”. Other examples from eastern Nigeria
include Chima,”God knows”; Ginikanwa,”What is greater than a child?”;
Oluchi,”God’s work”; Kasarachi,”Tell it to God”; and Ugochi,”God’s glory”.
3.4 Types of Names

There are basically three types of names- personal, family and creative names.
Personal Name: A personal name is what belongs to a person. It is the identity of

a particular person. There are mainly two types of personal names – first name, the
name by which a person is commonly called; and second/other name(s), the
name(s) apart from the first name.
Family Name: This is what the western world refers to as surname or last name. It
serves as family identity. Normally this is the name a woman drops when she is
married and does a change of name to reflect the new family to which she has
been married.
If a woman does a change of name after marriage, the family/surname/last name

that she dropped is normally referred to as a maiden name. The people who argue
that a woman should change her name after marriage believe that it is for the
woman to identify with her marital family. While priests argue from a spiritual
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dimension and say that it is for the woman to take on the destiny of her husband
i.e. for them to have a common destiny as the two have become one.
However, many women in contemporary Africa, who have made marks in their
professions before marriage, do not find it easy to change names as they have been
known in their careers by their maiden names. Also, there are those whose maiden
names give additional advantage in the public sphere because of their fathers’
exploits in the public sphere. Such women either continue to use their maiden
names in the public sphere or add their husbands’ surnames to their maiden names
to form compound surnames. Critics of the use of compound surname names by
married women, say that women who use compound surname names are pumpous.
This position is contestable as some do it to share their loyalty to the two families.
However, they should realise that a sudden change of maiden name without
adopting the use of a compound surname name by a woman who has made career
progress with her maiden name may lead to a loss of identity if not properly
managed.
Creative name: This is name that is not family or “personal”, but a name by
which a person is populary called. Creative names are coined from a person’s
personal or family name, exploits and/or character. It is what the person is
popularly referred to as. If care is not taken, people may think it is the person’s
personal name. It is a.k.a of a person or a pet name. It could be what a husband
calls the wife, parents call children, peers call peers. They could be derived from
personal names or made up by combining people’s initials. For instance, Sally is
created from Sarah, Zik from Isaac, Abbey or Abby from Abigail and many more.
In fact some African names have been so transformed creatively to the extent that
they have become anglicised and almost lost the meanings/origin.
3.5 Names as Channels of Communication in Africa and the Communication

Functions of Names
What is in a name? Let us find out! All over the world, names function as means
of identification. Several authorities on this subject such as Akpabio (2003);
Olusanya and Olurode (1994); and Doob (1966) agree with this view. They argue
that more than identification, names communicate and provide a lot of information
about their owners such as the bearer’s position in the family; the circumstances
surrounding the birth of the bearer; parental /family situation; family hopes,
desires, expectations and aspirations; financial situation; links with departed
family member ancestors and a way of keeping records (i.e. historical accounts).
Essentially, names tell stories about people and reveal a person’s place of origin,
i.e. the part of Nigeria/Africa the person originates. This is very common among
the Hausa people of Nigeria. Abdullahi Jibia, this is the name of a man that comes
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from Jibia (a town in Katsina state); and Sada Mashi, the name of another man that
comes from Mashi ( a town also in Katsina state).
Apart from these, this author also posits that it could show the day the child was
born, e.g. market days such as Nkwo, Eke, Orie and Afor (local week days), which
can be likened to such English names that people bear in Africa (Monday,
Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, Saturday and Sunday) to reflect in
English the day the child was born. Even, in Yoruba Land, a girl child born on a
Sunday is referred to as Abosede. Names are also given to show whether the child
was born during harvest time, planting season and war times amongst others.
Others reflect the birth order of a newborn child. An example is the name
Obianuju and Obianibeli names from the eastern part of Nigeria, which means a
child that was born in the midst of plenty and a child that has come to enjoy
wealth respectively.
Again, apart from the main function of identification, it is the evidence of the
origin of a person; it atimes tells the circumstances surrounding the birth and it
could imply the type of trade by which the family is known. In Ondo State, for
instance, most names start with the prefix “Akin-“ (which means bravery) because
they are believed to be very brave and “Ogun-“ (the god of iron), which depicts
reverence for a deity associated with the Ondos and Ekitis. In fact, history has it
that when Ogun came down from heaven, he landed at Ire-Ekiti.
Olusanya and Olurode (1994) further add that apart from the identification
function of names, they serve as links with departed members of the family and a
system of record keeping. For instance, Yetunde among the Yorubas mean dead
mother has come back again; while Doob (1966:191) stated that:
It may suggest circumstances relating to the child’s birth or appearance; it
may express a hope concerning parental disappointment; it may reflect
feelings of the mother; or it may even be a brief adage
3.6 The Spiritual Implications of Names

It has been argued especially, by spiritual heads that names have implications for
what the bearer would become or behave. In Nigeria today, comedians and even
spiritual heads had interpreted why the erstwhile National Electric Power
Authority (NEPA) could not live up to its billings of supplying constant
electricity. They argue that the acronym NEPA that people have commonly
referred to as “Never Expect Power Always” because of the epileptic power
supply from the public utility company could be responsible for the epileptic
powers supply from NEPA. The change of name of NEPA to Power Holding
Company of Nigeria (PHCN) again has been seen as jumping from frying pan to
fire. PHCN has been interpreted by people as being responsible for the worsening
supply of electricity in Nigeria. They say that before it was “Never Expect Power
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Always”; now it is “Holding Power”. Many Nigerians are of the view that the
public utility company should have been given a name that will spiritually ginger
it to effectiveness and efficiency in power supply.
Names can also reveal the source(s) of their bearers. For instance, in Yorubaland
Esubiyi means satan has given birth to this one (child). Also, Ogunbiyi and Ifabiyi
mean Ogun and Ifa have given birth to these ones respectively. That probably
explains why some christains, who become aware of the spiritual implications of
these names (i.e attachment to idols), change them to Oluwabiyi or Olubiyi, for
short, meaning God has given birth to this one.
In all the cases above, the names (i.e. Esubiyi, Ogunbiyi and Ifabiyi) reveal the
idols that were consulted before the bearers were born.
3.7.0 Examples of Names

Some written African texts contain examples of the names of prominent people
that lived years ago, even globally, there is a book that contains the names of
prominent people i.e. people who have made history. That book is known as The
Guinness Book of Records. Some examples from different parts of Nigeria are
presented in the next page.
3.7.1 Examples of Names in Some African Countries/Nigerian Cultures and

their meanings
NAMES FROM EWE (SPOKEN IN THREE WEST AFRICAN
COUNTRIES - GHANA, TOGO AND PART OF BENIN REPUBLIC)
1. Yayra Blessing
2. Kosi Sunday Born
3. Akosua Sunday Born
4. Kojo Monday Born
5. Ajzo Monday Born
6. Kwaben Tuesday Born
7. Abena Tuesday Born
8. Korku Wednesday Born
9. Aku Wednesday Born
10. Yao Thursday Born
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SOUTH SOUTH
EFIK, IBIBIO AND OJERIM’S NAMES (AKWA-IBOM & CROSS
RIVER STATES)
1 Obong Ama God’s Love

2 Eme Precious
3 Ette-Ette Naming after the ground’s father
4 Ediekan Victory
5 Utibe-Abasi God’s Wonders
6 Mma-Efiok Woman with wisdom
7 Mma-Obong The king’s mother or woman of God
8 Ufeh Favour from God
9 Irelo Look the world
10 Ukeh Gift
KALABARI/BONNY/AHOADA NAMES IN BAYELSA &RIVERS

STATES
1. Ayenate I have got my heart’s desire

2. Prekunomaa God’s resources are limitless
3. Kalamama Junior mother
4. Belema Love
5. Idowari My father’s House
6. Ba so ene Tomorrow is another day/There is another
opportunity
7. Eneibi Day of glad tidings/goodness
8. Tamunosaki God’s Time
9. Anneba Anne’s daughter/Anne’s Incarnate
10. Nimisoye Wisdom is more profitable
NATIVE NAMES AND MEANING (ABOH IN DELTA STATE)
1 Omodi Prince/Elder
2 Onyemahiachi Who Knows Tomorrow
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3 Chukwukadibia God Is Greater Than Doctors
4 Olisaluka God Thinks Well; God has done well
5 Enebeluwa Hoping On The Future

6 Uwaanyasikama Evening Life Is Best
Happy life in later years is better
7 Chukwukunum God Has Spoken For Me;God speak for me
8 Chukwubuogwum God Is My Medicine; God is my saviour
9 Okudilichukwu The Matter Is Left; God is the / my arbiter
10 Chukwunnoyelum God Is With Me
NATIVE NAMES AND MEANING (ITSEKIRI IN DELTA STATE)
1 Ofe-oritse Gift of God

2 Boritsete The will of God
3 Aminoritse Nobody knows the mind of God
4 Aninoritse God of mercy
5 Eyewumi I prefer life to death
6 Omaretshola Children is wealth
7 Amajuoritse Nobody knows more than God
8 Eguoritse The beauty of God
9 Muoyowa To bring joy
10 Eyituoyo This is joy
NAMES FROM THE IBO SPEAKING PARTS OF DELTA STATE
1 Nnabuokpu Father is the cap

2 Edebeatu One who harbours malice
3 Uwabuafia This worlds is a market place
4 Adaeze Princess
5 Uwanekunume Men can only speak; The world speaks for me
6 Uwadinakachi Destiny is with God; Destiny is in the hands of
God
7 Chidumeme God is my help; God assist me to perform
8 Nwabuogo Child is a heritage; Child is parents’
honour/glory
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9 Ifechukwude God’s word cannot be altered; Destiny or what
God has written
10 Unoma Happy home
NAMES FROM THE ISOKO SPEAKING PARTS OF DELTA STATE
1 Oghenevwigbarobo God has won the battle

2 Ejuvokuoghene Leave it all for God
3 Esetaoghenegbuyonta Have faith in the word of God
4 Oboakponaroro The way the world thinks
5 Ejuwenavi Let the hand stand
6 Kesienaoerer This is a time he has come
7 Oghenevegba The power of God (God is the owner of power)
8 Oghenenierovwo God answers prayer
9 Ojiyovwi It is still good
10 Oghoho Joy
NAMES FROM THE EDO STATE
1 Osatohanmwen God had pity on me

2 Ewere Peace
3 Osasumwen God is with me
4 Omosigho Child brings wealth
5 Uvwi Light
6 Egheosaose God’s time is the best
7 Igbafe A child that enriches the house
8 Ozikenoya God gives gift
9 Omogbai Great child/son
10 Osazee God’s chosen one
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SOUTH EAST
NAMES FROM ABIA/ANAMBRA/IMO STATES
1 Azu ka (Back big ) Behind is better. It is a name given to unisex; it

Azuka is given to a child that is the last in a family
2 Anya nsi agwu (Eye The eyes of a divination deity that sees evil. It
poison deity) is a masculine name. This is for a family that
Anyansiagwu has the lineage of soothsayers and deity priest.
3 Chukwu Emeka (God God has done it well. It is a masculine name

done well) and the name is given after when a woman
chukwuemeka suffered in labour and delivers a male child.
4 Igwe bu ike (Iron is My strength is in the multitude. When a family

strong) igwebuike is not materially wealthy and they have many
children, those children are seen as strength of
multitude that will bring wealth to the family.
5 Ngalaba m (Pillar me) The pillar that my house will stand or the pillar
Ngalabam of the house/pillar of my house. If a father has
many female children and finnaly a male child
is born to him, such a name is given because
the son will be his heir.
6 Okwu uche (talk My mind has spoken. When a father silently

mind) Okwuche prays for his wife pregnancy to be a male child,
when it comes to fruition, the name is given to
tell that his mind has manifested/reality.
7 Osade bem (answer He has answered all my critics. A mother who

my) osadebem is criticized of bearing only female children
gives such a name to his male child to show
that she can also bear males too.
8 Oke nwa (big child) Great child. When an infant has limited chance
okenwa of surviving and later survives, such a name is
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given.
9 Osita din ma (from is From today things have become better. When
good) ositadinam couples have a child for the first time after a
long period such a name is given to that baby.
10 Uwa laka (World say) The world would continue to say what they
uwalaka want to say/what they would determine. When
families have difficulty in child bearing, people
all over will say whatever they feel like saying.
23
SOUTH WEST
YORUBA NAMES FROM EKITI/OSUN/OGUN/OYO/LAGOS STATES
1. Adekanbi It is my turn to birth to the ‘crown’

2. Adegbesan The crown revenges
3. Anikulapo He who has death in his pouch
4. Omoponle Child honours me (omo pon mi le)
5. Oluwatobi God is great
6. Olamide My wealth has come
7. Oluwasegun God conquers
8. Ibukun Blessing
9. Oluwaseun Thank God
10. Ikudaisi Death preserves this person

11 Oyatomi Oya is enough for me
12 Ogundele Ogun has come back home.
13 Ifatomisin Ifa is enough for me to worship.
14 Osuntoke Osun is enough to pet.
15 Ogunleke ogun has triumphed.
16 Ifafumilayo ifa has given me joy

17 Oguntoyin ogun is worthy to be praised
18 Ifafunmike Ifa has given me to pet.
19 Fatogunlola Ifa is enough to give wealth

20 Oyabunmi Oya’s gift
21 Osunbunmi Osun’s gift
22 Fasola Ifa’s wealth.
NORTH CENTRAL
23 Oguntomi Ogun is enough for me
IGALA NAMES IN KOGI STATE
24 Oguntade Ogun has crowned me
25 Ogunfemi Ogun loves me
1. Onalo Women who gave birth to a child and die
26 Beekolari There is more than you can
several times and happen to give to a premature
27 Adeyemo The
king crown is befitting
of Abiku
28
2. Adedigba
Akoji My glory is multiplied
A replacement
29
3. Kukoyi
Uyo Ojo Rejected
Joy of Godby death
30
4. Olufela
Ajanigo Enlargement
He who goesoftorichly coast byand
the market God
sees so many
31 Abanikanda Determined
things to get results
32 Kasimawoo
5. Ojone Patiently
God’s own waiting to see an outcome
33
6. Odufuwa
Ojata Alertness
World hasgiven
no endby ifa divinity
34 Oyekanmi Royalty chieftaincy is extended to me
35 Olakulehin Sufficient wealth is left behind
36 Akerele Small but strong 24
37 Ojelabi An offspring/progeny of the masquerade
38 Olayiwola From one level of wealth or glory to another
7. Ojochide God’s guide/protect
8. Onuche Disciples of God/Servant
9. Alewo A child that is born when the parents moved
from one place to another
10. Achile That is no matter how great or how rich you are
to enjoy the world you can not enjoy one
quarter of it
11. Enema Who will remain that is everything must die
4.0 CONCLUSION
This unit concludes that Africans who practice Christianity, Islam or African
traditional religion organise naming ceremonies; and names communicate and tell
stories about people and events/occurrences at the time of birth. Also, that
christening in African usually, involves a ceremony; hence Africans hold naming,
which in fact originated from the Bible.
Also, it concludes that names communicate in traditional Africa and African

people believe that there is an agreement (i.e.) there should be a correlation
between the name given to a child and that of child’s soul/destiny. Hence, the
saying, that when a name is given to a child, the child’s soul or spirit must give
assent by saying “yes” to the name. The name given to a child becomes personal
him/her.
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit focused on names as channels of communication in African. It defined

names, discussed the types of names, and traced the history of naming.
This unit explained what a name means, uses of names, types of names;
highlighted spiritual implications of names; and traced the history of christening.
This unit also explained the communication functions of names and highlighted
the spiritual implications of names.
Self Assessment Exercise

i. What is a name?
ii. What is in a name?
6.0 TUTOR MARKED ASSIGNMENT

i. Discuss the origin of naming ceremonies.
ii. List ten names from your linguistic group.
iii. Translate the ten names listed.
25
7.0 REFERENCES/FURTHER READINGS
Adeboye, E. A. (2006) “Birth Your Babies” In Open Heavens: A Daily Guide to
Close Fellowship with God Vol. Six Saturday, April 1 Lagos: Tie
Communications Ltd
Akpabio, E (2003). African Communication Systems: An Introductory Text Lagos:

BPrint Publications
Doob, Leornard W. (1966). Communication in Africa: A search for Boundaries

New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press.
Olurode, Lai and Olusanya, P. O. (1994). Nigerian Heritage: The Yoruba

Example Lagos: Tap Printing Company.
UNIT 2: VENUE-ORIENTED CHANNELS OF COMMUNICATION
CONTENTS
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3.1 Venue Oriented Communication Media(VOCM)
3.2 Main features of VOCM
3.3 Examples of VOCM
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
26
1.0. INTRODUCTION
This unit focuses on venue-oriented communication in African communication.

Venue provides a meeting place for exchange of information in African countries.
Hence it is worthy of examination.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
At the end of this unit of study, should be able to:
• Define venue-oriented communication
• Explain the main features of venue-oriented communication
• Outline and explain some examples of venue-oriented communications
• Explain the communication functions of some venue-oriented ceremonies
3.0 MAIN CONTENT

3.1.0 Venue-Oriented Communication Media
Wang (1982) in Wang and Dissanayake (1984) stated that some venue oriented
communication media involve interpersonal communication, which operates at
different levels in the society, but primarily at individual and small group levels;
communication takes place in village meetings, clubs, or even other local meeting
places such as community teahouse and open market. The duo stated further that
although the primary function of these media and channels may not be
communicative, together they interact with one another to form a network which
constitutes information environment of people in most rural areas in the third
World. This might account for why venue oriented communication is referred to in
some literature as unstructured channels.
3.1.1 The Main Features of Venue-Oriented Communication
The main feature of venue oriented communication is that it is unstructured.
Unstructured communication is not organised or orchestrated but spontaneous and
informal. Some indigenous organisations provide many opportunities for such
unstructured communication before, during and after meetings and other activities.
According to Mowlana (1983), it is better illustrated by some examples of
informal networks. Unstructured channels in indigenous communication occur in
many other settings: talk at home; well; river; on the road; in the tea house; at
coffee shop; in a chief’s house; market; beer parlour; and wherever else people
meet and talk (Mowlana, 1983).
3.1.2 Venue-Oriented Communication Media: Some Examples

3.1.2.1a Market
27
Hodder (1964) in Ugboajah, (1980) defined the market as an institutionalized
activity occurring at a definite place and involving the meeting of people there at a
particular time. It is an authorised public centre for buyers and sellers of
commodities to meet. This definition may really represent today’s market as
people buy and sell on the Internet and through telephone, post office, and courier
companies. Besides, it is not goods that are bought and sold in the market, but also
services. Again, Nwuneli (1983) described that market as a network of informal
communication media.
In Nigeria, the operational days of markets vary from place to place. While some
are open everyday of the week (participants are mostly residents of that
community), and the kinds of information that are common in such markets are
mainly local information about what is going on in the town, and gossips about
current happenings or scandals. Others have a cycle which may range from three
to seven days (participants are residents and non-residents of that community),
depending on the part of the country (Nwuneli, 1983).
3.1.2.1b The Communication Function of the Market

In African societies, the market place is an effective informal channel of
information dissemination. Unlike the town crier or folklore, the market generates
soft news. The only hard news generated internally by the market itself is the trade
statistics and price index of that particular market, the neighbouring markets, and
the largest market nearest to the reference village or town. The trade statistics and
price indices are outside the competence of the town crier. However, because of
the horizontal nature of communication in the market place, high volumes of
information disseminated there have low accuracy and credibility. So, most of the
information received in the market is often verified for authenticity by the
recipient before use. The market medium only carries hard news that requires no
verification when the town crier appears in the market to make announcement.
This is because those announcements are considered official. Similarly,
information transferred from one market to another are like town crier or authority
based if accurately transferred and are also often not verified by recipients.
(Nwuneli, 1983). However, Nwuneli (1983) is at divergence with the view of
Doob (1966) who stated that the kind of communication heard in a market cannot
be predicted, because here, the audience and communicators represent many
communities and, especially at large markets, many different societies.
Again, in looking at the communication function of the market in African

communication, Omu (1978) stated that news circulate with great rapidity through
the various processes of trading. Most communities had markets which were not
only centres of trade but also a principal means of communication, information
and recreation. They provided a most convenient forum to meet friends and
kinsmen and exchange news and gossip, while bringing together large numbers of
28
sellers, buyers and visitors, some from distant places. They create an atmosphere
of festivity and entertainment in which gossips and exchange of information
flourished. Some markets were also terminal points of trade routes connecting
different parts of one area with others, with foreign lands and civilisations. The
caravans which plied these routes helped to distribute information. They gathered
and relayed news as they passed from place to place communicating with fellow
traders and collecting information on resources and prospects of trade.
These might account for why Ugboajah (1979) in his study, described the village
market square as a powerful integrated force, an important news, interchange of
gossip centre, a place of ceremonials and parades. Ugboajah’s (1979) position is
somewhat at convergence with Akpan’s (1977) who stated that in market place
communication, the traders are the news bearer and the market is the final phase of
funerals, the heat of traditional dances and plays.
Markets that have cycles which range from three to seven days attract people other
than the residents. Information is made available by buyers and sellers who have
come from other communities about current happenings in their own communities.
They in turn go away with information about events in the community where the
market is taking place. It is, therefore, not uncommon to see people waiting
patiently for the market day to clarify rumours or other types of news about
happenings in other communities around them. These news range from politics,
social events and traditional festivals. People are interested in all these kinds of
news mainly because they want to know among other things, whether a conducive
atmosphere exists in other towns and villages which may enhance their
participation in the next market days scheduled to take place in such towns or
villages. In addition to constant anticipation of increase in the price of good in next
market days.
3.1.2.2a Social Gathering (Organised and Spontaneous)

Death and funerals also attract large congregations which often include
participants from neighbouring or distant places. These ceremonies often last quite
long while weeping and wailing characterise such particular moments of death and
burials. Other social gatherings include town or village festivals, marriages and
circumcision feasts, naming, opening of new houses, public meetings and trials,
propitiatory assemblies, open quarrels, disputes and several other aggregatory
events which characterise African way of life (Ogwezzy, 1999).
3.1.2.2b The Communication Functions of Social Gathering (Organised and

Spontaneous)
Exchange of information is also promoted by means of organised and spontaneous
gatherings which are fairly frequent in the Nigerian society. Since some
ceremonies often last quite long, the intervening period within such social
29
gatherings are usually occupied with gossiping, story telling and general exchange
of information (Ogwezzy, 1999).
3.1.2.3a Roads
In African societies, if people’s relations live at other towns, people travel along
roads to reach them. Traditionally, such journeys were made by trekking on foot.
It could take days but the road is the traditional channel of communication among
people, their relations; and among communities, especially for upland dwellers
(Ogwezzy, 1999). When they get to the homes of their relatives, the homes
become the venue. However, the road can also function as a venue for
communication as some people fix appointments to meet at a point on a road.
3.1.2.3b The Communication Functions of Roads
Although, roads are channels, they are also venues of communication in Africa. In
Africa, some people arrange to meet at a particular road either on their way to
farm, market, river, et cetera to exchange information.
3.1.2.4a Rivers
Like roads to upland dwellers, rivers and creeks serve swamp or riverine dwellers.
At such places, people swim across streams, creeks and rivers to communicate
with friends, relations; hold discussions and deliver messages, information and
receive same if necessary (Ogwezzy, 1999). Apart from swimming, crafts and
canoes are used to travel from place to place .They are concerned with physical
movements in communication.
3.1.2.4b The Communication Functions of Rivers
Although rivers are physical channels of communication in Africa, they are also
venues. They are venues for communication because people plan and meet at
particular river side to wash clothes and other domestic items as well as to
exchange information (Ogwezzy, 1999).
4.0 CONCLUSION
This unit focused on venue-oriented communication. It argued that venue oriented

communication is unstructured because it is spontaneous and informal.
5.0 SUMMARY
30
This unit discussed venue-oriented communication using market, social
gatherings, roads and rivers as channels. It also highlighted the communication
functions of the various examples discussed.

i. What is venue-oriented communication?
i. List two examples of venue-oriented communication
ii Discuss the main features of venue-oriented communication

Akpan, M. (1977). “Symbolism in the Communication Environment of the
Village” Unilag Communication Review Vol 1 Nos 213
Doob, Leornard W (1966) Communication in Africa: A search for Boundaries

New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press
Mowlana, H. (1983) “Communication and Tradition” A Paper Presented to

(ACCE), Sponsored by International Development of Social Sciences in
Collaboration with UNESCO Dakar, Senegal, July
Nwuneli, O. (1983) “Traditional Channels of Communication” Journal of

Language And Communication Vol. 2/3
Ogwezzy, G. C. (1999) The Odogwu Abi of Emu Kingdom, interview by author, 7

- 14 September at Emu-Obodoeti, Ndokwa West Local Government Area of Delta
State
Omu, F. (1978) Press And Politics in Nigeria 1880-1937. London: Longman
Ugboajah, F. O. (1979) ‘Developing Indigenous Communication in Nigeria”

Journal of Communication Vol. 29, N0.4
Ugboajah, F. O. (1980) “Oramedia or Traditional Media as Effective

Communication Options for Rural Development in Africa” communication
Year Book Vol 3
Wang, G. and Dissanayake, W. (1984) “Indigenous Communication Systems: A

Conceptual Framework” in Ansu-Kyeremeh, K. (ed.) (1984) Indigenous
Communication in Africa: Theory and Application Vol.2 Legon, Ghana: School of
Communication Studies Printing Press
31
UNIT 3: INSTITUTIONAL CHANNELS OF COMMUNICATION AND
THE COMMUNICATION PATTERNS OF TRADITIONAL
AUTHORITIES\ SOCIO-POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS
CONTENTS
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3.1 Traditional Authorities, Social/Political Organisations, and
Grassroot Organisations and Associations
3.2 Types of Institutional Structures and Examples
3.3 Traditional Authorities, Socio-Political Organisations and
their Communication Patterns
32
3.4 Communication Patterns
3.5 Traditional Instruments, Gatekeepers and Gatekeeping in
Traditional Authority Information Dissemination
3.6 Masquerades/Cults
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit focuses on institutional communication in Africa. Drawing from Nigeria,

it looks at types and structure. It further looks at traditional authorities, socio-
political organisations and their communication patterns.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• Outline the types of institutional structures and examples
• List the types of institutional structures
• Discuss the types of institutional structures and their implications for African
Communication
• Have a clearer understanding of traditional authorities and socio-political
organisations
• Discuss the communication patterns of traditional authorities and socio-
political organisations
3.0 MAIN CONTENT

3.1 Traditional Authorities, Social/Political Organisations, and Grassroot
Organisations and Associations
Institutions are part of traditional African society. There are various institutional
structures that must be taken into account in studying African Communication
Systems. Experts have even recognised that knowledge of and relationships with
institutional structures can facilitate or inhibit expected development outcomes.
This justifies why this module is focused on institutional communication.
Since the traditional authorities and socio-political organisations are the custodians
of a people’s cultural heritage, it is essential that they should be “properly”
understood in the context of African communication.
33
Nigeria has more than 250 ethnic groups, and each ethnic group has its own
respected traditional authorities and socio-political organisations, which must be
recognised and appeased for peace to reign in the communities. So, the
peculiarities of each ethnic group must be recognised, properly considered and
understood for effective communication. According to Nwuneli (1983:148):
In some cultures it is considered sincere and trustworthy when a person
looks straight in the face or,…looks [at] you right in the eyes. In other
cultures it is rude and impertinent to “catch somebody’s eye” during
conversation. In some cultures, people express themselves non-verbally by
the mimicry of the face.
So, to enhance effective communication, it is important to ascertain most

acceptable ways of approaching, looking and discussing with the traditional,
socio-political organisations in a community and to know the flow of
communication. Even in some cultures, it might be necessary to through an
intermediary, in some others the best approach could be to seek audience with the
highest traditional authority like the Emir/Sultan, Eze/Obi, Ooni/Alaafin, etc. The
flow of communication is culture-specific, but the guiding principle is to recognise
traditional structures in Africa.
3.2 Some Examples of Traditional Authorities and Socio-Political

Organisations in Nigeria
According to Nwuneli (1983), channels represent only the hardware in the
information transfer process, while the software aspect represent the information
which originate from authoritative sources depending on the local political
structure of the people.
3.2.1 Types of Institutional Structures and Examples

Although indigenous Nigerian society had no newspapers, it had
agencies and institutions which in several respects serve the same
purpose as the newspaper or at least answer the contemporary needs of
communication (Omu, 1978:1).
Institutional structures vary depending on the culture of a people. Nigeria, for

instance, has more then 250 ethnic groups, and each ethnic group has its own
institutional structure. These structures must be recognised and understood in
the scheme of African communication because they are effective channels of
commuication. This unit basically groups them into four:
A) Traditional Authorities – Examples

• Emir of Katsina
• Sultan of Sokoto
34
• Ado Bayero of Kano
• Etsu Nupe
• Gbomgwom Jos
• Olu of Warri
• Oba of Benin
• Oba of Lagos
• Ooni of Ife
• Alaafin of Oyo
• Eze in Ibo Land
• Obi of Agbor
• Obuenwe of Emu Kingdom
• Igwe of Okpai
• Owelle of Onitsha
• Attah of Igala
• Chiefs/village/ward Heads
B) Social/Political Organisations – Examples

• Community Based Organisations. E.g. Age Grade Groups and other indigenous
groups (village meetings, mothers’ clubs, Men’s group and women’s groups)
C) Religious/Grassroot/Economic Organisation and Associations - Examples

• Associations E.g. Co-operatives associations, loan associations and youth
associations
• Artisans/various Economic groups E.g. Fishermen, hunters, hairdressers,
tailors, Bricklayers and farmers
• Religious E.g. NASFAT, Christain Association of Nigeria (CAN), Full Gospel
Businness Men’s Fellowship
D) Kinship Groupings – Examples

• Arewa Consultaive forum
• Afenifere
• Ohaneze N’digbo
• Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP)
• Odua Peoples Congress (OPC)
• Egbesu (Ethnic militia group in Ijaw region of Nigeria)
• Bakassi (Ethnic militia group in eastern Nigeria)
3.3 Traditional Authorities, Socio-Political Organisations and their

Communication Patterns
35
Traditional Authorities: In Northern Nigeria, information for dissemination
could originate from the Emir’s palace, or from a person with such delegated
authority in the villages. In the South West, messages could originate from the
Oba or Baale; while in the South East, messages could originate from the Chiefs,
Council of Elders, or some Age Grades delegated with authority to perform
special tasks for their communities.
Socio-Political Organisations: Social organisations differ from one society to

another. However, they are generally powerful institutional structures in African
communication. While age-grade groups, market men/women associations, etc,
are part of social institutional structures of any society. In other words, they are
part of political or traditional structures. For instance, among the Ibos of Eastern
Nigeria, the age-grades are part of the traditional authorities. So, proper
knowledge of social institutions is very important in effective institutional
communication. In Emu-Obodoeti community within Emu Clan in Ndokwa West
Local Government Area of Delta State, marriage, burial and some other
ceremonies cannot hold without seeking clearance from a particular concerned. In
fact traditional marriage certificate in the community is issued by their
“Development Committee” and the certificate does not carry the signature of the
father of the bride but those of the “committee’s” officials.
Religious/Grass Root Organisation and Associations: Much indigenous

communication occurs within highly homophilous groups or cliques. Such cliques
facilitate efficient communication among their members, but act as barriers
preventing new information from entering some cliques. Boundary spanners such
as bridges (religious leaders), liaisons and cosmopolites have links with people
outside their cliques; together with innovators, they introduce information to the
network (Mowlana, 1983).
According to Wang and Dissanayake (1984), grass root organisations such as

irrigation associations and housing co-operatives allow structured discussions
involving organisation leaders and larger audiences than is possible in
unstructured situations. These organisations orchestrate much communication
through formal meetings of members, by messages sent about activities and
obligations, and through work activities. There is an overlap between this and
other categories. For example indigenous organisations often arrange folk media
performances, though performance is not usually their major aim. They provide
many opportunities for unorganised communication among organisation members
Zeroing on Nigeria and drawing from Tiv people of Benue state, Mede (1998)
stated that in Tiv communities, the people created forums where they can meet to
rub minds and exchange ideas. One of such fora is the Bam (a co-operative
society) where people come together to contribute money to help one another. The
36
Bam has become very popular in both the rural and urban Tiv communities. What
is noteworthy about such gathering is that before the business of the day, anyone
with a new idea on business or what have you, shares it with other members of the
Bam, thus helping borrowers with new information on investment, and passing on
news from other communities.
3.4 Communication Patterns
Information from these sources is disseminated both horizontally and vertically.

Such information is relayed through the town crier (gongman) to the villagers
(audience) publicly and simultaneously or indirect to the compound heads who in
turn delivers the message vertically to the people through the family heads.
Messages that originate from these sources are of diverse nature. They range from
developmental messages like school building to social, economic, political and
traditional one. The messages are communicated with dates of certain festivals
(cultural). The developmental messages like building, cutting and clearing roads
use of general group dialogue, or individual discretion of the town announcer.
Similarly, social messages like proclamation, banning certain domestic animals
from wandering round the village use various communication modalities, but
exclusively these use the masquerade for communication and enforcement.
These messages pass through a nexus of stages. From the source – Oba, Emir, and
Council of Elders whose deliberations occasioned the order, to the village square
meeting. This is equivalent to the referendum in modern democracy. Then to the
gongman who timely reminds the people of the messages and accelerate people’s
compliance. In the same vein, other messages, apart from the local ones, from
local government, special messages from national and state levels circulate round
the village to both groups and individuals; vertically, and horizontally.
3.5.0 Traditional Instruments, Gatekeepers and Gatekeeping in Traditional

Authority Information Dissemination
According to Wilson (1982), traditional instruments of communication in African
societies have their specific functions and these depend on the type of information
that the ‘gatekeepers’ want the public to know.
By making reference to ‘gatekeepers’ in the information dissemination process in

African communities, Wilson (1982), thus seemed to recognise the usually
authoritative source of information in traditional societies. He further reinforced
his view in his statement on how the medium for particular information
dissemination is chosen in those societies. As he puts it, “The medium is thus
determined by the type of message to be sent, which in turn depends on the final
authority of the king”. This statement shows that the village head and his council
37
constitute themselves to ‘gatekeepers’ in the traditional communication process
since it appears inconceivable to have information transfer without the authority of
the chief.
The organised and systematic nature of the Nigerian traditional communication

channel is well brought to the fore by Wilson’s (1982) comparison of the
traditional and modern systems of communication that exist in Nigeria. He
compared the systems of control over information dissemination by the leaders of
the traditional societies with the modern day operation of the mass media in
Nigeria, whereby the apparatus of information was controlled by various
governments in the country before the deregulation of the Nigerian media
industry. It is in this sense that the leaders of our traditional socio-political systems
recognised the need to control information output that they usually specifically
appoint certain persons who acted as information officers cum public relations
officers usually known as the village ‘gongmen’. To further examine gatekeeping
in the organisation of traditional information flow in Africa, insights from Nigeria
within the village belief systems and controlled cultural diameters would be
utilised. Specifically, studies of the villages gongman – a well known and most
useful ‘broadcaster’ of news in the rural areas and the courier chiefs (Ugboajah,
1980).
3.5.1 Institutional Communication Forms and their Uses

3.5.1a Courier Chiefs: These are lesser chiefs assisting the king (Oba or Emir)
and council to disseminate information to the villages. According to Omu
(1978:1), “in the old Oyo empire, for example, state messengers and intelligence
officers (Ilari) carried information between the capital and the outlying provinces.
But the most common of these indigenous officials was the town crier or bell man
with his loud sounding gong, he announced the promulgation of laws and
regulations, meetings, arrangements for communal work and generally spread
‘official’ information in the community. The town announcer is very much a
crucial part of village society today and can still be seen in autonomous parts of
urban centres with an established indigenous monarchy”.
They also carry information and the responses of villagers to the king and council.
For instance:
Chief Osutuke of Akure in western Nigeria is the senior newsman of the
Omode-owas, the palace messengers of the Oba. He ranks himself from the
Omode-owas. The ‘Chief editor’ of the palace news, Chief Osutuke is also a
liaison officer of the palace and the feedback channel for the views of the
people to their king. He sends his ‘reporters’ on ‘news beats’ to herald dates
of traditional ceremonies, warning of epidemics, dates for cultivation,
harvesting and social observances (Ugboajah, 1980:23)
38
3.5.1b Town Announcers or Gongman: They are the traditional announcers of
communities’ news, decisions, instructions, laws and many other issues of the
community to the whole people. They act as ‘broadcasting stations’ of our modern
time. The system is still in use in rural African societies.
By this channel of communication, designated persons are employed as honourary

official announcers of the community whenever needs arise. Whatever they
announce are responsibilities of the community. Their announcements cover
everybody within the community as modern new media do. Town announcers are
mainly rewarded through barter in Emu Kingdom (a clan of Ukwani speaking
people in Ndokwa West Local Government Area of Delta State- Nigeria). They
are rewarded by exempting them from community labour and offered other
remunerations during Council of Elders’ meetings whenever gifts are shared or
distributed. According to Ogwezzy (1999), it is the quickest and widest way of
news relaying by the traditional way. It is still the people’s main news media at the
grass root.
As already pointed out by Nwuneli (1983), most of the information disseminated

by the town announcer usually originate from some authoritative source such as
the Emir, Oba, Council of Elders, or from someone or Age Grade with delegated
powers to perform specific tasks for the village or town. It is these authoritative
sources that determine the content of the town crier’s message. The attention
gaining medium chosen by the village announcer depends on what has previously
been accepted by the town or village, and the choice of channels could vary from
gongs of various sizes and shapes to bells and drums.
The post of the village announcer or the gbohungbonhun in Yorubaland is in most

cases a hereditary position. According to Ugboajah (1980:23-24)
An Ijebu village announcer trains his children in the communication jobs
that await them. Thus the young village announcer must be briefed in his
early years about the time, place and utility of the news and about
technicalities in the use of the gong
A Hausa announcer is called Mai Shela. He is the legendary figure, aided

by the general belief that he is the appointee of Allah, but he is selected by
the Sariki or ruler of the village. Being revered and respected as a holy
man, his body is inviolate and his announcements undoubted. The
culmination of his yearly responsibilities is when he predicts and announces
the date and sighting of religious Ramadan moon
A jester, an announcer, a confidant of the elders and the Ofor [title holders]
– these are the roles of the village announcer in Isukwuator village in Imo
State. He has been described as, ‘an institution synonymous with traditional
39
authority’. It is to his credit that he was found very useful in the
rehabilitation of the villages following the civil disturbances in this area of
Nigeria
3.5.1c Functions of the Gongman: When one considers the similarities in the
functions of the village announcer, known variously as the village gongman or
town crier in Nigeria despite the great linguistic and ethnic diversity in the
country, one would readily agree with Nwuneli (1983) that the concept of the town
crier is the same nation over, that is, in Nigeria, regardless of whatever name the
town crier is labelled. The Igbos call him Otiekwe; Hausa, Sankira; Yorubas;
Gbohungbohun, even though the names vary in the same ethnic group. However,
no matter the situation, the town crier is invariably used as the all purpose/general
information disseminator.
3.5.1d Influence of Town Announcers on Messages: On the possible influence

of the town announcers on messages that he disseminates, Nwuneli (1983)
indicated that the only aspect of information dissemination which the town crier
could influence is the strategy of information delivery, depending on the subject-
matter which ranges from meeting announcements for Council of Elders or chiefs;
directives from the Emir’s or Oba’s palace to general human interest information.
The town crier could approach the subject-matter in his personal way, using
artistic and speech eloquence to give the necessary and desired effects to the
messages he is transmitting.
3.5.1e Attributes of the Gongman: From the above it is obvious that the town
crier is very effective in the village system. Ugboajah (1980) emphasised some
attributes of the village gongman which are as follows:
a. He knows his culture.

b. He interprets his culture to fit the objectives of his society.
c. He is not only respected and revered but perceived as credible.
d. The notes from his communication medium- gong or drum or elephant tusk is
decoded appropriately and receive attention from specific audience to whom they
are addressed.
As can be seen from the foregoing, the gongman indeed occupies an important
position in the diffusion of messages within the belief systems of the various
ethnic groups in Nigeria and in their opinion formation processes and actions
(Wilson, 1982). Thus, it is the intimate relationship between the source of the
information and the audience that created a bond of trust which always determined
the reliability of any information received and shows that the town crier is a
trained professional with noble mind and wits. This is then why he is an eloquent
interpreter of his chiefs’ messages being well tutored in traditions and proverbs
40
(Ugboajah, 1979:43). Besides, the gongman is a trusted confidant, whose loyalty
to the village authority is indisputable. And since he is part of the village system
coupled with the fact that his task of news dissemination “was never competitive
or profit-oriented (unlike the modern mass media), it then behoved him to
discharge his duties efficiently and conscientiously too” (Wilson, 1982). This is
why the various ethnic groups attach great importance to traditional
communication. And since traditional media are said to have force and credibility,
they put stability into Nigeria’s indigenous institutions (Ugboajah, 1991).
3.6 Masquerades/Cults
Although, they are essentially impersonation of ancestors, the masquerades in

some societies like Igboland emerged at night to gossip and expose scandals like
modern columnists except that the masquerade’s freedom of expression knew no
laws of libel and sedition.
The Yoruba ‘Oro’ and Igbo ‘Isato’ masquerades are indicated by Nwuneli (1983)
as being used as effective channels of communication in the maintenance of
village security or discipline in some parts of southern Nigeria.
While some Yoruba villages might use the ‘Oro’ cult to keep away intruders from
their villages, some Igbo villages use the ‘Isato” masquerade to ward off thieves
from their villages and towns. The ‘Oro’ explained by Nwuneli (1983), is an
ancestral cult organisation whose symbol is the bull roarer. It is used in
proclaiming curfew when riots were expected; in apprehending criminals and
reduce crime.
4.0 CONCLUSION
The unit conculdes that institutional structures vary depending on the culture of a
people. Nigeria, for instance, has more then 250 ethnic groups, and each ethnic
group has its own. Again, that the concept of the town crier or gongman is the
same all over in Nigeria. Also, from the plethora of information gathered from
other sources, it is evident that the communication systems among the various
ethnic groups in Nigeria are basically almost the same though with some
variations from one ethnic group to another.
5.0 SUMMARY
Drawing from Nigeria, this unit was focused on institutional structures in African
culture, which is mainly of two types – traditional and social. The unit highlighted
that in some cultures age-grade groups, market men/women associations, etc, are
part of social institutional structures of the society. In other words, they are part of
41
political or traditional structures. So, sometimes political structures overlap with
traditional structures.
Furthermore, the unit focused on traditional authorities and socio-political

organisations, highlighting their communication patterns. It was meant to enhance
our understanding of traditional authorities, socio-political organisations and their
places in African communication.

i. List and discuss the institutional structures in your community.
ii. List the attributes of a town announcer.
6.0 TUTOR - MARKED ASSIGNMENT

i. List ten traditional leaders in Nigeria and discuss their importance in
communication
ii. Discuss the functions of a gongman
iii. Discuss the influence of the gongman on messages

Mede, A. M (1998) “The Efficacy of Traditional Media of Communication
Among the Tiv People” A Paper Presented at Applied Communication
Seminar Class to the Faculty of Arts, University of Ibadan, Oyo State, Nigeria,
August


Omu, F. (1978) Press and Politics in Nigeria 1880-1937 London: Longman

- 14 September at Emu-Obodoeti, Ndokwa West Local Government Area of Delta
State,

Ugboajah, F. O. (1980) “Oramedia or Traditional Media as Effective

Communication Options for Rural Development in Africa” communication
Year Book Vol 3
42
Ugboajah, F. O. (1991) “Traditional –Urban Media Model: Stock Taking for
African Development” in Wilson, D. and Unoh, S. (1991) “ A Survey of
Traditional and Modern Mass Communication Media in Oil Calabar” in
Unoh, S. (ed.) (1991) Topical Issues in Communication Arts Vol. II Uyo:
Business Press Limited.
Wang, G. and Dissanayake, W. (eds.) (1984) quoted in “Indigenous

Communication Systems: A Conceptual Framework” in Ansu-Kyeremeh,
K. (ed.) (1984) Indigenous Communication in Africa: Theory and
Application Vol.2 Legon, Ghana: School of Communication Studies
Printing Press
Wilson, D. (1982) “Traditional Mass Communication: Towards a Redefinition of

Concepts” A Paper Presented at the Inaugural Conference of Nigerian Mass
Communication Association in Lagos, April
MODULE TWO: FOLKMEDIA: FOLKLORE, PROVERBS AND

PARABLES

UNIT 1: FOLKMEDIA AND FOLKLORES
CONTENTS
43
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3.1 The Concept of Folkmedia
3.2 What are Folklores?
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0. INTRODUCTION
This unit focuses on folkmedia. It looks at the concept of folkmedia, features
and communication functions. It also examines folklores. It looks at the
concepts of folklore, the features, communication functions of folklore and the
types of folklore.
2.0. OBJECTIVES
• Define folkmedia
• Discuss the features of folkmedia
• Discuss the communication functions of folkmedia
• Define folklore
• Discuss the features of folklore
• Discuss the communication functions of folklore
3.0 MAIN CONTENT
3.1.0 The Concept of Folkmedia

Folklores, proverbs and parables are folkmedia and means of information
dissemination in Nigerian towns and villages (Nwuneli, 1983; Akpan, 1977;
and Otasowie, 1981). Folkmedia are intangible artifact of a culture, madeup of
customs, traditions, stories, songs, religion, performance arts and superstition.
It can be considered to be the memory of a collective people.
3.1.1 The Features of Folkmedia

Folkmedia is mainly engaged as an oral tradition. It survives only if it holds
meaning for the people around whom it is centred, because if a story no longer
meets the needs of the cultural group, then it is discarded over time. Wang
44
(1982) cited in Wang and Dissanayake (1984) stated that folkmedia may
involve virtually everyone in a community as well as people from outside.
Essentially, they entail performance by an actor or actors before an audience.
3.1.2 Examples of Folkmedia

Folkmedia has developed a rich pattern of expression in all cultures. Wang
(1982) cited in Wang and Dissanayake (1984) mentioned the following as
some components of folkmedia:
• Festivals (discussed under extra-mundane communication)
• Plays, puppet shows and folkdrama
• Story telling (see Folklore)
• Poetry
• Debates
• Parades
• Carnivals
This author adds others which include proverbs and parables
The above traditional forms of entertainment were thought to be in danger

of being superseded by radio and television, but fears of cultural
imperialism and realisation of the limitations of mass media have
sometimes led to their revival. This sometimes has occurred with the aid of
modern broadcast media, with traditional performances, albeit somewhat
changed in form, being broadcast over television and radio Wang (1982)
cited in Wang and Dissanayake (1984).
3.1.3 The Communication Functions of Folkmedia

Folkmedia is used to transmit information from one generation to another in a
ritualised fashion. Folk media, which comprises of a broad range of art forms,
is used primarily for entertainment, but it is also used to promote education,
values, cultural identity and continuity.
3.2.0 What are Folklores?

Folklore is “... story from a particular place that was originally passed on to
people in a spoken form (Hornby, 2000:458). Folklores and story telling
constitute a common feature in most African traditional societies. In rural
Africa during the moonlight, children sit around elders listening to stories.
Nwuneli (1983) found out that folklore in Nigeria touches every aspect of life.
They are stories of war, great men and events, religious happenings, natural
phenomena such as drought, famine and mysteries such as “why a tortoise has
a shell on its body”.
45
According to “Myth and Legend from Ancient Times to the Space Age” citing
a book Folklore, Myth, and Legends: A World Perspective by Donna
Rosenberg,
A folktale is a story that, in its plot, is pure fiction and that has no particular
location in either time or space. However, despite its elements of fantasy, a
folktale is actually a symbolic way of presenting the different means by
which human beings cope with the world in which they live. Folktales
concern people -- either royalty or common folk -- or animals who speak
and act like people.
Folklores (alo in Yoruba and Inu in Ukwuani) in Nigeria touch every aspect of
life. African story tellers narrate memorised historical epics and genealogies at
length. Conventionally, folk stories are told to children especially in the
evenings i.e. after the day’s work when people are relaxing before going to
bed. So, it is not unusual at this particular time of the day to find many children
gathered around an elderly person, mostly women, to listen to folk stories. So
generally in Africa, children gather around elders who tell them stories under
moonlight and sometimes this could involve song, singing and clapping of
hands. The children are allowed to participate by contributing to lessons learnt
from the stories; and the children are encouraged to adhere to the positive sides
always.
Most of the folk stories that are very common in African communities have
themes that reflect on the various aspects of the social life of the people
generally. So, it seems certain that there is no aspect of life of the people that is
not covered by folk tales.
3.2.1 The Features of Folklores

According to “Myth and Legend from Ancient Times to the Space Age” citing
a book Folklore, Myth, and Legends: A World Perspective written by a lady,
Donna Rosenberg, although folktale develops within individual cultural
groups, some of the patterns are repeated around the globe. Authentic folktale
must have at least two versions and it must exist in more than one period and
place. The Cinderella story, which teaches us that what must be, must be and
that the meek will triumph is a prime example of the concepts as scholars have
discovered over 1,000 versions of its story that developed over hundreds of
years in many countries (see appendix I for the full story of Cinderella) . As
folktale is passed from one person to the next, variations or changes occur
often. It takes on many different forms that in turn represent the customs and
beliefs of the represented culture.
46
Folklore comes in form of mixed media (song and stories). It can also be used
for synergy in modern media –radio. Folklores used to be the essence of our
living before the intrusion of modern media. Traditional society used to be
proud of its oral tradition in folklores before now.
Folklores are stories that appear to be timeless. Sometimes the characters are
animals that have human traits. These are called fables. There are also folklores
that have a hero or heroine, a search for a treasure and sometimes a trickstar.
The most well known trickstars in folklores are the tortoise, hare, spider and
coyote. So, folklores are stories that cover a variety of characters from human,
to animals, spirits and other supernatural beings.
3.2.2 The Communication Functions of Folklores

Folklores are stories that generally teach lessons about human traits.These
stories are basically meant for entertainment but they are more importantly, a
part of education (especially in early life), as the didactic morals implied by
them are inculcated as wisdom and discipline. Mede (1998:2) stated that
“folktales are actually part of Tiv [Benue State in Nigeria] mythology and
explain certain supernatural events and facts in life.” This may account for the
argument that folklores are vehicles for transmitting cultural information.
Folklore is also used as a vehicle for instruction, socialisation and education.
They are originally structured to entertain. It can be used to promote
development and acceptable behaviour in society.
Since children are allowed to participate by contributing to the lessons learnt

from the stories and children are encouraged to adhere to the positive sides
always. The folklore medium plays a very important role in the socialisation of
children in African communities because the medium is primarily used to
educate and inculcate the traditional social values into the children, apart from
entertaining them. For the old people, the folklore medium serve as means of
social control, especially in reinforcing the traditional values that have already
been acquired. Such traditional values include honesty, integrity, hardwork,
faithfulness, etc.
The importance of folklore lies in the fact that they are very effective means of
teaching moral and socialising the young into internalising the important
values and knowledge of the society because within stories, narrators can
infuse information on morals, condemn evil and commend goodness (Nwuneli,
1983).
Okonkwo (1924) quoted in Olusanya (1982:15) pointed out in his study that:
…folktales are used to teach morals, create amusement and laughter,
expose follies of people and extol the praise-worthy actions of others.
47
Some folktales, however, aim at entertaining people with music, while
others show …mythological beliefs.
The findings from Okonkwo (1924) show that, apart from being used for
didactic (teach values and moral lessons) purposes; folktales are also used for
entertainment and for propagating mythological beliefs. And since stories
(folktales) are hardly forgotten because of their narrative quality, folktales have
been easy ways of introducing new and acceptable ideas into the society
(Nwuneli, 1983). In this respect, mention must be made of the popular
moonlight gatherings which are dominated by folktales. Although anyone
could be a folktale teller, some are highly gifted and proficient in the art. They
know what is interesting and appropriate to an audience and have the gift to
make them exciting and sensational. They could be seen as perhaps the
prototypes of the modern news reporter.
Essentially, they are mainly used to teach morals and values as expected in any
given society. Although it appears that a deliberate instruction is more
important than occasional puppet performances, village festivals, or even the
ubiquitous exogenous channels of radio, television and schools; as well as
large part of our enculturation process which occurs through act or set of acts
performed by an individual to modify the behaviour of another individual to
induce habit formation. Deliberate instructions include both direct learning
(informal acts of teaching) and schooling (formalised institutional activities in
any given society). These include child rearing practices such as feeding, anal
control, and weaning, training during childhood and adolescence, as well as
traditional (often religious) schools, and instructions given by parents and other
older people as a child works and plays in the fields or at home. It continues
during adolescence and adulthood through initiation rites and other rites
during, apprenticeship arrangements and instructions given by indigenous
authorities. Despite the importance of deliberate instruction in enculturation
and information dissemination for didactic purposes as found commonly in
folklore, the issue is receiving little attention from communication scholars and
social development specialists, perhaps because of the influence of mass
media.
However, a greater percentage of folk stories that are commonly told to

children are those with themes that mainly encourage love for others
(especially between step brothers and non-kins), contentment, hard work and
respect for elders. There are also those meant to discourage greed, acts of
roguery, laziness, dereliction of duty and refusal to run errands especially for
elders. Traditional marriage institution especially reflects more on the evils of
jealousy engaged by rival wives in polygamous homes, war, endurance and
reward for patience.
48
3.2.3 Types of Folklore
In many parts of Africa, there are two types of folk stories. They are short
riddles and long stories normally told orally in the evenings.
a) Short Riddles (Alo apamo in Yoruba): One is the very short riddles which
are meant to test the intelligence and sense of logic of the audience, since
the audience is normally required to provide quick answers to riddles that
are thrown at them. A typical example of short riddle in Yoruba culture
goes thus:
Story teller: Story, Story
Response (all): Story
Story teller: It passes through the Oba’s palace without greeting the oba. What
is it?
Response (by one or all): Erosion.
Another example is this:

Story teller: Story, Story
Response (all): Story
Story teller: It always shares drink with the Oba. What is it?
Response (by one or all): Housefly.
b) Long Stories (Alo apagbe in Yoruba): Is that category of folk stories that
are usually long, and in which short but entertaining verses of songs are
injected in between stories. It is this category of folk stories that are didactic in
nature, because normally at the end of each story, the story teller usually says
what a particular story teaches the audience by saying: “this story teaches us to
do or not to do XYZ”.
4.0 CONCLUSION
Drawing from Nigeria the unit concludes that folkmedia are means of information
dissemination in African towns and villages and thus worthy of academic inquiry.
It also concludes that folklores are used to denote stories that reflect on simple
social situations, ordinary fears and desires of the people. This practice is carried
through the ordinary story telling usually held in the evenings after supper,
particularly when the moon is bright.
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit focused on folkmedia and folklores. It looked at the concepts of
folkmedia and folklore, their features and communication functions.It further
looked at the types of folklore.
49
i. What is folkmedia?
ii What is folklore?
6.0 TUTO-R MARKED ASSIGNMENT
i. What are the communication functions of folkmedia?
ii. What are the features of folklore?
iii. Discuss the communication functions of folklore.

Akpan, M. (1977) “Symbolism in the Communication Environment of the
Hornby, A.S. (2000) Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current English

(sixth edition) Oxford: Oxford University Press

Among the Tiv People” A Paper Presented at Applied Communication Seminar
Class to the Faculty of Arts, University of Ibadan, Oyo State, Nigeria, August
“Myth and Legend from Ancient Times to the Space Age”

http://www.pibburns.com/myth.htm Downloaded 28/3/06 P.1 Last Modified on
October 2, 2005

Olusanya, A. O. (1982) “Traditional Channels of Communication In Nigeria: A

Case Study of Efon Alaaye in Ondo State” An Unpublished B.Sc. Long Essay,
Submitted to the University of Lagos
Otasowie, A. B. (1981) “Communication and Transfer of Information in Non-

literate Society” A paper presented at FIDE/ET Technical and Business Meeting
Held at Ibadan, May

Communication Systems: A Conceptual Framework” in Ansu-Kyeremeh, K. (ed.)
(1984) Indigenous Communication in Africa: Theory and Application Vol.2
Legon, Ghana: School of Communication Studies Printing Press
50
UNIT 2: FOLKLORES - A SURVEY
CONTENT
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3.1 Some examples of folklores
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0. INTRODUCTION
This unit presents some examples of folklores drawn from some geopolitical zones
in Nigeria to enhance students’ understanding of folklores.
2.0. OBJECTIVES
• Have a better understanding of folklores across Nigerian geopolitical zones
• Learn lessons from the folklores surveyed
3.0 MAIN CONTENT

3.1 Some Examples of Folklores
This unit presents some folklores drawn mainly from Nigeria. Examples of
folktale motifs are stories depicting history, genealogy and tribal links, etc.
a) Tortoise and Crocodile

Once upon a time, Tortoise went on a stroll by a river bank. There he saw a
Crocodile. After the Crocodile had shaken his head, he told the tortoise that he
sympathised with him, because he (Crocodile) was very small. Tortoise said to
Crocodile: “Size of body is not the end of everything”. Crocodile asked Tortoise
what he could do to prove that size was not the end of everything. Tortoise told
Crocodile that in seven days’ time he should come out from his hole so that he
would show it.
Tortoise went home. At home he told his friends what had happened. He told them
that he would need their help. He showed them where they would stay and what
they would do.
On the seventh day Tortoise and his friends went out. Tortoise threw one end of a
rope into the water. He stretched out the other end of the rope and gave it to his
friends in the bush and he kept hold of the middle of the rope. Crocodile thought
that Tortoise alone was holding the other end of the rope. They started to pull the
52
rope. Because of Tortoise friends’ help in pulling the rope they drew the Crocodile
out of the water on to the land.
Then after the Tortoise had laughed heartily, he told Crocodile that what he said at
first that he was still saying it again: “Size is not the end of everything”.
b) The Race between the Tortoise and Antelope

Once upon a time, there was an Antelope who boosted to Tortoise that he could
beat him in running, because Tortoise’s legs were very short. Tortoise retorted to
Antelope: “Slow and steady wins the race”, and said he could surely beat him in a
race. As they continued to argue, each of them boasted about the race, and they
also agreed on the distance to be covered. After they had agreed, they started the
race.
Antelope ran a little and decided that it would rest a little, because Tortoise could
not run fast. As Antelope was resting, he fell asleep. Meanwhile, Tortoise came up
and ran past him and arrived at the place they agreed. When Antelope awoke from
sleep he started to run, but before he arrived at the place that was agreed, Tortoise
had already arrived. So Tortoise reminded the Antelope of what he had told him:
‘Slow and steady wins the race”. So Antelope begged him and told him that
another time he would not boast to him.
c) Why the Fowl Scratches the Ground

Here we are! So, it was in the Idu (Benin) Kingdom. The animal kingdom planned
some communal labour. They went to this labour and realised One Hundred
Pounds Sterling. Tortoise was elected to keep the money because he was the oldest
of all. They all agreed.
When the animals wanted that money, Tortoise brought out only fifty Pounds
Sterling. They all grew annoyed. Fowl volunteered to keep the money. He went
and dug the ground and buried the money.
When he was burying the money, Tortoise saw it. As soon as the Fowl went away,
Tortoise went and carried away the money. As fast as I can tell it, Tortoise
summoned a meeting of all the animals and asked Fowl to produce the money.
Fowl went to the spot he buried the money, but could not find it. The animals
pursued Fowl and said they would kill him. The Fowl flew up and pleaded that he
should be allowed to look for the money.
Fowl started scratching everywhere in search of the money. That is why the Fowl
scratches the ground. So I have gone and come back.
Chorus: Welcome!
53
d) It is not good to do Evil
There was a certain blind man. He begged for money that he used to food. There
was a certain rich man who had only one son. He lived with his father in their
quarters. One day, the blind man went to beg for money from the rich man.
At a certain period, the rich man became angry because of the troubles that the
blind man was giving him. He then wanted to get rid of the blind man and his
troubles.
One fine morning, that same blind man went into the house of that rich man. That
rich man then went and caught a snake, put it in a bag, and gave it to the blind
man. The rich man told him that he should not untie it until he reached home.
The blind man took hold of the bag and went away. He had not gone far when the
son of that rich man saw him, and told him to bring the bag so that he would see
what his father gave him. The boy put his hand inside the bag. That snake bit him.
The child fell down and died. They cried out to the father. He began to cry but
what would happen had already happened.
This shows that it is not good to do evils.
e) Why the Cock Crows Early in the Morning

In the early days of our forefathers in the animal kingdom, dignity and discipline
were very important. One day, before sunset the king of all animal kingdom, the
Lion, called for the meeting of all animals in his kingdom including the Elephant.
Some of the animals who attended the meeting include, tortoise, all the birds,
rabbits, snakes, dogs, goats and even the reptiles were in attendance.
The lion who was their host opened the discussion by stating the reason for such
an important meeting. According to him the reason for the gathering was to inform
all the animal of new development of appointing or awarding the most disciplined
in the kingdom. In his word “from now on, am announcing to you that we shall be
monitoring time in everything we do and one out of all of us will be chosen for the
award,” the lion said. With that, the meeting was concluded and the entire animal
returned to their homes.
The next morning every animal woke up with various identities to indicate to
others that they are already awake. While the fishes in the water were jumping
excitedly, the rats were screaming, the birds were singing and flying all around,
the cocks were crowing very loudly and their voices were also waking most of the
animals.
54
In the next meeting the award was given to the cocks since they were always the
first to be heard. And since then, cocks took it as their duty to wake animals and
human beings in the morning and the interval in which they crow determines the
time of the day. And till date, the crowing of cocks is used in our villages to wake
and determine the time of the day.
SOUTH SOUTH
Kalabari/Bonny/Ahoada (Rivers & Bayelsa States)
YA NNUNU (ROBIRD) CHEST IS RED
f) Why the Robin Bird Has Red Chest
A long time ago, when spirits moved about on earth and interacted with humans,
there lived a woman of much riches. She had everything she needed except a
child. Her name was Ama. Ama was a very kind woman who was generous to
both the spirits and human alike. Ama traded in mmanu ofo (red palm oil).
Everyday she went to her igbe, a special pot of palm oil of the smoothest and
finest variety. She prayed to the spirits to grant her a daughter with qualities like
the palm oil whom she would cherish and love.
One day, Ama hurryed up to meet the canoe that would take her to the neighboring
weekly market, Ama left her house with the chores undone. Coming back later
that night, she found out that the chores had been done and wood chopped down
for her. Surprised Ama entered the house first pouring a libation to the gods for
their help. Each day for the next days she went to the big market, Ama would
come and find her house clean and tidy. Curiosity took hold of her one day and
she decided to pretend to leave home and go through the bush to see what
happened in her absence.
That particular morning, she left home and went to her prepared spot in the bush to
see what happened. As she watched, she noticed the oil in her igbe flow out to
form a very beautiful girl with shin as smooth as her oil in her igbe and hair
flowing like the palm oil being poured out. As the girl formed from the oil she
started singing;
Mother mother I will do anything for you

Nne nne a mee meloo obi
Uma bu kee di mbge afu nwoke I will be better than a son
Nne, nne, a fu n’anya mu Mother mother I love you so much and will
stay
Ike kwe fu ni anya mu If only you will accept me as I am
Futa abugbo futa na nya aka nne Come out maidens come out and help my
mu mother
Suo akwa suo eferi zaa uluo pee Wash the clothes wash the plates sweep the
nku house chop chop the wood
55
Nye nne akaa tepu nne lotaa Help mother out before she returns
At these words, seven other girls jumped out of the pot and started doing all that
the girl had said in her song. When they finished their work, they entered back into
the pot. Ama was surprised and then decided to watch them for sometime. After
three days of her watching them, she decided to catch one of them. On that day, as
the girls were working Ama sprang out of her hiding place and grabbed one of
them. As she did so, the rest of the girls returned to the pot. Surprisingly, she had
grabbed their leader. Ama pleaded with her to stay. The girl agreed under one
condition: that she would never ask her to go near the fire. Ama agreed and named
the girl Ayanate, meaning “I have got my heart’s desire”.
Ama and her daughter lived together happily for a very long time. To make sure
her daughter never went near the fireplace, Ama brought a house slave by the
name Fefaa to do the cooking. Fefaa was very jealous of Ayanate and always
taunted her about her inability to cook. Ayanate never minded as she got
satisfaction from always pleasing her mother in other ways around the house.
Time came round again for the weekly market and Ama had to travel for a week.
After biding her daughter farewell and warning Fefaa not to let her daughter near
fire, Ama left. As the week ran by, it was suddenly time for Ama to return. Fefaa,
planning to know the reason why Ayanate was not allowed near the fire told her
lies that her mother did not love her because she had never cooked for her.
Ayanate felt bad and decided to surprise her mother. Not knowing how to start a
fire, she used some wet wood Fefaa had purposely left lying around. As she blew
on the wood, smoke entered her eyes and she unknowingly came closer to the fire.
Suddenly, the wood burst into flames and caught her. As she started melting,
because she was made of oil she spotted a little white chested bird. She then
started to sing:
Little bird tell my mother

Anya nnunu gwa nne
Afu a jie laa Tell her that I have gone back
Gua nne zie tua oma Tell her that just to please her
A nwaa oku I dared the fire and broke our promise
Kwaa mee nne kwe gi Little bird to make her believe you
Abuba gii ngidi na ofe igbo na zi Dip your chest into the oil and show her the
nne proof
With this word she melted, caught fire and burnt down the house with Fefaa in it.
The little bird dipped his chest in the oil and flew off to fine Ama. Meanwhile,
Ama was resting in the forest under a mangrove tree when she noticed a bird
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singing. The song sounded so beautiful and sad that she went closer to listen. On
her getting closer, she heard these words:
Mother your precious oil has melted into

Nne nne ngi ofe igbe jie delie nothing.
Nne nne ada ada ulo o lolaa Mother your precious daughter has gone.
Oku jie cii oru nwanyi Fire has taken away your handmaid who
loves you.
Kwaa mee nne kwe mu Because she wanted to please you, she did
what would make you happy but broke your
promise. To make you believe, she sent me
to inform you.
A abuba gii ngidi na ofe igbo na zi See I dipped my chest into the oil to show
me you that I tell you what she told me to tell
you.
At this point Ama started crying for her lost daughter. To always keep her
daughter in human memory she told the bird, “eri okpu gig a buo iu debe oru
nwanyi nceta” meaning” from this day to time immemorial, you will carry this
mark on your chest to keep my daughter alive.” At these words Ama entered the
bush and was never seen or heard from again.
That is why the robin bird has a red chest and is not afraid of humans, but wakes
us up with that beautiful song about Ama’s daughter, Ayanate.
g) The Cunning Leopard (from Itsekiri, Delta State)

In Itsekiri land the story is told of a leopard that is very cunning in nature. It
deceives little children from their homes by being friendly with them and lead
them into a false sense of security before eating them up. So it is said that a
leopard does not change its spot, as an analogy children are warned against a bad
friendly personality.
h) The Tortoise and the King’s Daughter (Isoko, Delta State)

This folklore is something about a certain king. The king has a daughter who was
dumb. The girl’s name was “Onome”.
The king did all he could to make his daughter speak. All that he did was to no
avail. So, he did not keep the girl in the town, he sent her away.
The Tortoise, of thousand cunning tricks, came to the king and said to him, “what
will you give me to make your child speak? I will divide my house into two
halves, said the king. And I will give you one half.
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The bald headed left went and brought a bottle of honey, and came to the bush,
where the girl was living. He put the honey on the ground and went and hid
himself.
The girl came and saw the bottle of honey and put out her hand to it. Tortoise
came out of his hiding place. He went behind the girl, and gave her a slap, crying,
“thief!” So it is you who steal my honey? “I”, said the young girl. “I have stolen
your honey to eat? I?”
Then tortoise, the crafty, tied her with a rope, and sang:
“Onome stole honey to eat;
Kayin, Kayin
Onome is a cunning cheat;
Kayin, Kayin
Onome is a shameless thief;
Kayin, Kayin
When the tortoise sung this, the young girl sang:-
“Into the wood of the elephant I went with the elephant”
Kayin, Kayin
“Into the wood of the buffalo I went with the buffalo”
Kayin, Kayin
“And the tortoise has come to accuse me of stealing honey”
Kayin, Kayin
Tortoise, the mischievous, creature led the yound girl back to the town. He was
singing his song, and she was answering with her song. In this manner they arrived
before the king, who cried out with astonishment, “my daughter, who has never
been heard to speak, speaks today!”
The king divided his palace in to two, and gave one half to tortoise, the bald-
headed elf.
That is how tortoise, succeeds in everything by tricks.
i) A Beautiful Bride (From Ika in Delta State)

Once upon a time, there lived a beautiful girl in a village. She was a rare gem,
possessing an exquisite beauty, unsurpassed by any one throughout the world.
Even in the palaces, there was none like her. She became an attraction to all young
men and the envy to her lady counterparts everywhere.
Seven suitors came one after the other to marry her. The first came from a far
country carrying precious gifts to entice her into marriage. When she came out to
see the suitor, she hissed and said “I thought he was tall and lanky and light
complexioned”. So, she turned her back at him. Later a future bird perched on a
tree in the family compound and song.
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Lucy o samara
Lucy o samara
Onye hoka di-o samara
O ho kuru eko fia samara
Ekofia lu-ku, lu-eke samara
Isi ekwene de-lue samara
Lucy o samara
Interpretation
Lucy-o be careful
Lucy-o be careful;
When one is so seductive over beauty in marriage, be careful. Then one
would marry a bush python (snake) be careful
And when one marries a bush python, be careful
The bush python would swallow your leg, hand and whole body. Be
careful. It may not be able to swallow the head, be careful
Lucy o be careful
The girl paid deaf ears to the bird’s song. The next suitor came, carrying two
heads, four eyes, tall lanky but dark in complexion. He also brought great gifts to
add to his physical features to entice this young lady. She came out to see this
great gentle man but said “I thought he was a light complexioned man with hair
coiled and eye ebony”. So she refused the man.
The bird sang the same song but the girl was not moved. The next was one of the
palace chiefs. The preparation of this man was unsurpassed and so came elegantly
before the lady, thinking that he would succeed. But the lady treated this man with
disdain. The bird sang but to no avail.
That was how they were all (suitors) treated until the Ogiso (king) of the village
decided to send his son to attend to this girl as the sixth suitor. It was a rude shock
to both the Ogiso (king) and his son as this girl still turned down their request. The
bird sang and sang in tears the same song but the girl was not moved.
The girl rejected the suitors for onereason or the other of unsatisfactory
handsomeness. It was just difficult to find a man to posses all the features the girl
was looking for.
One day, a python decided to go and take his turn. He had noted all the qualities
the girl required. He went to the tortoise to obtain information and advice. So, he
borrowed the qualities required by the girl. As he was going, he began to collect
the qualities-complexion, eyes, hair, cap, shoes, white dress, leg, hand, head, etc.
He went with a band of young men and ladies with beautiful music and dance.
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As soon as the lady heard the music and dance, she was moved. She came out to
see the seventh suitor and she was highly elated. She ran out to hug him and said
“this is my husband.” The bird sang and sang throughout the marriage ceremony
the same song.
Eventually, the ceremony ended and she was being escorted to the man’s house.
After they had covered a long distance, night set in. As they were going the band
of musicians retired to their homes, leaving the couple on their journey. Soon, the
python began to retire the qualities he borrowed. As soon as he had given out the
last item, he became a large snake and the girl remembered the song of the bird.
True to type, the python got hold of the girl to swallow her. He swallowed the
legs, waist, chest, hand but the head was difficult for him to swallow. As he was
resting to get head completely swallowed in the next effort, a hunter heard the
crying of the girl, rehearsing the song of the bird in tears. The hunter wasted no
time, he fired the python. Though he killed the python, the bullets scattered the
body of the girl. So she suffered paralyses, remained unmarried and miserable
until she died.
j) Jealousy (From the Benin Kingdom in Edo State)

Ogho kha o kha
Story story-story time
Long time ago in the village of Egho, there lived a man called Ojo who had a wife
and five (5) children. One day Ojo told his wife, called Osomote, that he wanted to
marry another wife.
Ojo’s wife was very sad about the news and decided to go on a mission to stop
her husband from marrying another wife. And what Ojo’s wife did was to always
go to the farm before Ojo and disguised herself in form of a spirit and she would
start singing that:
Ojo oo koro ojo
U gka ri o okoro okpa
U kha Ni karo jo
An Ina kho gha rio okoso era
U a wo koro jo
Ojo oo
Ojo koro jo
SOUTH EAST
k) Ewi Na Mbe: Igbo Folklore (From Abia/Anambra/Imo States)
Otu mgbe Ewi Na Mbe ekwekorita na ha ga na-ezi onwe ha oku. Mbe eburu uzo
zie ewi. O wee kpokolata ntu, were une na-ato ririri gwokota ya. Mgbe ewi biara
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n’ulo ya, o were ihe ahu na-ato ririri Nye ya. Ewi emetu ya onu tie Na o togbuo
ya, wee juo Mbe ebe o siri nweta ihe uto nke a. Mbe si ya nay a rechapuru oba ji
Na Ede ya oku, wee rachatu ntu ya o wee na-ato out a. ya mere ya jirizie ya bia
soro ya ritu ya.
Ewi ekelee ya, wee gbara oso laa n’ulo ya si nwunye ya weta oku. Ha wee rechapu
oba ji Na ede ya.Mgbe Ewi meturu ya onu, o luo ya ilu.O wee mata Na Mbe
aghogbuola ya.Ya na nwunyeya wee bebe akwa sin a ji na ede ha agwuchaala.Na
aguu ga- aguabu ha.
Mgbe Ewi kwadochara,o zie Mbe ya bia n”ulo ya.o si nwunye ya na o buru na o
sichaa ofe,mgbe o juru oyi,ka o were ya tuba n”ofe ahu.O buru na mbe abia,ka o si
ya na ya puru apu. Nwunye Ewi wee mee etu di ya siri gwa ya.Mgbe Mbe biara,o
wee tinyere na nri.Mbe wee ritu ofe ahu o too ya anu Ewi.O wee rachasia ofe oso
oso were aka ya gaa n”okpukpo oku iga kuru ofe,wee hue be ewi sere n”elu ofe.O
dapu n”ochi.O welite eku iji kuru ofe,Ewi agbaa tikatika,wee fejuo Mbe ofe
n”anya. Mbe adapu wee na-echicha ose di ya n”anya.Ewi emee oso oso, ghuchasia
ahu ya wee gbafeta, na-aju Mbe ihe mere ya. Mbe atupughiri ya onu, wee wre oke
iwe labaa n”ulo ya.
Mbge oge gaturu, Mbe weekpoo Anum nwunye ya sin a ha ga-ezi Ewi oku ozo.O
gwakwa ya ka o tee ofe, mgbe ofe ahu na-asu asu, ka o buru ya tunye n”ime ite ofe
ahu.Na mgbe Ewi biara, ka o gwa ya nay a puru apu.
Anum wee mee etu Mbe siri gwa ya wee tunye Mbe n”ofe na-asu asu.Mbe wee
tikuo Anum si ya guputa ya.Anum wee guputa ya.Mbe wee tie ya ihe si ya o buru
na ya asi ya guputa ya ozo ya ekwela.Mgbe ofe subara ozo, Anum eburu Mbe
tunye n”ofe, oku erebe Mbe, o tie mkpu ozo si A num guputa ya ma Anum
gbachiri ya nkiti were eku bidosie ya ike etu o siri gwa ya na mbu.Mgbe ofe ghere,
Anum afotu ya.
Nwantiti oge Ewi abia be Mbe juo ese Mbe,Anum agwa ya na Mbe puru apu.O
wee tinyere Ewi nri, Ewi eritu nri ahu nu uto Mbe,wee ritekwa iberibe anu Mbe.O
kwee n”isi.Mgbe ofe ya gwuru o gaa n”okpukpo oku ka o kurukwa ofe,hue be
okpokoro Mbesere n”elu ofe.Ewi wee guputa Mbe boo anu ya,nyetukwa
Anum.Ma Anum amaaghi na o bu anu di ya wee rie.Mgbe Ewi rijuru afo ya,o
kpoo Anum si ya gaa kpoo di ya ebe o no.Anum gbara gaa n”ite ofe huzie ebe
okpokoro Mbe togbo n”ala,wee dapu bebe akwa.
Ewi si ya Na onye aghugho nwuo, onye aghugho elie ya, Wee tuturu
mkpo ya laa n”ulo ya.
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Translation of Ewi Na Mbe: The Rabbit and Tortoise (From
Abia/Anambra/Imo States)
Once upon a time, the Rabbit and the Tortoise had an agreement to be inviting
each other to their respective houses. The tortoise first invited the rabbit. The
tortoise gathered ashes together and mixed it with a sweetener that sweetened it
so much.
When rabbit visited the tortoise, the tortoise presented the sweetened mixed
ashes and asked the rabbit to taste it. When the rabbit tasted it, the rabbit said
that it was so sweet and asked tortoise where he got such thing that was so
sweet. The.tortoise told the rabbit that he burnt the whole barn of his yam and
cocoa yam with fire and tasted the ashes and that it was so sweet and that was
why he invited rabbit to join in the eating of the ashes.
The rabbit thanked the tortoise and quickly ran back to his house and asked his
wife to bring fire, and the two of them burnt their barns of yam and cocoayam
totally. When rabbit tasted the ashes from the burnt barns it tasted so bitter.
The rabbit then realized that tortoise had deceived them and both rabbit and his
wife started crying, saying that all their yam and cocoayam have finished and
that they would die of hunger.
When the rabbit finished preparing, he invited the tortoise to his house. The
rabbit asked his wife to put him (rabbit) inside her soup pot after cooking the
soup and leaving it to cool, and that when tortoise would come, she should tell
the tortoise that he the rabbit was not in the house. The rabbit’s wife did as her
husband instructed her.
When the tortoise came, the wife of the rabbit asked him to take a meal. The
Tortoise said alright and asked of the husband-rabbit and the wife replied that
rabbit went out.
Tortoise tasted the soup and it tasted like the soup cooked with rabbit meat.
The tortoise quickly finished the soup and went to the fire place to take more
soup from the soup pot. On his getting there, the tortoise looked inside the soup
pot and saw rabbit inside and the tortoise started laughing. When the tortoise
wanted to scoop out some soup from the pot, the rabbit shook himself off and
started cleaning the peppry soup from his eyes.The rabbit quickly went and
washed himself and ran to ask the tortoise what happened to him. The
tortoise did not reply the rabbit, but quickly left for his house with annoyance.
After some time had passed, the tortoise called Anum, the wife and told her that
they would invite the rabbit again.Tortoise then told the wife to drop him into
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the soup too while it was hot and boiling and that when the rabbit would come,
she should tell rabbit that he-(tortoise) was not in the house.
Anum the wife of tortoise, did as the husband –tortoise instructed her and
carried tortoise and dropped him into the boiling soup. Tortoise cried out to
Anum-the wife too quickly to bring him out from the hot soup and Anum, the
wife, brought him out. The tortoise beat Anum and instructed her that if he-
tortoise cried to her to bring him out again, she should not obey.
When the soup started boiling again, Anum the wife, of the tortoise carried
tortoise and dropped him inside the boiling soup and it started burning tortoise
and tortoise cried out again that Anum, the wife, should bring him out quickly,
but Anum did not listen to him. Instead she used the soup spoon to press
tortoise strongly inside the soup pot as the tortoise instructed her initially.
When the soup was finally cooked, Anum – the tortoise-wife brought it down
from the fire.
After a short while, the rabbit came to tortoise house and asked after the
tortoise. Anum told the rabbit that tortoise went out. Anum then dished out
some food for the rabbit to eat. When rabbit ate the food, for a while, it
observed that the food was having the taste of tortoise meat. The rabbit shook
his head and when his soup finished, the rabbit went to the fire place to take
more soup, and looking into the soup pot he saw the shell of tortoise afloat on
the soup. The rabbit then brought out the tortoise and shared the meat and gave
some pieces of the meat to Anum – the wife of the tortoise to eat and Anum ,
not knowing that it was the husband’s body (meat) ate it.
After the rabbit had got so full and satisfied, he called Anum and asked her to
go and call the husband – the tortoise from where he was. Anum ran to the
soup pot and saw the shell of tortoise on the ground. Anum started crying. The
rabbit then told her that if a trickster dies, a trickster will bury him. “Cunning
man die, cumming man will bury him”. The rabbit took his walking stick and
went back to his house.
SOUTH WEST
l) Tortoise and Squirrel (A Folklore from Ekiti State)
The tortoise and the squirrel were very close friends. They were both rich. The
tortoise and the squirrel used to visit each other. One day, as they were both
walking down a street in their village, they sighted a beautiful girl. The tortoise
told the squirrel that he will marry the beautiful girl. The squirrel countered by
telling tortoise that he would marry the beautiful girl. This caused tension between
them so much that they ceased to be friends.
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m) The Strength of Wisdom (A Folklore from Osun State)
One day the tortoise decided to take a stroll after having a cool drink of palm wine.
As he walked along a narrow track road, he came face-to-face with the elephant.
“Out of my way! You puny little ant!” the elephant said.
“Ajanaku, address me with my due respect. Your pompous nature has gone into
your head” said the tortoise.
“Humph! Said Ajanaku, the elephant and stamped his great foot on the ground
with a loud thud.
“Don’t you know I’m the strongest animal in the whole kingdom?
Respect my foot” said Ajanaku.
“A very fat animal yes, but are you the strongest? I doubt that very much” said the
tortoise. With that the elephant uprooted a big tree and threw it far. “Do you still
doubt my strength or do I have to tear the whole forest for you to see? He asked.
“No, not that, that will only display brawns and not brains. I hereby challenge you
to a tug of war by noon tomorrow. Call every one you know to witness your
defeat. If you can pull me the little hill beside the river, then you are indeed as
powerful as you claim to be”.
“I accept,” boomed the elephant “I will not only pull you down, I will hurl you a
hundred miles!” He proclaimed as he walked away.
Now, the tortoise started thinking “oh my! What have I gotten myself into? My
big mouth and me! How do I hope to win a tug of war with Ajanaku? I must have
taken too much palmwine and it started to make me run my mouth!” I better drink
some water to clear my head before I run into more trouble.” So the tortoise
stopped by the river side to get a cool drink to clear his head. Suddenly, a loud
splash and all the water turned muddy “who is that misbred nuisance” can’t you
see I’m trying to take a drink? The tortoise shouted.
“Ha! Ha!! Ha!!! Bald old tortoise! Can’t you see I’m trying to take a swim? It is I,
Erinokun the hippopotamus I own part of the river. So, I have all the right!” The
hippo said.
“Will you stop splashing about you big-for-nothing buffon before I get mad at
you!” the tortoise said.
“Ha! Ha!! You will have to drag me out for that and as you can see, that is
impossibility!”
Now an idea clicked in tortoise’s mind and he said, okay then tomorrow by noon, I
will come with a rope and I will drag you and if I don’t then, I owe you an
apology.
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I will be waiting but mind you, no hippo had ever been dragged out of the river, I
would rather drag you in!. Erinokun said as it swam on.
The next day, the tortoise got two very strong ropes and waited for Ajanaku just
down the little hill by the river-side Ajanaku came strolling down amidst cheers
from other animals who had gathered to watch.
The tortoise gave Ajanaku one end of a rope and told him I will go over on hill
with the other end and if you hear ‘pull’ you better pull with all your might or
else!.
“Or else what? You pull me up? Insult! Give me the rope and when you are ready
tell me”.
The tortoise now went over the hill the other side and called out to hippo
“Erinokun, I’m ready for the challenge Erinokun raised his head from the water
and caught the rope the tortoise threw at him with his mouth. I will go on top of
the hill and when I shout ‘pull’ you can pull me down the hill”.
So, the tortoise went up the hill this time and tied the two ropes together, he hid
behind a rock and shouted ‘PULL!!’.
The two beasts heard him and start pulling. At first they only gave the rope a little
tug, then when they knew it wouldn’t budge, they gave a little heave. When that
didn’t work, they started pulling and even tried walking backwards. In no time,
Ajanaku the elephant started sweating while Erinokun, the hippo, was snorting.
They both exerted themselves while the tortoise was eating kolanuts behind the
rock he was hiding. They pulled and pulled. After a long time, the elephant gave
up his pride and said “Enough!” he threw down the rope and stomped away in
disgrace, the tortoise now went to the hippo and said “Oh! I see I can’t pull you
out of the water so from now on I will take my drink down the river”.
“No! no, tortoise you,ve earned my respect I now see you are a strong one and I
apologize for my rudeness. You have the freedom to drink from here whenever
you please my friend.”
So the tortoise walked away feeling ten times taller and he said to himself “Really
there is strength in wisdom!.”
n) How the Vulture Became Bald (Folklore from Ogun State)

In time immemorial, there was a severe famine in heaven and on earth. It was so
great and biting that the God, (Eledumare) of heaven and earth, went hunting on a
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particular occasion just to sustain their lives! After a harrowing experience and
long search in the bush, they killed a bush rat. A fierce argument ensued when the
game was to be shared between God (Eledumare) and the earth on the issue of
who was the elder or the younger of the two. After a long and temper-raising
argument, God left for his abode (Heaven) in annoyance and threatened to deal
with the earth. Almost immediately, the seasons were altered. Rain ceased from
falling, and as a result there was no harvest: no yam, no maize, no farm produce at
all.
The famine became more severe. This worrisome development made the elders
call an all-important meeting to save human beings and animals. An Ifa Priest (a
herbalist [babalawo]) was consulted. The babalawo after divination told them of
the consequence of the feud between the earth and God over superiority and said
that only a sacrifice to God of Heaven would suffice and restore normalcy.
Immediately, they swung into action and consulted with flight animals (birds) to
take the sacrifice to God of heavens. After several trails, which failed by different
birds, the vulture volunteered to do the task. He (the vulture) asked the other
animals and birds especially to build his house so that when the sacrifice appeals
to Eledumare and he decides to restore rain, he (vulture) would find a residence to
retire into. But the others were either skeptical or indifferent to vulture’s request
because they never believed he would be successful in that task.
On getting to Eledumare who readily accepted the sacrifice, the vulture was given
a sack meant to restore rainfall. He was instructed to open the sack shortly before
he touches down on the earth. No sooner had the vulture left the presence of
Eledumare than rain started gathering. In no time, the heavens were black ready to
give rain to the much awaiting inhabitants of the earth. Meanwhile, others on earth
had abandoned the request of the vulture, their saviour. He landed on the earth,
carried out the instruction and a heavy down pour of rain followed. Sadly though,
there was no abode for the vulture to keep himself from rain. Wherever he turned,
the ungrateful and wicked inhabitants rejected him! Fellow birds treated him
worse; they pecked his head until he became bald. The rain stopped after a long
time, the vulture was left to his fate.
Afterwards, the vulture was treated divinely by Eledumare but regrettably he had
lost all the hair on his head because of the evil treatment meted out to him by
follow birds! Thus, he (the vulture) has remained ever bald!
o) The Tortoise and the King’s Daughter (Folklore from Oyo State)
In a small village of lbereko, the king of that village wanted to give out his only
daughter in marriage to any man who is brave and strong. In the quest to get a
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strong and brave man for his daughter, the king called his chiefs together so as to
give him idea on how to find a strong and brave man for his daughter. After the
meeting, conclusion was reached that whoever can drink hot water before his cold
will be the one to marry the king’s daughter. The king then called all the villagers
to his palace. When they all gathered, he told them the reasons for calling the
gathering. No one could stand the test, tortoise then voiced out from the crowd
saying “I can do it” he came out. When he came out, they gave him the hot water,
he collected it, showed the king and other chiefs present. His reason for doing this
was to make sure that the water could get cool off before he eventually drinks it.
That is how tortoise married the king’s daughter.
p) How the Tortoise Deceived the Dogs (Lagos State)

“Once upon a time, the lion wanted two strong animals to look after his two bags
of pepper. Two dogs said that they were able to do the work. “We dogs don’t sleep
like other animals. The slightest noise wakes us up. Also, we can run fast and that
is why hunters take us with them to hunt.’ The dogs said.
“I’ll pay you, the lion said, if the bags of pepper are safe. But I’ll hang both of you
if my bags of pepper are stolen. The elephant and the tiger are my witnesses. We
are going away this morning and we will come back in the evening. I will pay you
when I return in the evening. Elephant and tiger let us go.”
“The tortoise wanted to remove the bags of the pepper from the lion’s house. The
tortoise knew that the lion, the tiger and the elephant would look after the bags of
pepper in the lion’s house. The tortoise knew that dogs like bones very much. He
went and collected two large, juicy bones. He carried the bones in a big bag and
went to the lion’s house. But before he reached the lion’s house, the two dogs
barked at him. The tortoise said to the dogs, ‘you dogs! I was sent by the lion to
give you these bones. Go to that corner and have you lunch. I’ll bring some water
later!’
“The dogs went to the corner which the tortoise showed them and began to eat the
bones. The tortoise had friends who came to remove the two bags of pepper.
While the tortoise was giving some water to the dogs, his friends carried away the
two bags of pepper.
“The dogs were still busy with the bones when the lion and his friends returned.
‘where are the dogs?” the lion asked. ‘The whole place is quiet. Ah! Where are my
bags of pepper? Where are you, dogs?
“That is the lion’s voice,” the two dogs said. They rushed to the place where the
two bags of pepper were kept, but they did not find the bags of pepper. They found
instead the lion, the tiger and the elephant, who were looking very angry indeed.
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‘Who has carried away my bags of pepper”’ the lion asked the dogs. ‘No person
entered here. Only the tortoise came and gave us bones you sent to us. He did not
go near to the bags of pepper, the dogs replied. ‘You see, the lion started, ‘how the
tortoise deceived the dogs and carried away my bags of pepper.’
“Since then dogs in our homes don’t take any chances. They bark at strange faces
and sometimes catch thieves or dangerous people. Here ends my story.”
NORTH CENTRAL
q) The Crocodile (Onye) and Cat Fish Iganakwu (Folklore from Igala, Kogi
State)
Once upon a time in the animal kingdom far into the sea, there lived a cat fish
called (Iganakwu) in Igala language and a crocodile called (Onye). The cat fish
(Iganakwu) has a lovely wife called Madibe. He loved his wife so much that he
could not leave her for a second. Once there was a message from the palace that
the king wanted to see him and he should come immediately. He then dressed and
follow the messenger on getting to the palace, the king told him that he should go
and represent him in a meeting in another kingdom since he was most bold, strong
and does not fear anybody. He then accepted the invitation and left but sent a
message across to his wife that he had gone on an errand that he would be back in
five days.
On the third day, Madibe went to the market to buy some food items. On her way
back to the house she met crocodile on the way and he asked where she was
coming from. She told him that she was on her way to the house that she was
coming from market. He asked her out for dinner later in the day, but she turned
him down. In annoyance crocodile ate Madibe.
When her husband came back from his trip he went home straight to see his wife
but could not find her. He then went to the king’s palace and briefed him the
outcome of the meeting he was sent to and then tabled his wife’s absence to the
king. Meanwhile, on his way going to the king’s palace, he met some animals on
the road and inquired about his wife and they told him that the crocodile had taken
her for some days and the song goes like this:
Anaje e li Madibe Pele Tortoise have you seen my wife Madibe

Medibe oya ENE de Pele Madibe wife of whom
Madibe oya Iganakwu Pele Madibe wife of Iganakwu response
Madibe oya Iganakwu Madibe wife of Iganakwu
KO onye Te Te du that the crocodile had eaten for a long time and
is not Coming back
Ko onye te te du ki ma du wa pele
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Igbi e li Madibe pele
Madibe oya ene de pele
Response
Madibe oya iganakwu ko onye te te du
Ko onye te te du ki ma du wa pele
When he came face to face with the crocodile he then asked him
Onye e li Madibe Pele crocodile have you seen Madibe
Madibe oya ENE de Pele Madibe wife of whom
Madibe oya Iganakwu Pele Madibe wife of Iganakwu
Response
Madibe oya Iganakwu ko mi te te du Madibe wife of Iganakwu
That I have eaten up and is not coming Back
Ko mi te te du ki ma wa pele
The crocodile believed that he was so strong, big and wise that the fish could not
do anything to him. They now challenged him that he must bring back his
wife.That if he did not he would not let him leave that place. By so doing, the
crocodile now said that the fish wanted to join his wife, as he opened his mouth to
eat him, the fish then rolled himself and the crocodile swallowed him. When he
swallowed him, the fish then spread his entire fin and it hooked the crocodile in
the throat and that was his end. The crocodile then died. The fish revenged his
wife’s death.
4.0 CONCLUSION
The examples of folklores from different parts of Nigeria presented above reveal
that folklore touches every aspect of life. They are stories of war, great men and
events, religious happenings and natural phenomena.
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit zeroed in on folklore. It presented some examples of folklore drawing
from some geopolitical zones in Nigeria. It is believed that it would enhance
students understanding folklore.
i. Write down the lessons learnt from two folklore presented in this unit.
6.0 TUTOR-MARKED ASSIGNMENT
i. Drawing from your culture, write two folklores
69
ii. What are the lessons in two folklores you have written?

– 14 September at Emu-Obodoeti, Ndokwa West Local Government Area of Delta
State
One Hundred Level Students (Full/Part Time), Department of Mass

Communication, University of Lagos 2005/2006 Session.
70
UNIT 3: PROVERBS AND PARABLES
CONTENT
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3.1 Proverbs and Parables
3.2 The Features of Proverbs and Parables
3.3 The Communication Functions of Proverbs and Parables
3.4 The Differences and Similaities between Proverbs and Parables
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit focuses on proverbs and parables. It delves into the features and
communication functions.
2.0 OBJECTIVES

• Define proverbs and parables
• Discuss the features of proverbs and parables
• Discuss the communication functions of proverbs and parables
• Dicuss that differences and similarities between proverbs and parables
3.0. MAIN CONTENT

3.1 Proverbs (Anzaakan in Tiv; Atutu-Inu in Ukwuani; and Ilu in Ibo) and
Parables
Oreh (1980) stated that proverbs, riddles and narratives are modes of
communication in African societies. These, he said, may talk of daily events,
myths, folktales and legends. Proverbs are witty sayings said in verse, prose or
song that are meant to deliver strong messages. They communicate time tested
truths abouth human endeavours, life situations, morals and values. So, proverbs
are apt sayings, linguistic expressions meant to heighten or embellish one’s
manner of expression. According to Babs (1974), quoted in Mede (1998:2),
proverbs are used to “bring out clearly, the meaning of obscure points in
conversations and arguments”
They are indirect modes of communication which is yet more effective than direct
speech. Knowledge of proverbs is a sign of wisdom and is a preserve of the old
71
although close association with elders can enable youths acquire such knowledge.
Akpan (1977) also added that proverbs are in addition loaded with morals.
A parable (comparison or similitude) is “a short story that teaches a moral or

spiritual lesson, especially one of those told by Jesus as recorded in the
Bible.” (Hornby, 2000:845). Essentially, it is a brief, succinct story, in prose or
verse that is told to illustrate a religious, moral or philosophical idea in rhetoric.
The Greeks originally gave the name parable to any fictive illustration introduced
in the form of a brief narrative. It later transformed to mean a fictitious narrative or
allegory by which moral or spititual relations are typically set forth. From a
linguistic perpective, it may be defined as a designed use of language, purposely
intended to convey a hidden and secret meaning other than that coined in the
words themselves, and which may, or may not bear a special reference to the
hearer or reader.
A parable describes how the decision event occurs when the listener see
juxtaposition of parabolic content with their own contemporary self understanding.
The purpose of a parable is to strengthen people’s spiritual understanding by
presenting what we believ in in the language of what we know to confirm both our
belifes and knowledge.
So, a parable is a fictious story from which a moral or spiritual truth may be drawn
and from the above definition, the origin of parable might be traced to Christianity
or the Greeks.
3.2 The Features of Proverbs and Parables

A proverb is a tool used in public speaking. Akpan (1977) asserted that proverbs
are used mostly among elderly persons in the village, and that it is a restrictive
form of communication because only people who share a common frame of
reference can decode the messages in proverbs.
Proverbs are tied to culture and exist in more many cultures.Proverbs have
intricate meanings, which can only be decoded by people who are well versed in
the language with which it is spoken. The use of proverbs in communication is
largely confined to elders in communities, rather than the young ones. In order to
be able to decode the meanings which are embedded in proverbs, one must have a
thorough knowledge of the language with which it is spoken.
There are different types of proverbs and for whom they are meant to address their
issues. There are those that address male issues, female issues, or both. Others are
for children’s, youth’s and the mature or elderly people’s issues in the
communities.
72
The features of parables include following:
• It is the simplest form of narrative; sketches a setting, and describes an action
and its results. It often involves a character facing a moral delimma, or making
a queatinable decision and then suffering the consequences of that choice
• It involves placing two, at least, apparently dissimilar ideas or concepts in
comparison with one another. One idea becomes an analog for the other. Only
one of the concepts or idea will be directly addressed in the parable, but the
other will be present by implication.
• It relates a single, simple and consistent action, without extraneous detail nor
distracting circumstances
• A parable is like a metaphor that has been extended to form a brief, coherent
fiction. The parallel meaning of parables is unspoken and implicit, though not
secret
• It is longer than proverbs
• It employs the use of symbolism i.e. the use of one thing to presnt another
• It is a short narrative used used to teach a moral or religious lesson
• It is favoured in the expression of spiritual concepts.
3.3 The Communication Functions of Proverbs and Parables

Otasowie (1981) and Akpan (1977) indicated that proverbs are used as means of
communication in villages. Proverbs are used to convey some types of information
in the village – information on social values, cultural practices, environment of the
other town and other miscellaneous information. According to Akpan (1977), the
elderly people in Erian village also use proverbs to tell stories and to drive home
their points in any argument.
Proverbs are mainly used to express feelings or thoughts which meanings cannot
be adequately expressed through simple words. They are also used to substitute
words that are regarded as too big/deep to be expressed in simple terms.
Essentially, they are used to obscure sensitive issues or to obscure delicate words
or statements. As it is said in Yoruba “Owe lesin oro, bi oro ba sonu, owe la fi
nwa.” This means ‘proverbs are vehicles through which words that could
otherwise have been lost are recovered”.
Proverbs are also used to buttress points and to draw analogy to past, present and
future events. This is because proverbs are believed to have their origin from
specific past events or particular circumstances that are very significant.
So, proverbs are recognised channels of communication amongst Africans. They

carry distinct meanings depending on the context that it is used. In Africa, it is
generally regarded as a powerful tool for correction or advice instead of using
73
whips. It is used as a means of correcting someone or people, a tool for advice,
especially during ceremonies such as marriage, burial and so on.
The purpose of parables is to focus and strengthen one’s spiritual understanding.

Parables provide guidance and suggestions for proper action in life, teach morals,
communicate age long concepts; and used in sending warning signals’ motivate
people. For instance, in the Holy Bible, they were used to arouse interest and
stimulate curiousty about the teachings of Jesus Christ. By shrouding what critics
see as controversial ideas in the cloak of parables, Jesus Christ conveyed messages
without prejudice. The knowledgeable people grabbed the meaning in the Parables
of Jesus Christ and felt the rebukes He hid in them. Luke Chapter 15 of the Holy
Bible was dedicated to parables (parable of the lost sheep, lost coin and prodigal
son). Perhaps the most famous of all Jesus’ parable is the Prodigal Son in verses
11-32 of Luke chapter 15.
3.4 The Differences and Similaities between Proverbs and Parables

Although proverbs and parables may appear similar, they are not the same.
Proverbs are usually short witty sayings widely used to teach practical precept
express basic truth, give advice or say somthing that is generally true while
parables are narratives that teach moral or spiritual lessons. Proverbs are subject to
cultural interpretation while parables have a central theme that transcends diverse
cultures. Proverbs in most cases are brief sentences, parables are in form of short
stories; proverbs are derived from true events, parables are often fictious; proverbs
contain idiomatic expressions, parables have figurative meanings; proverbs are
used to explain words, actions, circumstances, parables are illustrations; proverbs
are culturally based, most parables have their origins from Greek mythologies or
religion; and while proverbs are literally understood, parables are not easily
understood as its meaning could be very deep (dark).
The use of both proverbs and parables are exclusively to the experienced people.
4.0 CONCLUSION
A proverb is a short statement of wisdom or advice that has been passed from
generation to generation. It is a recognised channel of communication amongst
Africans. It carries a distinct meaning depending on the context that it is used. In
Africa, it is generally regarded as a powerful tool for correction or advice instead
of whips. It is used as a means of correcting someone or people; and a tool for
advice, especially during ceremonies such as marriage, burial and so on.
It also concludes that a parable is a short narrative used used to teach a moral
or religious lesson.
74
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit discussed proverbs and parables. It looked at the features of proverbs and
parables, delving into their communication functions, differences and similarities.
It wrapped it up with examples of proverbs from parts of Nigeria.

i. What are the features of provebs?
i. What is a proverb?
ii. List five functions of proverbs
Hornby, A.S. (2000) Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current English

(sixth edition) Oxford: Oxford University Press
Akpan, M. (1977) “Symbolism in the Communication Environment of the


August
Oreh, O. O. (1980) Readings in African Humanities: African Cultural

Development Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishing Co. Ltd
Otasowie, A. B. (1981) “Communication and Transfer of Information in Non-

literate Society” A paper presented at FIDE/ET Technical and Business Meeting
Held at Ibadan, May
75
UNIT 4: PROVERBS - A SURVEY
CONTENTS
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3.1 Some Examples of Proverbs
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0. INTRODUCTION
This unit presents some examples of proverbs drawn from some geopolitical
zones in Nigeria to enhance students understanding of proverbs.
2.0. OBJECTIVES
• Have a better understanding of proverbs across Nigerian geopolitical
zones
• Know the meaning of some of the proverbs surveyed
3.0 MAIN CONTENT

3.1 Some Examples of Proverbs
This unit presents some examples of proverbs used in Africa. It should be
stated here however, that proverbs are many and inexhaustible.The ones
presented are drawn across Nigerian geopolitical zones. It draws extensively
from Emu clan among the Ukwuani speaking people of Ndokwa West Local
Government Area of Delta State-Nigeria. Under the Ukwuani examples,
Proverbs in inverted commas are sayings by the birds and animals, while others
are coined out for and about birds and animals/women by people.
SOUTH-SOUTH
Proverbs in Kalabari/Bonny/Ahoada (Rivers & Bayelsa States)
1. Ka eze new ira, ka ira Just as the king owns the people, the people
new eze own the king
2. A naghi eji ihe eji You don’t use a scrub meant for the ear for the
agba nti agba n’anya eye
3. Ofo amaghi nde The “ofo” does not know whose interest it is
76
ogbara nti agba n’anya serving
4. Isi kote ebu o gbaa ya The head that stirs up the wasp, get stung
5. Oji rue ulo o kwuo When kola is brought home, it tells who
onye cere ya presented it
6. Anageri eji abali a co One does not look for a black goat by night or
eghu ojii one searches for his/her black goat during the
day
7. Ci na efo okuko na- The hen has a new/different mate/husband
enwe di every new day
8. Obi awu nwa Love never lets one deny/starve one’s child
9. Onye aghala nwanne One should never abandon one’s brother
ya
10. E jide ibeji n aka e A bird in hand is worth two in the bush
were sawa ndi mmuo
okuu
Proverbs in Efik, Ibibio And Ojerim’s (Akwa-Ibom & Cross River

States)
1. Eyen amana ama ke There is no point crying over spilt milk

urua ete eka fut ukot
2. Ekiko unen eke edi We shall know the conqueror at the end of the
akpan ediefiok ke war
usiere
3. Nyene ime man ekere Patient dog eats the fattest bone
mfon
4. Eto ese mmong ese What is bad is bad
kpa mmong
5. Eka mkpo anam owo Serious matter that is told easily
mbuk ado menghe
6. Ekpo akpe ayen The dead, even though they are dead their sense
ikpaha utog of hearing lives on
7. Ataha ubom mben An abanddoned shattered boat by the sea shore
mmon, owoeyenne belongs to someone
8. Ka fi o ni ibene, i be An evil doer gets evil in return
ne piemwa
9. Irih owan ben irimire A motherless child is always neglected
10. Riko guoguo igi oni re An anonymous call does not kill
77
Proverbs from Aboh (Delta State)
1 Okeye No Onuno Ewu An elder cannot be at home when things go

To Agbo wrong. An elder would not be at home and a
goat bears while in chain.
2 Ogalana Enwe Riches have no limit.
Ikpeazu Riches can be acquired late in life.
3 Onye Ndidi Ne gbu A patient person eats the fattest meat.

Azu Ukpo A patient person gains angling
A patient person catches great fish
4 Ojeni ije nelu uno A traveller always return home.
5 Weli Nwa Jeye Give a child to a barren woman.

Onyeage All heads are not equal
Osa ishi asa
6 Onu Kwulunjo, n’ku The mouth which says bad, will turn to say
Nma good
7 Ife Aka Onye Bu Eze Whatever you have in your hands is superior
Whatever you have as your own is royal
8 Ndidi Bu Ogwu Enu Patience is the medicine for life.
9 Madu Ba Alu Fune Don’t forget the person who sheltered you in
Kpodona Busi Miri times of trouble.
Ozozo
10 Madu Tukulu Anni A man who marries two wives knows the
Ntina Ki Abo children are from different mothers.
Akpa nya azu, amali A have sack that bears fish does not know the
ke nya anu one that carries meat
78
Proverbs from Itsekiri (Delta State)
1 Arira wetiegere An eavesdropper is around

2 Inoroneghenju A fool
3 Ada dieri gbakpeja If you don’t ply the river to kill fish then you
aka gbamonan will use it to know the way
4 Iwe makpenotse o When a paper stays long in soap it becomes
dotse soap
5 Agbarun wewe e Things are easier said than done
magere
6 Akpa ema guiwa katan Fools don’t save for the rainning day
7 Oje towa leoniyino Every person knows his/her taste
ejuagbawa
8 Eremogbagbanghando I live with people by being sensible
9 Atseruneyoritse Nothing is done behind God
10 Ejuogharanmakelesan I will make it in the presence of my enemies
Proverbs from the Ibo Speaking Areas (Delta State)
1 Onya na nyunsi ada You can’t eat your cake and have it
mu amu
2 Oza ezi ada go si ofu One’s evil will be shown to all
onye ike
3 Kam bia kam bia ada Procrastination doesn’t do any good
eme ife dinma
4 Aka nni kwo aka epe, Help is reciprocal
akwo aka nni
5 Nwa nyu nwammiri Gathering together to plan, brings better result
tinye ofu etiti ogbo afu
fo
6 Amakam ife na Dragging for something between wise people
amakam ife zu afia, yield nothing
elele ada dia
7 We de ji unu aga iyi One does not hurry in an unfamiliar ground
8 Mkpi si a eje pu One learns more by travelling far and wide
amaka koji muta ka
wesi agbacha imi
9 Agedi da nda ekpe Falling twice to an error shows who you truly
nabi we fu ife obu ni are
79
kpa
10 Agedi asi na ife ya no Experience is the best teacher
ani fu, nwata kulu oto
oma fua
Proverbs from the Ukwuani Speaking Areas (Delta State)
1 Ndulie kini shi ibe nmalu

No matter how pretty the weaver bird’s nest
bu ibee is, the dove will never sleep in it; Home is
home. The dove asserted that “home is
home”
2 Ilolo Otu-ugbo loni An unfulfilled ambition of the woodpeecker
3 Nkenu kuni shi onye An over curious/zealous person gets himself
choka nta ofu imo ruinously entangled (said by dwarf
kingfisher)
4 Nnwa okuku ejee omeli Chickens dare not show up where hawks
imo uko feast
5 Esusue esue chi Otu-Ugbo Overtaken by sudden adversities (originated
onu from the misfortunes of the Woodpecker
during the deaths of its parents)
6 Nnunu fete obeli Birds fly and perch; what has a beginning
has an end
7 Nneku okuku adishine If there is no hen, there will be no chick;
nnwa okuku adishi without hens’ survival, chicks would not
survive.
8 Bu uzo chufu uko iba do First chase the hawk away before warning
nnwa okuku eka ni nti the chick against loitering in the open
9 Weli ofu etu gbu nnunu To kill two birds with one stone
nebee
10 Osa neje nta nnunu bu osa One beats the bush, another takes the bird
egbu nnunu i.e. the workman does the work, the master
takes the money; All go for bird hunting, but
few kill birds.
11 Nnunu ga ko ni A bird of passage; a temporary visitor
12 Ofu nnunu I ji nee ka, ka A bird in hand is worth two in the bush
ebuodi n’ugboko
13 Nnunu nweni ofu isu Birds of the same feather flock together
ebuba ne fe gbame
14 Okuku eline ife oboya Greed gives rise to disorderliness; A greedy
wua man causes confusion; If a chicken does not
80
eat something, it scatters it
15 Odumishi kuni shi, obu Not all the sufferings one encounters can be
osa ife ofuni ni omimi ki revealed to one’s children.
no ko ni umua
16 Nnunu Ozhi ojo A bird of ill omen or news; carrier of bad
news
17 Ebuba oma ne ye nnunu Fine feathers make fine birds
nma
18 Ejiwe ishishi oka tali ezhi Good birds are not decoyed with grain
nnunu husks;Experience teaches wisdom
19 Nwa Ugo ne yi Ugo Eagles breed Eagles
20 Obu kuni shi onye ni dike Every man with his area of importance
e
21 Apia kuni shi ebo nebe Everybody belongs to two families vis-à-vis
muni nmalu paternal and maternal
22 Ebuba yeni Ugo nsogbu, A disturbing feather that the Eagle discarded
ya ko osue funi buluni was picked up by the hunter claiming that it
n’agha si, onwe ni is omen of good fortune; A disturbing
chukwu feather that the Eagle discarded elated the
hunter to assert that it is a good omen- a year
of prosperity
23 Nele ona kpali dike Talking like a Parrot
Okwee
24 Nwa nnunu nwe ke uche, A cunning bird loses its intestine through
we shi ugbazu we efo back extraction. The intestine of a cunning
birds must be removed from its back
25 Eneke ku ni shi, eshi ke Eneke the bird said that since men have
nmalu amufune igba egbe learnt to shoot without missing that its has
bu waagba fie, shi iyashini learnt to fly without perching
kenweye mufu ele we
febu oke ebeli
26 Nwa Okuku je julu, oweli A child who holds to his own view and
enya ife basa uno disregards the views of the elders comes out
disappointed; A chicken tortured in the day,
returns early to its coop.
27 Oka oju ajuju juni nwa An inquisitive person is he who asked the
okuku shi ke bu efa nnee chick of its mother’s name; one should not
be (too inquisitive) or over curious
28 Nmili Ugbana jinni Good things can be made out of reminants;
wuesu, ku Ugo jini fisu bu Same water used by eaglet to wash was used
81
ogbone Ugo be nwune by eagle to clean only its face and yet the
unwu eagle is cleaner.
29 Ochune okuku new eda He who digs a grave first enters it; He who
wants another man’s fall must first fall
30 Okuku elowu onye kwone One should not forget a person who helped
ebuba udummili one when in difficulty; ingratitude should be
disregarded by everybody
31 Out-Ugbo kuni shi asua You cannot meet all your aspirations
nne ni nnala na nwusu, shi because of uncertainties; we should not be
n’otu ugbo esaa amala too boastful because of future uncertainty; A
esaa. Oluki nne ni nnala boaster can do very little; The Woodpecker
nwusuni esusue esue chi e asserted that it would produce seven boats
onu and paddles when its parents would die, but
failed because it had boils round its beaks
32 Nwa nnunu gwanum A little bird told me so; To obscure a piece
elewu of information; To hide an informant
33 Nwa nnunu we funi nu If you are caught doing something for once,
ukwu ose, ya jie nata it is assumed that you have been doing it.
34 Nwa nnunu eli atukpoo Some one always with swollen or pot-belly
35 Ebuba we choni I am not a feather to be shaken off; people
most needed
36 Nnunu zoni uzo na nwu It is the early bird that catches the worm
ndidei
37 Inwese nnunu To get the bird; to be hissed; to meet hostile
reception
38 Okpo kuni shi onye do ni He who digs a pit must first fall inside it
mmili ne weli ishie bulu
39 Mamili atulu bu okuku Urine is not difficult but the chicken would
anyua not pass it
40 Ugo eli egizhi Eagle does not eat flies
41 Okwee eje n’egwu bu Do not go to war without weapons
ebuba dili
42 Ntike shini ekpu ba mali Deafness made the deaf tinker bird not to be
njo uwa aware of the world’s sin
43 Ekodi na oweli odikpe When a kite emigrates, it leaves the hawk
nwene deme behind; protect and stand in for your loved
ones
44 Agwu enwe oyi Lions have no friends
45 Osa agba Agu egbe Not all hunters dare shoot lions
46 Agu-iyi ebulu okolobie, Crocodile has carried away the young man
wa ju-u ajuju nkpulu uko into transit, why ask then for his garments?
a?
82
47 Aminkaka aju eku, bu uga There is no credit for the Monitor that is said
n’oga n’ikpo eku adi nma not to be a palm-nut crusher/chewer/eater; to
be constantly seen among heaps of palm-
nuts
48 “Okolobie nya n’ibe e, na People should respect one another; for
Anyinya na nya n’ibee” horses respect one another
49 Anu uno atu egwu Awa Domestic animals do not fear dogs
50 Awa bulu okpukpu A dog carrying bone never shares company
o’cholu onwe ido with others
51 Anu tu Nkita o’li nshi Animals that associate with and admire
dogs’ ways of life would eat excrement
52 “Okolobie ji ishi na kpo Youths brave bullets and odds
ngbo”
53 We tu egwu Eduke, wa tu If we fear the leopard, should we also fear
ashi egwu akpukpo a? her skin?
54 “Ke eke abu njo, inyanga Even though the hunch is an odd structure, it
dali” is a design for puffing
55 “Enwe uche gbu ni Ene, Folly made the antelope a wild animal, if
obu-ne n’oka bulu anu not, it would have been an adorned pet
uno”
56 Ene Osi “o’bi Antelope said that “it avoids living in thick
n’okenkpolo, mako ni mili forest because rains in the forests never dry
okenkpolo, nezue ngbe ne once”
be e”
57 Anu tu Enwe o’kwa achi An animal contesting with monkey in a
jumping race, will end up with fractured
limbs
58 Enwe si “Oku nwa di The monkey asserts that it “can only attest
n’efo a k’omali ni okwu-e, for the child in her womb, but not the one on
si omali oge ke okwo her back”
n’azu ghoul n’utu la-a”
59 Echusue we Enyi ba bo As the elephant lies, so it is butchered
60 Nchi n’eli n’ezhie n’ishie While the Grass cutter enjoys the eating of
grass as food, it takes full precautions about
itself.
61 Onye shini onya Ngbada A hunter who sets pit trap for Deer could
efulu wo onye n’eku shi, conveniently claim that Deer escape his
Ngbada ama, mili ukua traps because their legs are very lean
62 Okulu atulu Usu To hang up on trees is no problem to bats
63 Ngwele joni njo bu oli ife Although the lizard is ugly, it does not eat at
ngede night
64 Afufu shini Nkaku befe Over stinginess, selfishness and anti-
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uzo communal services cause the Musk Shrew
not toever cross public roads or paths; Over
stinginess, selfishness and anti-communal
services cause the Musk Shrew die
whenever it attempts to cross public roads
65 Nkapi si “O’nuye enya Mongoose said, that is better to escape into
n’ogu ka nma, kali oba safety bruised; It is better to escape through
n’ekpa osue-e” thorns, than to be slipped into a hunter’s
sling bag
66 Oke be tu Ngwele wu esu, The rat should avoid swimming contest with
na anwu n’ama Ngwele the lizard, for the sun (heat) that dries and
ama Oke warms the lizard cannot dry and warm the
rat
67 Ife oma n’aso Oke, bu Rats love good things yet they never take
Oke awu esu bathe
68 “Eji we eze n’eke anu w’a We do not share forbidden meat with teeth.
so”
69 Ekpu eme Okpala-osa si The Tortoise is never ashamed that it seniors
ya soni Enyi the Elephant
70 Ebe Osa n’Okpobia jeni, e Where hollow and shrub dwelling squirrels
ku we si, nde n’aju eku meet, the world would be convinced that
ada-a palm-nut crushers are complete.
71 “Esu nta gbu ni Onogbo, The cat could have been a lion but for its
o’bune Onogbo bu Agu” diminutive nature.
72 Onu bu opia Ndiom Tongue is women’s weapon (cutlass)
73 Ofu Ozo gbani ngba Only a Gorilla,s performance in a wrestling
demeni osa Ozo contest made its race wrestlers.
74 Ife n’ife n’emene okuku Whenever a fowl is lost or whaterver
bu Ufi happens to a fowl, its owner holds the Fox
liable or killer.
75 Elunke ta n’aku, Ulili ke Rabbit ate palm kernels, while the Ground
efo tuluni Squirrel suffered a running stomach.
76
77
Proverbs from the Isoko Speaking Areas (Delta State)
1 Ah rhe vhu omo Secrets should never be told a tattler

ohware no fon o ta
2 Ohware nho fon a nie What is not wished to be known is done in
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ah’re sie no secret
3 Ohra no kwi ohon A men in white cloth should avoid palm oil
ofuanfon fiyo, ah re market
mre yen vie ehki
erhwee
4 Ufuoma ni ose Peace is the father of friendship
ughgbeson
5 Ohwo no bhruche oh He who forgives ends quarrel
kwe me o
6 Ohra no ghbolo be A lazy man looks for light employment
wriwo, o gholi irwo
oghanghan
7 Uhrwemu yen oh le lo Wherever a man goes to dwell, his character
ra kpo ria kpobi goes with him
8 Omah o sa yono The young cannot teach the elders tradition
okapako so so ehware
ahwan
9 O de omo ohin moma The name given to a child becomes natural to
him/her
10 Ohke chabo vhren ufih Time is longer than rope
Proverbs from Benin Kingdom (Edo State)
1 Ai gwo oba sinmi No one dispute with a king

2 Ai sien no omo na mu You can’t vouch for a child put in your back.
yi iye ke Because you can’t see what the child does
behind you
3 Uwu ma ren’ ogie Death knows no king
4 No wa ma gbe o le le He who is protected at home cannot be killed
khi se tin by outsider
5 Uhun a ke ma re Beauty starts from the hair
6 Ovbokha ki mia mo A child does not play to the extent of forgetting
wa to go home
7 Ailolegbe vuee no tolo You don’t scratch your body the way it itches
vwa you. Otherwise you will leave scar on your
body
8 Gbegbe omo ona uyei A small child grows up to become an adult
gbegbei uwe
9 Eso na une ekeho nu Someone that wants to eat egg from the rock
ru idosi ogbo ohu inu does not look at the mouth of the axe
si use
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10 Omomo na ne pe ka A child that washes his/her hands clean dines
ha dada eno yie epa with he elders
yeri
SOUTH EAST
Proverbs from Iboland (Abia/Anambra/Imo States)
1 Ome ngwa ngwa, eme Do things quickly to avoid disaster. It is a

hara odachi general statement meaning, a stitch in time
saves nine.
2 Agwa nti ma onughi When the head is cut off from the body, the
egbupu isi, nti esoro stubborn ear will not remain on the body but
ya. will follow the head.General meaning: When
one is advised and he refuses to head to the
advice, when he encounters a problem; he will
not have anyone to seek advice from again.
3 Ehi Na enweghi odu A cow without a tail, nature wade off flies for
chi ya nachuru ya ijiji. it. It is a general statement meaning when one is
suffering from difficulty or being persecuted
and he is handicapped to defend himself, God
will wade off those situations for him one way
of the other.
4 Okiri kiri ka ana agba You go around a pepper plant to pluck its fruits,
ukwu ose, anaghi ari it can’t be climbed. It is mostly directed to
ya elu. mature mind. General Meaning: You go round
an issue to find a solution. You don’t jump into
conclusions.
5 Okenye anaghi ano An elder will not be in the house and a goat tied
n’ulo ewu amuo Na to a peg gives birth. It is a general statement
obu ogbu. meaning – An elder will not be around and pay-
deaf-ears to a problem. Or an elder will not be
around to see injustice and abnormalities
without taking action.
6 Nwayo Nwayo ka eji Hot soup is not sipped in a hurry. It is a general

aracha ofe di oku. statement or meaning – A volatile situation is
handled with care to bring about clam. Or step-
by-step procedure is the right way to handle a
difficult or volatile situation.
7 Obi agahi adi Nne- The nanny goat cannot be happy when the kid’s
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ewu nma ebe akujiri horn is broken. This is an Igbo proverb that is
nwaya mpi symbolic and general. It is a declaration
that you don’t expect to find co-operation or
helping hand in the house of some one you
have offended either the siblings or relatives.
8 Ochicha agaghi aza The cockroach cannot be innocent in the midst

onye-oma Na etiti of hungry chicks. This is also a general
umu okuko. application proverb with obvious meaning. A
person in the midst of his foes is not
regarded as innocent.
9 Onye otu Anya le ihe If a one-eye person looks at an object twice it is
ugboro abua, Anya regarded that two eyes have seen that
abuo ahuzolaya. object. This is an advanced Igbo proverb
and directed at matured minds. It implies
that things that are seen or looked at in one
way by two individuals are regarded as the
same thing.
10 Nwa agwo na eche isi If the infant snake safeguards its head, it grows
ya ya aghoo agwo ewi to become a monstrous reptile. This is always
directed to youths to shun vices at early age in
order to be reputable people in future.
Proverbs from Iboland (Abia/Anambra/Imo States)

1. Ka eze new ira, ka ira Just as the king owns the people, the people
new eze own the king
2. A naghi eji ihe eji You don’t use a scrub meant for the ear for the
agba nti agba n’anya eye
3. Ofo amaghi nde The “ofo” does not know whose interest it is
ogbara nti agba n’anya serving
4. Isi kote ebu o gbaa ya The head that stirs up the wasp, gets stung first
5. Oji rue ulo o kwuo When kola is brought home it tells who
onye cere ya presented it
6. Anageri eji abali a co One does not look for a black goat at night
eghu ojii
7. Ci na efo okuko na- The hen has a new/different mate/husband
enwe di every new day
8. Obi awu nwa The heart never let’s one deny/starve one’s
child
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9. Onye aghala nwanne One should never abandon one’s brother
ya
10. E jide ibeji n aka e A bird in hand is worth two in the bush
were sawa ndi mmuo
okuu
SOUTH WEST
Proverbs fromn Yoruba (Ekiti State)
1. Aduro T’oluwa Kii He who waits on the lord does not go empty
J’ogun Ofo handed.
2. Maa Pe Laye, Oju Mi I will live long, but I do not wish to witness any
O Si Ni Ribi, Okan evil – you have to choose only one of the two
Leyan Nfowo Mu
3. Ogun Omode O Le Twenty children can not play together for

Sere Fun Ogun Odun twenty years.
4. Omo To Sipa Ni’ya It is only the child who opens up his arms that
Ngbe his mother will carry.
5. Ko Se’wu L’oko Afi There is no problem in the farm except the

Giri Aparo partridge cries.
6. Ko S’ogbon To Le Da, You can never satisfy the world no matter your
Ko Si Iwa To Le Wu wisdom, character or path taken in that regard.
To Le Fi Te Aiye
L’orun
7. Aiye L’oja, Orun Ni The world is just a market place, heaven is our
Ile Gbogbo Wa home.
8. Ti Aba Bi Efon Nigba If the buffalo is born during the rainy season
Ojo, Ti A Si Bi Erun and the elephant in the time of famine, it is
Nigba Ogbele, Odaju certain that the elephant’s head will still be
Pe Ori Erin A Ju Ti bigger than that of the buffalo
Efon Lo
9. Agba To Ko Lomi Empty barrels make the loudest noise.

Ninu Lo Ma Pariwo
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10. Ojo Gbogbo Ni T’ole, Everyday for the thief, but one day for the
Ojo Kan Soso Ni owner (of the house or thing)
T’oloun
Proverbs from Yoruba (Osun State)
1. Ekute ile paramo, All the rats in the house hide yourselves now,
ologinni tajo de for the cat has returned from its journey; Those
who cause pandemonium in the house should
sit tight because the owner of the house is
around
2. Awa o ni I si ni be, We won’t be there where others are

nibi won gbe ns’ori unfortunate. We should render help.
buruku, a o ni issssi
nibi.
3. Asunkun rojo ile ni Someone that talks while in tears only brings
itu. confusion into the home.
4. Es enu b’oti wa, eni o Watch your tongue or else you will be in
fe nu b’o ti wa a te. trouble.
5. Eni ti o se’ hun ti Someone that does what no one has done, will
enikan o se ri, oju re a see what no one has seen.
ri’hun t’ enikan o ri ri.
6. Eni ti o to ni I na to n Someone who cannot beat one and yet lay

de na deni, efi sile ejo ambuish for him/her, leave such person for the
o te. trouble ahead.
7. Omo a fise wo ni I A child that was raised in poverty, grows to be

dagbaa great and wise
8. Ori yeye ni m’ogun Many are evil ones, but innocent ones are those
aise l’opo that suffer for it
9. Bi iro ba lo logun No matter how prolonged a lie is, truth shall
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odunotito aba lesekese prevail.
dandan ni
10. Eni sango tou e wo le, Once bitten twice shy.

kii ba won bu obakoso
Proverbs from Yoruba (Ogun State)
1. Ohun towo mi oto, ma I can always make up for my deficiencies

fi googo fa through available means
2. Bomo eni ose di You don’t reject your own because of luck
bebere, koni ka fi ileke
si di elomi
3. Orun ori keke It is dangerous to nap (sleep) on a moving
bicycle
4. Kaka keku maje sese, If the rat would not eat the beans, it will scatter
afi se awadanu them.
5. Lai ku egiri, Aogbodo A drum is not made out of the skin of a living
fi awo re se gbedu leopard
6. Ope kete n dagba, inu There is ever a deep seated animosity against
adamo n baje the man making progress
7. Omode laso titi, kotun A child’s acquisition, however great, can never
ni akisa to baba re surpass his father antiquities
8. Omo ole buru titi kafi However wicked a child might be, you don’t
fun ekun je wish him dead
9. Iyan ogun odun ama The evil men do live after them, as the law of
gbono fele fele retribution cannot be denied them
10. Agba ki wa loja kori An elder’s presence will avert childish calamity
omo titun wo
11 Baa ba gegi ninu igbo When the tree is being cut in the forest, it is the
awon ni man mo ibi ti elders who know where it will eventually fall.
yo re si
12 Ba o ri igun, a o fi If you can lay your hands on a vulture, use a bat
odide se bo for the scarifice ; there is always an alternative
in life
13 Adiye irano, ki se When one partakes or eats a chichken use for
ohun ajegbe burial ruites, oneday, i twill be the person’s turn
i.e. one day peope will eat the chichken used
for the person’s burial rites.
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Proverbs from Yoruba (Oyo State)
1. A kin so ori olori, ki We do not look after another persons head and
awodi Gbe ti eni lo allow hawk to escape with ours
2. Ilesanmi dun ju oye lo Lowliness is better than kingship
3. Oko baba ati omo kin There is always a boundary between the
o ma ni ala possession of a father and son
4. Ajanaku ko ja mori An hippopotamus passed, I saw a glimpse, but

kan fi ri,ti a ba ri erin an elephant is not hidden to see
ki a ni ani ari erin
5. Ati ki oje Bo olasa We have beaded the hand of a priest; it now

lowo, oku baba eniti o remains whose father is capable of removing it.
bo
6. Erin kin fon,ki omo re When elephant trumpet, the infant dares not do
fon the same
7. Eniti o ba ma je eyin Whoever that wants to take honey in the rock

inu apata, ko ni wo will not look at edge of axes.
enu ake
8. A kin se osa lodo ki You can not offer sacrifice at a river and flies
labelabe mamo si will not know.
9. Ko di gba ti a ba ga to One needs not be as tall as the palm tree before

igi ope ki a to da emu one starts to tap its wine
10. Omo to ba si pa ni iya It is child that lifts his arms that the mother
re ma gbe carries
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Proverbs from Yoruba (Lagos State)
1. Bi eti o ba gbo yin, inu What the ears do not hear, the heart does not
ki baje grieve.
2. Oponyibo fi dundun Agreed, the pineapple makes sweetness its

sewa egun to walara e beauty, but the dangerous thorns on its body are
le nirin wo more than 400
3. Aya buruku seni, ano A man can manage a wicked wife, but cannot
buruku ko seni manage wicked in laws
4. Okun ki ho ruru , ki The Atlantic Ocean cannot be proving tough

osa ho- ruru and the lagoon will at the same time be proving
tough
5. Egugun to mo nipe A masquerade (usually referred to as the man

ohun nipada bow a di from heaven) who knows he will come back to
eniyan ki roro ninu become an ordinary man when he pulls off the
eku masquerade clothing, need not be necessarily
wicked while in a masquerade
6. Iji to ja,to fi olo soko, The stone that lifted the big black stone and
ko le sai gbe ire ti threw it a mile away will surely lift an ant miles
away
7. Aso nla ko ni eeyan Appearance can be deceptive
nla
8. Oro sunukun oju sun A critical situation demands a critical approach
ukun lafi now and solution
9. Sokoto to n ise oko lo Your labour yields your affluence

n gbe
10. Agba ofi fo lo ma n An empty barrel makes the loudest noise.

dun woroworo
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NORTH CENTRAL
Proverbs from Igala (Kogi State)

1. Agofo ki ma maja Nakedness cannot hide away from the cloth
wun ukpo
2. Oko nurodo no Money has no permanent place
3. Ubo kane lola owun Where the ground is smooth/soft is where the
idenku afa te earth worm craw.
4. Maku le ebo obuko If a he goat is brought for scarifice when
kin a nmi incantation to the ancestor is uncompleted, the
he goat will be at rest that moment
5. Udida oko kia hi The person who finds new farm land
adewo tegbe does/should not neglect the old one
6. Okpete yo abu ko gwu The chair says it will be there waiting for the
owu a ded okwu oya house wife to sit
oko
7. Agwoji ki ma gwe ola He who digs a grave never digs his own
nwn
8. Ajuwe fufu ki ya The white hen shows itself to the ifa priest
duolawu na obachi
9. Ya lo itopu oja onu le When the going is good, they boycot the king,
yaw a, ile gwu oja onu but when the worse comes, they drag
themselves to the king’s palace
4.0 CONCLUSION
The examples of proverbs from different parts of Nigeria presented above reveal
that proverbs are common in different parts of Nigeria and they are useful tools in
public speaking.
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit zeroed in on proverbs. It presented some examples of proverbs drawing
from some geopolitical zones in Nigeria. It is believed that it would enhance
students understanding proverbs.
i. Communicate by using at least ten proverbs
i. Drawing from your culture, write ten proverbs
93
ii. Translate the ten proverbs you have written into English

– 14 September at Emu-Obodoeti, Ndokwa West Local Government Area of Delta
State

94
MODULE THREE: EXTRA-MUNDANE OR EXOTERIC CHANNELS OF
COMMUNICATION
Unit 2: Extra-Mundane Bottom-upCommunication: Definition and Some Channels
(Divination and Ancestral Worship)
Natural Phenomena
UNIT 1: WHAT IS EXTRA-MUNDANE COMMUNICATION?
CONTENT
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3.1 What is a Extra-Mundane Communication?
3.2 Types of Extra-Mundane Communication and Examples
3.3 Features of Extra-Mundane Communication
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit focuses on extra-mundane communication, types and the main features.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• Define extra-mundane communication
• List and discuss the types of extra-mundane communication drawing examples
from what obtains in their cultures
• Know the features of some extra-mundane mode of communication
3.0 MAIN CONTENT

3.1 What is Extra-Mundane Communication?
Normally, communication is classified into intra-personal; inter-personal, and
mass communication (Okunna, 1999). However, in African communication
systems, Wilson (1998:47) submits that there is “extra-mundane” communication
and as Akpabio (2003:31) puts it “Supernatural Communication” which involves
supernatural beings – ancestors, spirits, gods, the supreme God – or when they
involve processes, elements or abilities that are superhuman as in witchcraft,
95
reincarnation, etc. Again, Ibagere (1994:93), refers to it as the esoteric mode. He
argues,
The word esoteric has been so chosen to describe this mode because of
the peculiar nature of the mode in that its understanding depends, to a
large extent, on the psychic development of the individual.
The esoteric mode involves all other modes, the only difference being that under
the esoteric mode, they are operated in the metaphysical plane. This accounts for
why:
one has to be initiated through some form of education, into the
ontological framework of the mode to be able to understand its
application. Thus, there could be verbal and non-verbal communication in
this mode, but only in the metaphysical sense. The whole essence of this
mode bothers on the interpretation of events [information] that have been
experienced on the metaphysical plane as relevant and relating to real life
experiences (Ibagere, 1994:93)
These might account for why Modum (1980) submitted that while the modern
man’s god is science and his religion, economic, the traditional Nigerian sphere of
influence of existence is associated with the sacred realm of the gods – more
precisely the essence of and continuation and social life are guaranteed through
well determined and periodical contacts with the deities during which the society
not only renews its faith in gods but also reiterates the factors of life and death.
This is a form of communication between the supernatural and living beings as a

belief system in individual cultural setting. It takes the form of charms, songs
(dirges), incantations, ritual prayers, sacrifice, libations (as seen in Schnapp
advert), invocation, trance and histeriques. It may also take the form of cultural
and individuals performance and invokes intensity of emotion; may lead to
temporary spiritual rituals. It is a multi-dimensional communication in Africa.
This type of communication in Africa is manifest as cultural celebrations such as
festivals; consecration of marriages; christening; and house warming. Extra-
mundane in modern times take the form of obituaries, euphemistically packaged as
transitions as well as memorial tunes – Rest in Peace (RIP).
According to Wilson (1998), it involves intra-personal processes such as

incantation, physical revelation, magical, other-worldly verbalisation, spiritual
transmigration and may carry elements of ordinary cultural celebration, dedication
and consecration. These characteristics and elements can be neatly grouped into
bottom-up and top-down communication within the extra-mundane mode.
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3.2 Types of Extra-Mundane Communication and Examples
According to Akpabio (2003), extra-mundane communication can be grouped

into two:
a) Bottom-Up Communication - examples
• Festival
• Ceremonies
This author would like to add divination and ancestral worship to the
bottom-up examples. So, the examples of bottom-up communication under this
mode include:
• Festival
• Ceremonies
• Divination
• Ancestral Worship
b) Top-down Communication – examples

• Potent speech
This author would like to add dreams and telepathy to the top-down
examples. So, the examples of top-down communication under this mode
include:
• Potent speech
• Dreams
• Telepathy
Ibagere (1994) has another group under the extra-mundane, which he refers to as
others
C) Others – examples
• Blowing the wind
• Heart beat
• Decomposing matter
• Flowing rivers and streams
• Appearance of a strange or rear breeds of animals and birds
This author refers to Ibagere (1994) others; as natural phenomena and also add
itching of the palm and cock - crow (especially at odd hours) to the others
examples. So, the examples of others communication under this mode include the
following and others discussed under natural phenomena:
• Blowing the wind

• Heart beat
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• Decomposing matter
• Flowing rivers and streams
• Appearance of a strange or rear breeds of animals and birds
• Itching on the palm
• Cock Crow (normally and at odd hours)
3.3 Features of Extra-Mundane Communication

While it is easy to learn to send and understand messages sent through the
other modes, the extra-mundane is not as easy. In some instance, for someone
who wants to be involved in the use of the mode, it might require certain rituals
of initiation. For instance, if one is not conversant with divination, the person
cannot perform the act without performing certain initiation rituals aimed at
initiating the person and developing the person’s senses to understand the
message sent through the channel, as the essence of the extra-mundane mode is
the ability to understand the message. According to Ibagere (1994:95):
It is, perhaps pertinent to state that the esoteric mode is the most
spurned of all the modes as a result of social pressures resulting from
modernization which tends to view traditional African life as primitive,
needing change and irrelevant in the present scheme of world’s affairs.
This results from people’s lack of understanding of the mode, since it is
too complex for the naïve and ordinary mind. Thus people tend not to
believe in it. Nevertheless, it is as important as any other mode, so long
as it has its own social function.
4.0 CONCLUSION
The unit concludes that the extra-mundane communication involves intra-personal
processes such as incantation, physical revelation, magical, other-worldly
verbalisation, spiritual transmigration and may carry elements of ordinary cultural
celebration, dedication and consecration. It also grouped agreed wth Akpabio
(2003) and grouped extra-mundane communication into bottom-up and top-down
communication. However, it expanded the examples under each group.
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit focused on the concept of extra-mundane communication, types and the
main features, and uses in African communication. Familiarity with those common
in your community will enhance your understanding of the workings. Extra-
mundane communication is an important classification of traditional
communication in most African societies and it is important that we should be
very observant as scholars of communication of the various forms in our
communities.
i. List the types of extra-mundane communication in your community.
98
i. What is extra-mundane communication?
ii. What are the features of extra-mundane communication?

Akpabio, E (2003) African Communication Systems: An Introductory Text Lagos:
BPrint Publications
Modum, E.P. (1980) “God as Guests: Music and Festivals in African Traditional
Societies” Communication Year Book Vol 3
Ibagere, E. (1994) “Taxonomy of African Traditional Modes of Communication”

in Tosanwumi, J. and Ekwuazu, H. (eds.) (1994) Mass Communication: A
Basic Text Ibadan: Caltop Publishers Ltd
Okunna, C. S. (1999) Introduction to Mass Communication (2nd edition) Enugu:

New Generation Books
Wilson, D. (1998) “A Taxonomy of Traditional Media in Africa” in Perspectives

on Indigenous Communication in Africa: Theory and Application in Ansu-
Kyeremeh Kwasi (ed) (1998) Perspectives on Indigenous Communication in
Africa: Theory and Application Vol. 2 Legon, Ghana: School of
Communication Studies Printing Press
99
UNIT 2: EXTRA-MUNDANE BOTTOM-UP COMMUNICATION:
DEFINITION AND SOME CHANNELS (DIVINATION AND
ANCESTRAL WORSHIP)
CONTENT
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3.1 What is Bottom-up Extra-mundane Communication?
3.2 Divination (Isehor I Kpehen in Tiv)
3.3 Ancestral Worship
3.4 Feedback in Bottom-Up:
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit focuses on extra-mundane bottom-up communication. Specifically, it
explores divination and ancestral worship as channels of bottom-up extra-mundane
communication. It defines the divination and ancestral worship, looks at their
features and presents some examples.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• Define extra-mundane bottom-up communication
• Define divination
• Define ancestral woroship
• Discuss divination and ancestral worship as channels of extra-mundane bottom-up
communication and their significance
3.0 MAIN CONTENT

3.1 What is Bottom-up Extra-mundane Communication?
In the classification of supernatural communication, the bottom-up involves
human beings seeking and getting attention of supernatural forces for sundry
reasons, e.g. to seek solution to a need, such as desire for children, marriage,
favour, promotion, bountiful harvest, or trying to meet spiritual requirements
expected of members of the community. In the bottom-up approach, human beings
are actively involved in incantations, supplication to the supernatural beings.
Sometimes, celebration with food during festivals as a mark of respect to the
departed or even carrying sacrifice of food at midnight to road junctions: sacrifice
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of cock, goats, dogs, etc (Akpabio, 2003). Again, it may involve divination and
ancestral worship. Feedback is also a component of bottom-up extra-mundane
communication.
3.2 Divination (Isehor I Kpehen in Tiv)

Today, people still believe in divination and are still using it to satisfy some of
their communication needs. Divination can be defined as communion with the
gods or ancestors who are believed to reveal information such as projection into
the future to know what will happen. According to Mede (1998), the Tiv in Benue
State believe that messages come from the gods, often helping them solve
complex problems affecting the lives of the people; and that in this mode of
communication, diviners serve as intermediaries between the people and the gods,
relaying messages both ways.
The means through which such diviners receive the message is mysterious to the
ordinary man. A good example is the Ifa divination among the Yoruba people of
Western Nigeria. The essence of the mode is in “its enforcement of social control
as whatever message is received is believed to come from the gods or ancestors of
the land” (Ibagere (1994:94).
According to Mede (1998:5) “the information, philosophical ideas and messages

as well as predictions of those diviners help in regulating the behaviour of certain
…communities and the people hold tenaciously to the diviner’s predictions.”
In looking at the cause of the death of a lady who died in a mysterious

circumstance in Emu-Obodoeti clan of Ndokwa west Local Governemnet Area of
Delta, Ogwezzy (1999) stated that in order to determine the cause of the woman’s
death, which is the practice in order to know where to bury her, the community
divined the cause of her by throwing Kola-nut on the coffin, poured libation, and
sprinkled white native chalk and commanded the coffin thus: “if you died as a
result of evil deeds, move towards the evil forest, but if not remain where you
are”. Immediately, that was said, the corpse moved the moved towards the evil
forest and eventually the woman was buried in the evil forest so that she can go
and rest with her deeds and not continue to spread it in the land of “good” people.
3.3 Ancestral Worship

Ancestral worship refers to the worship of departed relatives who are believed to
have become powerful spiritual beings and guides- or less frequently, to have
attained the status of gods. On this basis rests the belief that our ancestors are
active members of the society and are still interested in the affairs of their living
relatives in Igbo land. This belief is demonstrated through various cultural
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activities such as divination with kolanuts, pouring of libation with palm wine,
blowing of native chalk into the wind, et cetera.
In Igbo land during ceremonies and visits like courtesy call, naming, marriages,
crisis settlement, sales of lands, dispute resolves, kolanuts are presented by the
host and the ancestors are usually called upon to witness the cleanliness of mind.
Splits or even half a part of the kolanut is dropped on the floor so that the
ancestors can first eat of it before it is passed round to guests. This is a strong
indication of the belief in existence and the presence of the ancestors, which is
believed, would enhance fair play, truth, brotherhood and friendship. Also, the
ancestors are called upon to smite and punish anybody in the gathering who has
come with evil intent. Other instances where divination employed to communicate
with the supernatural beings include need for rainfall and asking for children by
the childess.
The process in the worship involves offering kolanuts and palm wine through
pouring of libation and placing kolanuts on the floor first for the ancestors before
distributing among guests gathered. The Igbo traditionalists possibly the eldest
man would incant:
“We have kolanut and palm wine here,
He who brought kola brought life,
He brought goodwill and friendships,
Progress and abundance,
Our fore fathers, our ancestors,
Please take kola…
The spirit of our great grand fathers,
Please take this palm wine”
This is strong and maintained among the Igbos. This consciousness of

everlastingness of existence of departed relatives is demonstrated through ancestor
worship.
3.4 Feedback in Bottom-Up: Akpabio (2003) reminds us that the bottom up

approach in extra-mundane communication has a feedback mechanism. He argues
that those who believe in Amadioha (god of thunder) to receive more blessings
(non-verbal [other reactions]) as a feedback for acknowledging that Amdioha has
been good to them. However, in bottom-up communication, interestingly Wang
(1982), cited in Wang and Dissanayake (1984), argued that feedback is a
receiver’s verbal or other reactions which will show the applicant that effective
communication has taken place.
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4.0 CONCLUSION
The unit examined divination and ancestral worship as forms of bottom-up extra-
mundane communication. The examination revealed that they are channels of
communication in Africa.
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit looked at divination and ancestral worship, highlighting their
significance, not discounting the processes involved in ancestral worship.
i. Identify a type of divination common in your culture
i. Drawing from your culture, write either on divination or ancestral worship

BPrint Publications


August

-14 September at Emu-Obodoeti, Ndokwa West Local Government Area of Delta
State

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UNIT 3: BOTTOM-UP COMMUNICATION-A SURVEY OF FESTIVALS
CONTENT
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3.1 Festivals as an Example of Extra-Mundane
3.2 Examples of Festivals and Their Significance
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit focuses on festivals as a form extra-mundane bottom-up communication.
So, it will extensively discuss festival as an example of bottom-up extra-mundane
communication.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
:
Define Festivals
• Discuss the features of festivals
• Discuss the significance of festivals
• Discuss festivals as examples of extra-mundane bottom-up communication,
identify their featurestheir features and significance
3.0 MAIN CONTENT

3.1 Festivals as an Example of Extra-Mundane Bottum-Up Communication
Definition and Types: Festivals are good examples of bottom-up communication

in Africa. Festivals remain a very veritable celebration in many parts of Africa.
They are not mere entertainment, but also serve as means of communication.
There are mainly two types of festival –cultural and religious.
Features: They are tied to the culture of a people and predominant among the
rural and peripheral population and many of the celebrations are connected to
farming and rural development. Although, it is a traditional channel of
communication, the scale of usage is absolutely important; users must be part of
the culture; must understand and empathise with the people to be able to use it
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most effectively. So, usage should emphasise the traditional networks of
relationships.
Significance: They signal times of planting and harvesting crops. They may also
give hints on crops tending. They provide occasion for disseminating information.
For instance, modern techniques for yam propagation and storage to minimise post
harvest losses. So, modern development issues can be incorporated into
traditional festivals and ceremonies particularly for as long as the ideas to be
injected will not depart basically from the inherent ideas of such festivals.
3.2 Examples of Festivals and Their Significance
Global
Festivals of the Dead in the World: Most cultures have at least some ways of
remembering the dead, whether through the spirits of relatives or the deaths of
gods. Remembering the dead is done almost worldwide. Festivals set aside to
remember the dead is the sacred duty to remember those gone before. According
to a Latvian artist, Skujina (2006), drawing from Mexico to, Egypt (emphasis
mine) and ancient Rome, states that it is “not just a formal occasion - it's a chance
to visit, if only for a few days, our own concept of mortality.”
Buttressing his assertion that the festival is worldwide, Skujina (2006) account of
some festivals for the dead and their significanceare presented below.
Egypt [Africa](emphasis mine)- Festival of Isis and Osiris -- Throughout

ancient Egypt (and later the Greek and Roman Empires) the end of October
and first of November were dedicated to the mysteries of Osiris and Isis.
The festivities included one of the world's first passion plays, which
enacted the life and death of the god Osiris at the hands of his brother Set.
It also included the long search for the pieces of his dismembered body by
his wife Isis, and his eventual resurrection at her hands....
South South (Nigeria)

The Riverine area of Nigeria has a lot of cultures and traditions that are very
appreciable in the eyes of both the indigenes and the visiting foreigners who visit
the area for either commercial purposes or pleasure. Lots of thanks are given to
some ancestors of the area, who established these to make sure that their
successors enjoy their stay in the area. Among these pleasurable and valuable
traditions are the elegant masquerade festivals, which add glamour to the lives of
indigenes both at home and Diasporas. No wonder, people come back to their
various homes from distant land and countries to acknowledge the grandeur
experienced during the festivals. Some of these festivals are the Ofuruma
Masquerade Festival in the gas- rich Opobo town in Rivers State, the Asi Oge
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Festival in Ekeremor community of Ekeremor local government area of Bayelsa
State, the New Yam Festival of the people of Bekwara community of Bekwara
local government area of Cross River State, and the Iguee festival of the Benin
Kingdom.
The Ofuruma Masquerade Festival in South Southern Nigeria: The Ofuruma

masquerade festival is one of the numerous festivals in Opobo town. This
masquerade festival is celebrated annually, and it takes place on the 1 st of January.
Usually idiophone instrument such as the gong, the wooden drums, the pot drum,
to mention a few, are used to play along some of the native songs of the town.
Also membronophone and aerophone instruments are used to accompany these
idiophone instruments.
The Ofuruma masquerade is one, which imitates sharks. The obvious water
surrounding the land makes it necessary for the indigenes of Opobo town to
become fishermen who sometimes encounter enormous sharks, while fishing. As a
result, when the time comes for the masquerade to display for its audience, the
masquerade will imitate the shark, which does not turn its neck when swimming or
looking for its prey. The masquerade is seen at the shiri. The shiri is simply
referred to as the square or the arena where the audience are entertained. The
masquerade is seen chasing people from one place to another as it acts like a
Shark. This behavioral act is done just to create fun. Usually, dignitaries in the
land, ranging from the chiefs in council to the king of the town known as the
Amanyanabo, put on white cloths. The essence of the white cloth signifies peace.
They also put on their wrappers made from George material. The chiefs also put
on their bowler hats, while the Amanyanabo puts on his crown. There are lots of
drinking and merry-making while the epochal masquerade festival is celebrated.
The Ofuruma Masquerade Festival ends when the Amanyanabo stand on the
podium to take the benediction, and to announce to the people, that they should
look forward to having another entertaining Ofuruma masquerade festival in the
coming year.
The New Yam Festival of Bekwara Local Government of Cross River State in
South Southern Nigeria: The New Yam Festival of Bekwara Local Government
of Cross River State is marked to celebrate the rich harvesting of yams, harvested
by the people of Bekwara Local Government Area of Cross River State. This
festival is celebrated on the first Saturday of September every year.
On the day of the festival, people go to their various farms and plantations to
harvest their new yams. Tradition demands that no one is expected to keep any
new yam in his or her yam barn until the new yam festival is celebrated. This is
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because it is believed that the gods of the land must bless the yams before they can
be stored to ensure a good harvest in the up coming year.
Age group dance is the most interesting part of all the activities that take place
during the New Yam Festival. Various age groups come out to present the various
types of dances they have. In the process, they are given gifts in form of cash.
They do not only dance at the square, but they also dance at the market place.
Such acts are repeatedly done until it is the turn of the last age group.
While the dances are going on, some of the women in the area prepare some tubers
of yam for the participants to eat. There are lots of foods, and after the participants
must have finished eating, the community head comes out to thank all the
community members, and promise them that the next edition of the event would
be more interesting than the just concluded one. Everyone, except the elders is
asked to leave. The elders are asked to stay behind so that they can discuss issues
about the development of the community. After the discussion with the
community head, they say the closing prayer, and go to their respective homes.
Iguee Festival of The Benin Kingdom, Edo State: The people of Bini Kingdom
in the Western part of Nigerian celebrate the Iguee festival by making an offering
to Uhunmwuen the head, and Ehi his second half-the spiritual self that guides and
protect the temporal self. The Oba and some Chiefs are also involved in Agwe
(festival) when the Oba and the Chiefs break the fast they perform a ceremony
called, UGIE ERHA OBA-A (honouring the Oba’s ancestors). This is followed by
the real Iguee-worshipping the reigning Oba which takes place openly and
rounded off with Ugie Edohia and Ugie Ewere three days after. The Enoges and
traditional ruler in the ancient kingdom, fixes their own dates in their respective
kingdoms after Ugie Ewere.
Between 1897-1914 when the British invaded Bini kingdom and Oba
Ovonramwen was deported to Calabar, Chief Agho Obaseki, the right hand man of
Oba during this period converted to Christianity which caused him not to
celebrate the Iguee festival in 1916-1917. The influential epidemic struck in 1918
in the aftermath of the World War 1. Thousands of Edo speaking people died, and
they blamed it on the non-observance of Iguee festival. Till date, the Binis have
the belief that the observance of the festival keeps them alive and protected.
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South Eastern (Nigeria)
Igwekala Masquerade Festival: Igwekala is a masquerade festival that takes
place in Ubowalla, Emekuku in Owerri North Local Government Area of Imo
State. Just like other masquerade, Igwekala has its own specific time that it
appears. It comes out every four years and the smaller ones come out every
December.
Igwekala is regarded as the biggest masquerade in Ubowalla. Before Igwekala

festival, there used to be selection of people (older men) who are capable enough
to coordinate the festival and the selection is usually made by kindred.
The appearance of Igwekala is usually on Nkwo market. It is always important

that everyone in the village attends. As a matter of fact, there used to be a lot of
preparation because people admire Igwekala so much more than any other
masquerade. They believed that Igwekala is associated with the gods of the land.
So old and young people are usually keen to participate by following Igwekala
around on the festival day singing, wrestling and dancing. However, one thing
about Igwekala is that young people are not eligible to be among the team of
coordinators. The age limit is 40 years and above.
Since Igwekala is an advanced masquerade festival. It is believed to have the

support of the gods who are solidly behind it. Nevertheless, we have other smaller
masquerades that come out from time to time to showcase their own style during
festive periods such as Christmas and New Year. These smaller masquerades also
draw people’s attention but not as much as Igwekala - maybe because, they are
mainly for fun and generation of funds for the young people in the community.
The team that coordinates Igwekala has a specific point of meeting for some
incisions, sacrifice and initiations before the day of the festival. They usually
separate themselves from the people of the town for three weeks in order to
prepare for the festival. When Igwekala appears, it is seen with a very big head
made up of wood, glasses (mirror) and some other fetish elements like palm frond,
dead fowls and other traditional leaves which also have their significance to the
festival.
Igwekala is usually full of strength because it has to go round the whole village
before going back to its abode. Often times, the member of the Igwekala team
throws raw eggs at Igwekala ’s face on the day of the festival and this signifies
added strength, when it is observed that he is getting tired. Igwekala is a cult and
as such has its rules and regulations governing its members. After the whole
festival, Igwekala goes back to a river called Okitankwo from where it is
believed to have originated.
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The festival comes up once in a year and it is traced back to 3000 years ago when
our forefathers formulated the customs and traditions of the land. Basically all
these stories were not written rather they were transferred verbally from one
generation to another by remembered history.
New Yam Festival in Eastern Nigeria: In Eastern Nigeria, the New Yam
Festival, which involves an announcement by the priest of Amdioha (the god of
thunder) around July/August that the ceremony will commence in 24 days time, is
a common knowledge in Nigeria. The festival is meant for the people to thank
their gods for the blessings received and ask for more favours. During the
intervening period, the shrine is cleared and decorated, sons and daughters from
far and near are notified and everybody is expected to come for the festival with
new yams and plenty of palm wine. All these are collected at Amadioha shrine
where the food is also prepared, after which the feast will begin in honour of
Amadioha (Oparaocha, 1998:147-148).
It may even involve the dedication of children. According to Oparaocha

(1998:148), food, chicken and jars of palm wine brought by parents and relatives
along with the child are presented to Amadioha thus:
Our father Amdioha, we have thanked you for the productivity of crops
and animals, for increase in procreation, and above all, in the gift of this
child. We request you for more so that we may bring you presents. We
make request for life, health and wealth
Chi (a god) Festival in Eastern Nigeria It was told that the descendants of our
land worshipped a god called Chi. Chi is a highly respected god and they appease
him daily with their sacrifices in quest for peace and production especially of farm
products. There was also a chief priest called Dibia (i.e. a native doctor in Igbo
language) who at one point is consulted for various occasions about the sacrifices
to be made to the god. The Dibia in return gets answers from the god on the
requests of the people.
There are always monthly activities that involve everyone in the village. The
people are usually expected to offer up some scarifies to show their appreciation to
the god of the land. This festival comes up every first week of January and one
tenth of all which are gathered from each farm is usually brought to the shrine as a
sacrifice while the yearly appreciation is done as a very big festival which is called
IKEJI (meaning power of the farmland production of YAM). It is compulsory that
every member of each family and relations must come back home to the village to
show total appreciation to the god while those that are not able to come, either for
one reason or the other, are expected to observe it whereever they are.
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During this festival, colorful ceremonial activities are usually on display especially
on the first day when you find people bringing in so many goodies to the shrine
happily, and going back to their various houses to celebrate with their loved ones.
This festival is done within a period of seven (7) working days and various things
like masquerades which are there to stand as our ancestors who have come to
celebrate with them and this actually signifies that the god (Chi) is pleased to be in
their midst. Masquerades like Ekpo, Onyekwele, Ajibusu (rafia) and Iyaagba Oku
usually have different kinds of cloths with different colours on them. Api Eko has a
baby face and Adaniwa has a girl’s face, beautifully made and carved with strong
wood). This is tradition and so, it is locally made. Musical equipment like gongs
(twin gong), Ekwe, Ikoro (a wooden gong) and others that bring good sound are
used to accompany songs while dancers are expected to perform along at the
festival. The members of the community are also expected to express themselves
by dancing to the tunes. At the market square there are displays of various magical
powers by the masquerades. Such displays are used to determine the strength that
each of them possesses. Interested groups and individuals that are not indigenes
are always invited to witness and partake in the whole festival.
Izu Ahia Nwatete Festival in Eastern Nigeria: This is an eye-witness account.

Izu Ahia Nwatete is a popular cultural festival in Awo-Idemili in Orsu Local
Government Area of Imo State. It is next to Iri-Iji (new yam festival), which is,
also a popular festival in Igbo land. Izu Ahia Nwatete literary means marketing the
baby’s babies.
Izu ahia nwatete is a sacred festival done on Eke day (local Sunday). It has been in
practice since the ancient times. It is a festival, which has been passed from
generations to generations.
A chief priest (dibia) who mans the shrine, called obi duru, consults the gods of
the land, which now fixes a particular month or period in which the festival will be
held. It also decides the traditional requirements and what it will take for the
festival to hold for that period.
This is a festival for unmarried ladies, who are ripe for marriages. This is to afford
these young ladies the opportunity of showcasing their God-given attributes,
talents and structures to the eligible young men (married or unmarried). People
come from far and near to witness this ceremony at the popular Eke Awo, venue of
the festival.
Despite the calls to abolish the festival from some quarters as a result of
Christianity, the festival remains and will continue to hold.This is because the
elders of the land believe that Izu-ahia nwatete is a festival, which promotes unity,
cooperation and even showcases the culture of the land to the outside
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communities. It also provides investment opportunities as businessmen from other
states come to do businesses.
This is not to say that it is only young men that do attend the event. In fact, this is
one festival for which everybody in the community looks forward to hold. On the
day of Izu ahia nwatete festival, homes are left empty, as everybody both young
and old would take his or her seat at the venue.
The festival is been preceded by a 21-gun-salute. This is to officially commence

the activity of slaughtering of a goat by the head of families of various homes,
because of the belief that children are children of the entire land. The homes of the
participants and the non-participants are involved. After this is done, the blood of
the goats will be collected and taken to the shrine, which is called obi where it will
be buried in the ground.
After consultations with the gods, the chief priest declares the festival open. At
this juncture, people would go to their various homes and start preparing foods and
drinks. The food is mostly pounded yam with native soup.
The night of the festival is always a very busy one, as foods are been prepared, the
ladies will be very busy doing some rehearsals and also doing make ups.
As early as 5.00am the following day, another 21-gun-salutes would be sounded,

after which all food, drinks and kolanuts are placed at the front of various
compounds, where people assigned to pick them would collect, gather them
together and proceed to the venue of the event.
When this is done, the ladies would start marching and dancing from their houses
straight to the venue. At the venue, the chief priest blesses all the items brought,
after which the king would declare the festival open with another 7-gun-salute.
As people eat, drink and watch, the ladies would be slugging it out, engaging in
various rigorous dancing steps and every other entertainment exercises they can
present. This is to enable them showcase themselves before the eligible young
men present.
There are periodic intervals where the ladies would go to a closet, take some
refreshments, change their various fabrics, rest a while and then come out again to
continue.
Nmawu (masquerades) would also be present to provide other side attractions.

These are very entertaining as people are in a happy mood. Even people from
other communities are always present to enjoy this great festival.
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At exactly 6.00pm, the king would rise from his seat, take some kolanuts, a cup of
palm wine, says a short prayer to appease the gods of the land. He then declares
the festival closed. At the end, there would be warm embraces by the people after
which everybody would disperse to his or her home happily.
Izu ahia nwatete is a very memorable festival, as it always leaves very sweet
memories on the minds of the people. After the festival, things take very dramatic
shape at various homes. This is because many ladies would have left their fathers’
homes and gone to their husbands’ places.
The Ofala festival in Eastern Nigeria: The “Ofala” is a festival celebrated in

some parts of Igbo land. This festival is celebrated to usher in New Year (i.e.
January of every year). This is to remind the inhabitants that they have entered a
new year. At the same time, the festival is used to celebrate the ascension to the
throne of chief.
In Enugu-Ukwu in Anambra State, according to Chief Okechukwu Igbenegbu of

the town, the festival entails appeasing of deities by the chief and members of his
cabinet. He stated that during the period, as tradition demands, the chief is
confined to the bush for three weeks and does not eat anything prepared by any
woman, not even the wife, who is forbidden to see him during this period. He
stays in the bush until the eve of the three-week period.
He is brought out in the midnight and a huge fire is made, which the king clad in
his regalia, jumps over. The significance of this means, the chief has successfully
gone to the bush to communicate with the gods and ancestors. Immediately after
this, drumming and dancing would start for about 30 minutes. Thereafter, the
chief narrates the history of the town, how the town came to existence, some past
events, notable sons who are no more with them but have contributed immensely
to the development of the town.
During this festival, notable dignitaries are invited to grace the occasion. On the
last day of the festival, the chief gives traditional titles to illustrious sons and
daughters of the town who have in various ways contributed to the development of
the town. The festival comes to a close amid drumming, dancing, and merry-
making. Of course the masquerades are not left out as they entertain during the
occasion.
It is worthy of note that only recognized chiefs by the State Governments in Ibo
land can perform such festival as the “Ofala” festival.
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Festivals in Delta State
Festivals in Delta State in South South Nigeria: Delta State is blessed with rich
cultural heritages. One of the ways through which the rich cultural heritage is
expressed is through festivals. Among many festivals celebrated in Delta state are
“Iche-ulo” festival, “Iwu” festival, “Ine” festival and “Okuworu” festival. These
festivals are discussed below.
Iwu festival: ‘’Iwu’’ festival in Ogwashi-Uku, Aniocha south local government

area of Delta State, is a yearly festival. It is synonymous with the people of
Azungwu Quarters of Ogwashi-Uku because the chief priest who is called “Ihene”
of Obida, the god resides there. The festival takes place from the 27 th of July to
early August, lasting for about eight days. Iwu is a type of yam. Therefore the
festival heralds the beginning of eating of new yam.
The first four days of the festival is known as “Isime-Iwu” which literally means
to put the yam on the fire to boil. On that day, about 4pm, the town announcer
does his job and all the other traditional priests called “ndi Ihene”, about six of
them from other parts of the town assemble in the chief priest’s hut (Ogwa) to
prepare him for the rest of the festival. They drink and dance while smearing the
chief priest with the blood of goats and cocks. The chief priest sits, resting his feet
on a heavy black rock believed to have been planted by the god of Iwu festival.
His only attire is a piece of woven white cloth less than a yard (“Akwa ocha”).
From his seat he pours libation and throws bits of kolanuts to the gods who are
believed to be present. The chief priest does not dance, drink nor stand throughout
this preparation and the preparation attracts spectators from all parts of the village
even some neigbouring villages and towns.
At midnight when everywhere is quiet, the chief priest leaves the hut of
preparation to go into the inner shrine, where it is believed he can talk with the god
(“Obida”) and see his ancestors. In this dark room, under towering Oaks and Iroko
trees, the chief priest spends four days in seclusion and fasting from food and
drink. He does not entertain any visitor, not even any member of his family. The
other priests go into seclusion and without food but theirs are mild, as they can
once in a while attend to the elders of the town who come for prayers to the gods
through them. The whole period of four days of seclusion without food for the
chief priest and his assistants (ndi-Ihene) is known as “Okpukpu”.
During this period also, the whole Azungwu quarters where this festival is
performed goes into serious and absolute quietness and curfew is also imposed.
No hooting by vehicles, no shouting, no loud talking, no crying for the dead, no
fighting and even no splitting of fire wood. The entire village from Ngwu tree
which Azungwu quarters, the area after which the festival is named, are adorned
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with palm fronds, placing them on the roadsides, thereby making the road and
paths look ardoned and more beautiful. Also at various points in the village, check
points are mounted to ward-off offenders whose punishments of fines range from
life he-goats, cocks, chickens, kola-nut, white native chalks, pots of oil to flogging
and being banned from going to the farm or stream.
On the completion of the four days of seclusion, the fines are collected or when
the person refuses to pay, especially for his/her religious beliefs, punishments like
sickness, death, etc, are meted on the offender. The next morning as early as 7.00
am the chief priest brings down the pot of Iwu yam. He emerges from the place of
seclusion and he is met by his assistant priests, four in number, with chalk all over
his face and then moves into the circle of elders. A very high pitch of noise is
raised, the curfew and other hard rules are then automatically lifted. An orchestra
of native instruments- wooden drums of various sizes (‘’Egede’’), wooden and
metal gongs (“Agogo”), large and small bamboo flutes (“Ofili”) and bass drums
(“Ududu”) already start to play. Everywhere in the village especially the festival
arena goes agog with noise and the noise is usually deafening. People dance with
joy moving towards the festival area (“Ogbo Obodo”) giving gifts of money and
animals to the chief priest and his assistants. This is done to celebrate the fact that
he is no longer in the spirit world. After some time, everyone retires to prepare for
the festival proper.
At about 4:00pm the festival arena (“Ogbo Obodo”) becomes jam packed again
with people dancing and jubilating. The assistant priests emerge, each in a new
costume. Dressed in flowing white skirt with beaded red blouse, jingles around
their ankles, powdered with native white chalk from elbow to the wrist, three ox-
coloured beads tied round their wrists and blood of an unknown animal rubbed
across their eyes to the ears. White eagle feathers tucked behind their heads,
sticking to a short stump of hair on the middle of the head left there since they
were ordained as an “Ohene”. Each has a servant (Enem”) who bears a wooden
tray filled with powdered native chalk (“Okwa Nzu”) with which they bless the
people with. This is done by sprinkling the powder on the people.
The chief priest’s appearance is greeted with harder tunes of music and dancing.
He is dressed differently from the others. His blouse (“Izazu”) is made from the
fur of animals with small jingles (“Ikpo”) which are little oval-shaped mirrors all
over the blouse, the length dropping a little below his knee above his shinning
skirt (“Mbulukwu”). His headgear (“Ebe”) is made from ostrich feathers. To his
left hand he holds a small trumpet made of elephant tusk (“Otulaka”) which he
blows at intervals while he uses his right hand to sprinkle powdered white native
chalk (Nzu) which he collects from the bearer of the tray (Okwa Nzu). It is
believed that whoever the white chalk touches is blessed and protected by the
gods. At around 4.00pm, the music and dancing stops and the chief priest and his
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assistants retire to their various huts (“Ogwa”) to pray to Obida, the god of Iwu
festival.
While this jubilation and dancing on, a group of youths from the village, between
13 and 18 years of age, set off very early in the morning when the Iwu yam is
brought down from the fire to Obida stream. They tie a small white woven cloth
(“Npe”) round their waist just to cover their nudity, from their knees down is
covered with native chalk beaten together with some herbs and barks of special
trees (“Ogbasike”) to enable them run far tirelessly. They hold small canes (‘’Itali
Ezeube’’) to ward-off the spirit of any other challenging god on their way and an
empty can to collect pebbles from the steam of Obida. It is believed that on their
return anyone that collects a pebble from them is prevented from attack from
witches and wizards, accidents of all sorts, armed robbery attacks and also attract
promotion at work and business. Their leader has in one hand a red box of
concoctions and messages (“Otite”) to deposit at the foot of the hill from which
the stream rises.
On return, just on time when the second phase of the festival kicks-off about
4.00pm they also stage their dance and the whole village is happy that their
prayers have been answered and that all the youths returned (none was sized by
Obida). Then the other youths of the village (boys and girls alike) join and they
dance in a group to various chiefs in the company of the chief priest and his
assistant. The chief priest receives gifts like chicken and other materials from the
chiefs. Finally, before proceeding to the palace of the Obi of Ogwashi-uku to
represent the success of the festival, the chief priest, his assistants and the youth
converge at the foot of “Ngwu” tree after which the “Azungwu” quarters is named.
It means at the back of Ngwu tree, which is also a god but a smaller god than
Obida. They pour libation and pray to the god of Ngwu, guardian of the Azungwu
quarters. The Obi accepts their message with joy and also presents gifts of
sometimes fowls, goats and drinks to the priests (Ndi-Ihene) and the youth of the
town too.
Once the chief priest and his assistant priests retire, there is usually a very heavy
rain. It is believed that the rain takes the message and concoctions deposited at the
foot of the hill of Obida by the youths’ leader. After which the chief priest starts
his journey to a neighbouring village known as “Abor Ogwashi”, where he is
awaited to be received for them to commence their new yam festival. And if they
do not get it for that year there would not be new yam festival for them.
Ine festival: The “Ine” festival has its roots in Isele-Mkpitime in Aniocha-north
local government area of Delta State. The festival is likened to the new yam
festival of other villages, but with a little difference.
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The “Ine” festival is an annual event, and it normally holds between the end of
August and the beginning of September. This is always the rainy season. The
principal actors in the “Ine” festival are the Obi (The head of the town), the
council of title holders called the “Okpalas”, the elderly women councils and the
leaders of the young men in the town.
Before the festival begins, a certain level of preparedness is achieved. First, the
whole village is kept clean and decorated with many colorful flowers and objects.
This action denotes that there is going to be a festival in the town.
The festival is held at a place called “Abu-ano”. This is a central area in the town.
It is a very large area that can accommodate many people. Everyone appears at
this place wearing white clothes. The elders of the town along with every member
of the village gather there in the morning, between 9am and 10am, waiting for the
Obi to arrive. As he arrives, he pays homage and worships the deity called
“Mkpitime”. After paying homage and worshiping the deity, he cuts one of the
cooked yams brought by the elders of the town. This signifies that the yam is now
okay to be eaten. Twenty-one gunshots immediately follow the cutting of the yam
and then the celebration follows. The young men in the town continue the festival
for a period of seven days. The festival continues with every family cooking food,
especially pounded yam, Egusi soup and sharing with their neigbours.
The significance of the festival is that it marks the point from when the new yam
can be eaten by the people of the town, especially the title chiefs. By tradition, the
title chiefs are not allowed to eat yam without going through this process. The
second significance is that it is at this point that the Obi, along with his council of
chiefs, worship the idol of the town (“Mkpitme”), who is believed to be
responsible for the increase of farm produce of the people of the village.
“Ulo” festival: The “Ulo” festival is celebrated in Asaba, Delta State. It can also
be called “Ichu-ulo” festival. The festival is over a hundred years old. It was
initiated by the forefathers and titled men of the village known as the “Okaku”.
The first ever Ichu-ulo festival was held in the early 40s.
The festival is an annual event and it comes up at the middle of April every year.
Before a date is fixed for the festival, the little children in the village are expected
to gather at the village square under the moonlight, singing and dancing in honour
of the Ulo festival. On the particular day the date of the festival is to be chosen, all
the titled men from the five quarters of the town would come together and discuss
the date to be fixed for the festival. The day chosen for the festival must be one of
the “Orie” market days. The festival always last for five days and by custom, it
starts from “Orie” to Orie” (the four market days are “Orie”, “Afor”, “Nkwo” and
“Eke”).
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“ORIE” MARKET DAY: The festival begins with the young boys of different age
groups dressed in white clothes with local drums made specifically for the
occasion, singing and dancing from the market square to the whole five quarters.
The young boys and their friends from other towns and villages would dance from
morning till the end of that day which leads to the “Afor” day.
DAY 2 (“AFOR” MARKET DAY): On the Afor market day, all the elderly men
of the town would start their own part of the celebration dressed in white George
cloth, which signifies purity. The elders’ wives cook for everybody in their
quarters, and the particular food for the festival is pounded yam and any other
kinds of soup like Banga soup or Pepper soup.
DAY 3 (“NKWO” MARKET DAY): The Nkwo market day is the third day
corresponding to mid period of the festival. This day is for the elderly women in
the town. They come together, dressed in new white clothes and beautiful
wrappers known as “Abada”. Because it is the mid period of the festival, it is
given to the elderly women. The elderly women are visited by the young women
of the town and they are entertained with food, drinks and all other things. The
mood is always joyous. This leads to the next day.
DAY 4 (THE “EKE” MARKET DAY): This day is particularly for the titled men
and elderly women. They are:
• “Okaku” – (town heads for men)
• “Onowu” – (Elderly men)
• “Tsama Akue” – (The oldest woman in the town)
• “Odua” – (The eldest man from each quarter of the town)
• “Onuwe” – (Elderly women)
• “Okita”
These titled men and elderly women come together and celebrate the festival
amongst themselves eating, drinking, dancing and worshipping the gods of the
land.
DAY 5 (“ORIE” MARKET DAY): This is the final day of the festival. The titled
men from the five quarters of the town come together at the town square and
consult the gods of the land through the chief priest. They do this by pouring
libation and also praising him for a successful festival. On this particular day, the
women are not allowed to come out until the consultation with the gods is
finished. This is between 11:30am and 6:00am of the next day.
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The festival signifies that the town is at peace, that their harvest is rich and blessed
by the gods of their land. The festival symbolizes togetherness. It is a time of
celebration where blessings from the gods are poured on the people.
Okuworu Festival: The “Okuworu” festival originated about a hundred years ago
in Ekpan community in Warri, Delta State. It is one of the most cherished festivals
celebrated in the community.
The “Okuworu” festival is an annual event. It usually takes place every August,
this is always during the rainy season. The festival lasts twenty-one days. History
has it that the “Okuworu” which is a masquerade, has a mother and seven children
that normally comes out with him. They come out every market day, which is
every nine days interval, during the period of the festival, according to the
traditions of the people of this community. They all dress in different and very
expensive attires made of George clothes, African carving and paintings.
One the first and second market days, the Okuworu and his seven children go
about to different places, different people within the community and prophesy to
the inhabitants of the village after which they are given money in a white bowl
they carry with them.
On the third and last day of his visit that year, the Okuworu, his mother and seven
children would leave their shrine in Ekpan and go to other parts of the community
like “Effunrun”, “Jedo”, “Gbokoda”, “Eje-eba”, etc, to pray for them and tell them
what the gods of the land want them to do and also purify everywhere before they
leave each place.
People in the community and outside the community, who have come from far and
near cook different kinds of foods like Banga soup and pounded yam, pepper
soup, etc, for their visitors and for anybody that wants to eat.the people entertain
anybody that come their way.
After, going about praying and prophesing, the Okuworu masquerade, his mother,
and children would all go back to their shrine. At the entrance of the shrine, the
priest and the drum beaters would be at the right hand of the shrine singing praises
and pouring encomiums on the Okuworu masquerade, his mother and their seven
children while at the left hand side, the villagers and visitors from far and near
would all form a big circle waiting for their final blessings.
Finally, the children of the Okuworu masquerade would start coming out of the
shrine, from the last born to the first. Afterwards, his mother claps and sings
different victorious songs. In the evening the villagers and people from far and
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near would all go to the river to thank the Okuworu masquerade, his mother and
seven children for answered prayers and bid them farewell till the next year.
Festivals in South Western Nigeria

The south-western part of Nigeria, populated by the Yoruba ethnic group
comprises of six states: Lagos, Ogun, Ondo, Ekiti, Osun and Oyo. There is a
miscellany of festivals celebrated in these states. Eyo, Agba, Okoshi, Igunnuko
and Jegi in Lagos State; Oro cult in Osun State; Ogun, Orosun, Gbegingo and
Egbin-ile in Ondo State; Ogoye and Ogun in Ado Ekiti, Ekiti State; and Diedie-
lomodenu-dagba, Owonifaari, Yagbonyaja, Egun-otan-poro and Agemo in Ogun
State. Below are some festivals selected across the different states.
The “Ifa Oracle Festival” among the Yorubas: “Ifa” festival is observed among
the Yoruba people of Nigeria. The festival is observed among the Idol worshipers
of Yoruba land. There is a day set aside for this festival and the various priests
loyal to the “Ifa” are informed through beating of a special drum. The festival
usually starts on a market day. On that day, pounded yam and egusi Soup are
prepared and sprinkled on the oracle house, which is located in an obscure part of
the town.
During this period all “Ifa priests dressed in white, assemble and dance reciting
some incantations through the streets of the town amid drumming and merry
making. In fact, a lot of money from the public are collected for the priests by their
followers.
This festival takes a whole week and on each day, the priests consult the oracle for
progress of their faithfuls. On the 5th day a special ceremony is held for every
family in the town or village who wants to know what is in store for them in the
year. This ceremony is called “Ibo” and those who consult the “Ifa” oracle are told
what is in store for them now and in future. The person concerned is told of some
rituals to be done to avert it.
On the last day of this festival, worshippers “Ifa” gather at the shrine and discuss
problems facing some of their members. Here disciplinary actions are taken
against offenders of the oracle. From here the priests and their followers once
again dance through the town or village signaling the end of the festival amidst
drumming and dancing.
Agba Festival in Oto Area of Lagos State: ‘Agba’ is a name used to describe
different things in Yoruba land. ‘Agba’ could mean a drum used in the fraternity
house, ‘Agba eran’ that is a she goat that has been delivering for long, or ‘Agba’
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which in English means ‘Canon’. All these are different from the ‘Agba’ Cult. It is
a traditional festival among the people of Oto.
The Agba festival began when a man called ‘Olofin’, who had been exiled to
‘Ibini’ (Benin) to serve a punishment on the accusation of murdering ‘Aina
Olopon’ with whom he had fought over the ownership of a landed property in the
Ido area, was later repatriated to Lagos. On his return, he allocated his land and
other properties to his children among whom was the ‘Oloto’. The area given to
Oloto is known as ‘Ido’ where the Agba shrine is situated. Thus, the Agba was
part of his allocation.
The ‘Agba’ Cult ceremony follows some processes in carrying out its activities.
The processes are conducted by the priests of the Agba Cult. The priests act as
intermediaries between the people and the deity. They priest is the person in touch
between the object of worship and people. These priests are descendants of
‘Olofin’ the father of ‘Oloto’ and they are three namely: Adagba, Ajana-imole and
Amojutoro.
The Adagba is the overall head of the Agba Cult in Oto. His duties are to perform
sacrifices and lead the drum beating that signals the beginning of the Agba Cult.
The Ajana-imole is responsible for leading the Agba cult out of its shrine. He
possesses knowledge of the cult followers defined. Thus, he is required to deliver
their (Agba followers) messages to the deity.
The Amojutoro is the assistant to the Adagba on chores like watching over the
Agba shrine and assisting in performing other activities.
Without the presence of these three, the cult festival cannot take place. The
absence or demise of any amongst them must be quickly replaced. At the shrine,
specifically, the spot where libation is poured, certain traditional items must be
present, Items such as ‘aso funfun’ (white cloth), ‘ere oni’ (crocodile statute),
‘ijoko’ (paddle) and ‘idere’ (bait for catching fish). Also present at the spot are
eight holes (four on the right, four on the left), a calabash filled with water and
another filled with kolanut.
Announcement for the start of the festival is preceded by inspection of ‘iyo’ (it is
on the sea). If this is present on the sea, then it is a signal which means the period
of the festival is near, hence they consult the ‘ifa’ (oracle) on the selection of the
day to begin the festival. Once the ‘ifa’ gives a day, town announcers are
dispatched to inform the residents of Oto, its environs and the Oba of Lagos will
also be sent an emissary to inform him of the selected day for the festival which
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will be nine days from that time. The festival lasts for seven days, out of which the
first, third and fourth are the most important.
On the first day, inspection of the sea for ‘iyo’ is carried out by the priest. If the
sign is seen, or present, the Oloto is informed to come and wash his feet and offer
prayers. At 4pm the Oloto would leave the ‘iga’ claded in white robe and white
cap. At the front of the ‘iga’, he will pour water on the floor twice and then use
alcoholic drink for prayer before proceeding to the shrine with the people to pray
before leaving for the sea. At the sea, the Oba of Lagos will be at the Lagos-island
end of the sea, while the Oloto will be at his own side (the Oto end of the sea).
Once he begins to wash his feet in the water, the Oba of Lagos will begin to do
same. This is done three times after which obeisance is paid to the deities. When
this is done, they return to the shrine, specifically to the spot. On arrival at the spot
of Agba Cult, water would be poured on the Oloto’s feet to signify the return of
the Oloto and all that followed him to the sea. After this, prayer is offered for all
the sons and daughters of Oto and Nigeria in general.
On the second day, drinking, eating and entertainment take place. While on the
third day, food is served in abundance. The ‘Aworo’ (priest) would pray for
protection and development of the town.
The fourth day is the most interesting day, because all sons and daughters of Oto
are expected to be present. This is the day for making sacrifice to the (oju eegun).
All descendants of previous Olotos are expected to be present. Each family among
the descendants brings two cocks, drinks (alcoholic), kolanuts (abafa), bitter kola
and alligator pepper. These are added to the white ram which would be used for
the sacrifice. It is placed on the spot of worship after which the Oloto begins to
pray for Oto in general using specific items. After offering prayers with water and
kolanut, the priest (Aworo) would drop the kolanut several times and ‘eji-ogbe’
will appear which means all offerings and prayers have been accepted by the
deities. Once this is complete, the white ram and a cock from each of the
descendant’s family are slaughtered and their blood poured onto the spot of
worship. Palm oil is poured out and the other cocks from each family are
slaughtered and sprinkled onto the white cloth at the entrance to the shrine. After
the prayers, lots of Kolanuts are eaten by family members. Eating, drinking and
dancing are used to round-off.
The fifth, sixth and seventh days are just for festivities (eating and drinking). On
the seventh day, (the last day) disputes are settled among the citizens of Oto.
The Eyo Festival in Lagos-Island: The ‘Eyo’ festival is also known as the
‘Adamu-Orisa’ Play. It is a festival that takes place in Lagos-Island Local
Government Area of Lagos State referred to as ‘Eko’.
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The ‘Eyo’ (Adamu-Orisa) play originated from Iperu-Ijebu in Ogun State. It came
to Lagos as a result of the marriage that took place between a Lagos prince and an
Ijebu princess. At the ceremony, the ‘Eyo’ play was used to entertain the
bridegroom, this they (the bridegroom’s family) enjoyed and requested the bride’s
family to allow them to go to Lagos with both the bride and the ‘Eyo’. Their
request was granted and ever since the Eyo play has been performed in Lagos.
The Eyo festival is performed as a rite of passage for a dead Oba or chief or an
important personality in the country. It is also used to welcome important and
highly influential personalities into the country.
The (Adamu Orisa) Eyo makes use of ‘aga’ (hat) made of plywood and cloth,
‘opa-n-bata’ (the staff) made of palm tree with designs on it, ‘iboju eyo’ (cloth)
used for covering the face, ‘aropale’ (the white robe). These ‘Eyo’ are of different
types, some are called the ‘eyo orisa’ and they include:
 The ‘Adamu Orisa’ group, the leader and foremost of them all; established in
1852
 ‘Laba Ekun’ established in the 1900’s
 ‘Eyo Oniko’ established in the 1900’s
 ‘Eyo Ologede’ established in the 1900’s
 ‘Eyo Agere
 Other Eyo either belong to chiefs.
The activities that precede the Eyo play begins eight days before the Eyo play
itself. On the first day, a selected site is decorated with lots of traditional clothes
adorning the site with a coloured stick representing a dead person. This place is
referred to as ‘IMOKU’. The children of the deceased would be there to welcome
them.
On the second day, the ‘IMOKU’ is opened for all to see and pay homage to the
dead. On third day which is a Sunday, the five leading groups among the Eyo that
are referred to as ‘eyo orisa’ begins to come out thus signifying the unofficial
beginning of the play. This lasts till Thursday and on the next day which is a
Friday, the eyo alakete pupa (laba-Ekun) would build the ‘agodo’ with the whole
group. Here also, sacrifices as offering to the deity are made in secrecy.
Items such as kolanut, ‘Atare’ (alligator pepper) ‘Orogbo’ (bitter kola) and white
ram are used as sacrificial materials. The white ram when killed is consumed
among the partakers of the sacrifice and the blood would be poured on his spot in
the ‘agodo’ (shrine) as a form of libation and offering to the deity. After these,
prayers are held for successful outing of the group.
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On the outing day before the different eyo groups begin to troop out, the Oba of
Lagos would be the first person to come out with ‘adamu orisa’ and ‘alakete pupa’
(laba-ekun) hats, he dances around for people to see thus signifying the
commencement of the play. When the Oba takes his seat among theguests, the
procession of Eyo begins with the ‘eyo orisa’ ably led by the ‘Adamu orisa’, ‘laba
ekun’, ‘Oniko’, ‘Ologede’ and lastly ‘eyo Angere’. These groups are followed by
other eyo like ‘onitolo’, ‘faji’, ‘sasore’, ‘Angere’ and so on.
Activities such as dancing and the singing of ‘Aro’ like:

Ataba tibi atibi taba,
Agun oniko osha Apena
Agogoro Eyo
Mo yo fun e
Mo yo fun ra mi
Translated means:
(What a tall or imposing Eyo! I rejoice with you, I rejoice with myself).
Any time that the Eyo festival is approaching, we have groups of people known as
(Awon Amu Opa Jade) the staff bearers where we have ‘Eyo Adimu’, ‘Eyo
Ikolaba’, ‘Eyo Oniko’, ‘Eyo Ologede’ and ‘Eyo Agere’. The staff bearers go out
with their staff (opanbata).
On different days to announcing the date of the forth coming Adamu Orisa play,
they will move from their shine to the Oba’s palace, the palaces of the white cap
chiefs, and the house of titled chiefs; other prominent personage in the community.
These people move in line, (in procession) along the street, while the members of
the public should honour the staff bearers outing. Also the staff bearers should not
molest or beat any member of the public
On the festival day, the Eyo has to converge out of their own shrine then move to
the main shrine (Agodo) according to the order of seniority and the masquerades
also move to where the families are seated or where the coffin is displayed
(IMOKU) and make the staff incantation (Ika-opa) so the members of the family
of the deceased person for whom the play is being staged cannot think of any
greater honour indigenous to Lagos than that accorded by the play.
Agemo Festival in Ogun State: Agemo is a festival among the people of Ijebu-
Ode, a community in Ijebu-Ode local government of Ogun –State. According to
history, Agemos are just like masquerades and had been part of their history of
Ijebu land. Agemo is said to have come with the first Awujale of Ijebu-land from
Egypt to settle in Ijebu-Ode, after the Awujale had settled down, each Agemo left
to settle down in different villages which surround Ijebu-Ode.
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Before the commencement of Agemo festival which usually takes place in the
first week of July, the oracle would be consulted to ascertain the duration of the
festival in a particular year. ‘Abo odun’, would last for three or seven days while
‘Ako odun’ would last for nine or fourteen days. Oro festival would commence in
different villages of these Agemos for any number of days the oracle had
appointed and later in Ijebu-Ode for the same number of days. After these, the
Agemos who are sixteen in number would dance in their various court yards
known as (Agbala) and then start to prepare for the festival.
On the very day they would arrive at Ijebu-Ode, a priest who is popularly known
as ‘Asokute’ of Awujale, would leave his house to trek to the shrine of Obanta at
Itoro in Ijebu-Ode, while the king himself with his chief excluding Iyalode (a
female chief) would trek to the same venue at twelve o’clock in the afternoon. The
Awujale would come to the shrine with a ram, kolanut, gin and some amount of
money. The asokute would pray for the awujale for a successful and peaceful
agemo festival and to appease the deity of the land. Immediately after leaving this
shrine, the awujale would proceed to ‘Ipebi’ (the traditional palace/shrine where
the awujale was traditionally installed) where gbedu drummers would be waiting
for him. The Awujale would dance to the gbedu special dance nine different times.
The first three, the second three, women in the palace and the surrounding are
allowed to watch and pray but the last three steps, women would have to vacate
the scene because by this time a signal would have been sent to the Awujale that
all the agemos are at the different entrances to Ijebu-Ode and that they are all
ready to come in. Of important note is that at various levels of this festival, women
are given little or no chance at all to watch the agemo because there is the belief
that women cannot keep secrets. After all the agemos, sixteen in number, with
three traditionally believed to be their helpers would assemble in a street called
Ita-Alapo in Ijebu-Ode and then move in procession to Ijebu-Ode for their first
traditional dance.
On their first night in Imosan, a form of ritual would be performed by each one of
them (wo lo fi obi kanle) this according to history was to pray for peace in the land
and to prophesy. In all these processes women are forbidden to watch them
because they go along with their traditional load/regalia (‘Eru’). The second day
they would dance in a court yard known as (Agbala) in that village and kill a cow
that had earlier been given to them by Awujale as a gift for the year. Women are
allowed to watch this to a limit. The third day, they would all come back to Ijebu-
Ode and rest till the sixth day in case it is a seven day duration. During the resting
period, they all have a house to stay in Ijebu-Ode on different streets; people go to
them for prayers, consultation and divination.
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On the sixth day of their arrival at Ijebu-Ode, they would perform a similar ritual
(as performed in Imosan) (fifi obi kanle). Important note is that whether three,
seven, nine or fourteen days duration, the day they perform this particular ritual in
Ijebu-Ode, they have to dance in a courtyard known as (Agbala) also in Ijebu-Ode
and their traditional load/regalia leaves Ijebu-Ode the following day. The last day
which is the seventh day, the leader among the Agemos would go and dance for
the Awujale and come back to dance in the courtyard and others would follow
suit. All these are for public viewing after the seven days. A special two days is
for the Awujale and all the Agemos. The first day, the agemos and awujale would
go to Ikoju this according to history is for praying for the Awujale and his family
for long life and peace in the land. The second day, they would all go to Ilope this
is to thank the Awujale for hosting them. The Agemo can then go back to their
various communities/villages for merry making to a successful outing and festival.
Of important note is that all these activities carried out in this festival, women are
given very little chance of viewing and all the people invited must trek from one
place to another. They give a strict warning in form of a very loud noise
screaming, shouting, to alert women and to scare them away from peeping.
The names of Agemo of Ijebu-ode land with the three traditional helpers are Tami
of Odogbolu, Serefusi of Igbile, Ewujagbori of Imosan, Ediye of Ago Iwoye, Petu
aramasa of Isiwo, Olumoko of Oku Ow, Bajeluju of Imuku-Atan, Magado of
Aiyepe Ijebu, Edelumoro of Imero-idowa, Ija Oloko of Imosan, Posa of Imosan,
La saase of Agagu loru of Oru, Mapa of Odonapa-Imushin Ijebu, Ogegbo of
Ibowon, Alofee of Ijebu-Ijesha, Idebi of Isamowo of Ago Iwoye, Olugbo of
Olugbo Ago-Iwoye, and Ogi alawo Oba of Ijebu-land.
The significance of the Agemo festival are to pay a yearly visit to the Awujale
since history told us they came together from Egypt, perform sacrifice to the
Awujale for long life and peaceful reigning and pray for the entire people of Ijebu
land.
Orosun Festival of Idanre in Ondo State: This is the festival that is mainly
known and done in Idanre, Ondo State. It is an annual festival that holds on the
fifth/sixth month of every year.
The historical account reveals that Orosun and Olofin were born of the same
parents and they both migrated from the ancient town of Ile-Ife some centuries
back. In the course of their journey they travelled to an ancient village which had
fine geographical landscape that is well arranged hills, rocks and great valleys.
They marvelled at the way smaller rocks were carrying bigger rocks. Hence they
called the place ‘I-dan-re’ which translated into English means ‘a great wonder’.
Right from that day to this present day, the place remains ‘Idanre’. Due to the rich
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geographical and agricultural tendencies, there was a great strife which ended up
into bitter rivalry between Orosun and Olofin. For peace to reign, Orosun being
the eldest decided to peach her tent on one of the hills, which was later called
‘Oke- Idanre’ (Idanre hills), while Olofin decided to stay at the valley which he
later called ‘Odode Idanre’ meaning ‘the basement of Idanre’.
After the discovery of the place, people started migrating to Idanre, some decided
to stay at the basement while some moved to live with Orosun on top of the hill.
She later got married to one of the settlers around her vicinity and gave birth to
beautiful and handsome children. Because of her mystical and supernatural
powers, people started coming to pay homage to her and as well sing her praises
and by asking for so many things particularly children and their request would
later be granted after making vows. This lasted for so many years until she died,
but before her death she had already gathered followers which are called ‘The
Aworos’ and they later turned her into a living deity by worshipping her, thereby
turning it to an annual festival called ‘OROSUN FESTIVAL’. The festival always
comes up every fifth/sixth month of the year.
The advent of modernisation turned the festival to a yearly jamboree wherein

indigenes and foreigners come from all over the world on the D-day to celebrate in
full.
The festival has its own unique features, especially the way the Aworo dresses.
The women always tie a white wrapper round their chest not putting on a blouse
and underwear; they have a special hairdo called ‘SUKU’. They walk barefooted
with a brass chain tied round their legs. Their faces, backs and legs are adorned
with local white chalks. The men too tie white wrappers towards the left hand-
side round their waist; they also do not put on any underwear. Their hairs are
shaved for observation of the festival. After they might have dressed up, they all
walk barefooted from the basement to Idanre hills, where the elderly worshippers
(Aworo) would be for seven days while the new intakes called ‘Obitun’ would
stay for fourteen days.
When they might have descended from the hills, there must be two months
interval for appeasement. During this appeasement a date would be fixed within
the month, whereby corncakes would be made and all the aworos would wine and
dine together and later shave their hairs.
Any member of the Aworo that died before the end of the two months
appeasement, it is generally believed that such a person was killed by the wrought
of ‘OROSUN’.To avoid death: no member of the Aworo must eat or taste Locust
beans; none of the Aworos must fornicate/adulterate with another man’s wife or
husband; and cooking with firewood made from Iroko tree is forbidden.
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The clothing (white wrapper) and local white chalk used for the festival have their
significance. The white wrapper signifies peace and white also is the favourite of
Orosun; while the local white chalk is used to consecrate the Aworos both male
and female.
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Ogun Festival in Ondo State: ‘Odun Ogun’ as the name connotes is an annual
celebration of Ogun (the god of iron) by all the sons and daughters of Ondo
kingdom popularly known as Ondo town, a town some fifty kilometers south of
Akure, the capital of Ondo State. This festival is not new among the Ekinmoguns;
as the indigenes of Ondo are called because Ogun festival comes once in a year,
precisely in September. They perhaps value it more than any other day. To the
Ekinmoguns (people of Ondo), Ogun festival or Odun Ogun in the Oru parlance,
is not just a day for strictly or merely worshiping of idol, but rather the day as
assumed by the people is also a time for re-union (the day has assumed the status
of a carnival day).
On the day of the Ogun festival the Ogun chief priest comes out to pay homage to
it (god of iron) for protecting the community during the previous year’s Ogun
festival and other years to come. As mentioned earlier, the Ogun festival day has
assumed the status of a carnival. People display their wealth and celebrate their
successes, a celebration of life par excellence and a day for friends and relatives to
re-unite.
The Agbede family during this festival plays the most vital role by offering
sacrifices and rituals and also appeasing the god of iron to usher in a reign of
prosperity, unity and peace among the people. The children in Ondo town are not
left out of the hustle and bustle. They stroll in pairs around, running errands and
performing multifarious chores with glee in return for the reward of bounteous
lumps of boiled yams, a real treat indeed.
During the Odun Ogun the most cherished kind of food is pounded yam served
with ‘obe ase’ a special okro soup laced with local seasoning – ‘ogiri’ and ‘lerun’
and ‘eja olopa’ (a dried stock catfish).
The major activities of the Ogun festival (Odun Ogun) usually commences at
8:00am, and all the people of Ondo town (Ekinmoguns) converge at the ‘OGUN
LEI’ a spot that has an ‘ABA’ tree planted there at the ‘ODO JOMU’ area of the
town. ‘OGUN LEI’ is the Ogun spot where dogs are offered for sacrifice.
The Ogun festival (Odun Ogun) features dance performances from both young and
old women from the town. They dress themselves in their best outfits and paint
their face and head with either blue/white powder.
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The major belief of the Ekinmoguns is that the Ogun festival is a festival that they
must not stop observing because it actually has a spiritual consequence on their
land and their people. The materials that are relevant to observing ‘Odun Ogun’
includes: a matured male dog, a new red piece of cloth, cutlass, palm oil, alligator
pepper, salt, iron which signifies the god of iron.
Last session of the festival is the king (Osemawe of Ondo) coming out to break the
kola, which is after all the necessary ritual must have taken place. After the
breaking of Kola the king would shout in their oru parlance “Ogun Ye” which
means the festival is successful.
The Ogoye Festival in Igbara-Odo, Ekiti State: This festival is one of the most
prominent festivals in Igbara-odo, in Ekiti south west local government area of
Ekiti state. It is a festival essentially designed to castigate, humiliate and caution
evil doers. It is also meant to serve as a deterrent to prospective evil doers and to
mimic people, thereby touching on their funny deeds, pranks and over zealous
deeds.
Ogoye festival is celebrated annually in the month of July in favour of one native
deity called ‘OLIKI’. Ogoye is a compound noun representing two distinct ideas,
‘OGO O’ means ‘Thanks be to God’, ‘OYE’ means ‘you survive or you have
survived’. By this ‘OGOYE’ means ‘Thank God we have survived’. That is, we
have successfully, happily and in good health crossed the rubicon and survived the
turbulence of the previous year and entered the New Year with glee.
As it has been stated above OGOYE festival is celebrated in honour of ‘OLIKI’

which is reputed to be the god of light. At the shrine of OLIKI a ‘Lantern’ made of
clay, filled with red oil and a wig placed in it is always lighted there. This light is
always kept aglow especially during the two-day festival of Ogoye.
Seven days to the commencement of Ogoye, young girls and middle aged people –
men and women would scout round to collect facts relating to the family
background of ‘prospective victims’ of Ogoye. These facts are details about
whether the people they are going to chastise during the festival are thieves,
cheaters, adulterers, liars, backbiters or whether there is any serious illness or
disease in their family. Those who can write among these age groups would be
compiling these facts.
Also during this period, those who can afford it would buy uniforms. Essentially,
girls and middle-aged women would buy make-ups like local paints: ’OSUN’,
‘ILAALI’, ‘BANJEJE’, ‘INA’ to beautify their bodies.
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On the first day of Ogoye, activities usually start around 7:00 – 7:30 pm, the
woman leader of Ogoye would go in company of few women to visit the Oba to
pay him homage and jokingly cast some aspersions on him. He in return, would
throw little abusive slangs on one or two of them and present them gifts of cash
and kolanut. From there they would proceed to the houses of the high chiefs and
few other chiefs. As soon as the town’s people become aware of this development
they would arrange and come out in groups ---- age group by age group or in clubs
and association. Even with modern development there is a popular group of men
called ‘EGBE AMULUDUN’ who now put glamour and decorum into the festival.
On the first day before the woman-leader performs her rite, every married woman
would cook yam pounded into a powdered form, mixed with red oil and salt. This
is called ‘ELO’. This ‘ELO’ is offered to OLIKI, the god of light and patron of
OGOYE festival. But this act is gradually fading away as the economic situation
makes it difficult to procure these items.
As it had been explained above, as soon as the town’s people are aware that the
OGOYE woman-leader has visited the Oba, other groups, clubs and associations
would troop out. Each group would move with its own musical sets. When they
arrive at the frontage of the house of the man/woman they want to chastise, the
leader or any capable person who is fluent and adept in abusing people would call
out the name of the person:
“Ajayi o o o” others would respond
“Oriiri i i i” (which literally means he/she is listening)
Leader:”Ke se o nan-an-an? (What has he/she done to you/for you (to
plead with you or appease you from abusing him/her)
Associates:”E si i” (Nothing)
From there the leader would sing an abusive song and others would respond with
glee as they dance with dexterity and jeer at the person they are abusing.
The women would start their own from 7:30 pm of the first day till about 12:00pm
of the second day. From then, the men would take over from the women. The
seven-hour Ogoye activities of the men are usually characterized by vigour, first
class mimicking, fun and esteem orchestration. Young men would dress in female
dresses to conform to the mode of dressing of the ladies or women they want to
abuse. They would also mimic their ways of walking, smiling and talking. If their
fiancé or concubines are known, other men would dress to match the mode of
dressing of the suspected fiancé and/or concubines. Their life style in all
ramifications would be imitated. Like women they would be moving from house
to house and street to street till they have touched places already marked down in
their itinerary.
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When the closing hour comes up the women would sing a song to give rebuff to
all the curses and abusive utterances they had altered the previous day till dawn.
Leader: ‘name’ A mo merun ba o o (‘name’ “we do not mention your name or we

do not curse you”)
Others would chorus: “Ojumo kete epe domi” (All abuses and curses to become
water that is; to be of no effect upon the persons cursed and/or abused)
From there they would drop all paraphernalia of Ogoye and go and assemble in the
house of their leaders to share any money or gifts got during the festival. They
would also eat and drink. Thereafter, they would disperse after praying for good
health to see the coming year.
It is pertinent to draw attention to one salient fact about the Ogoye festival. If a
barren woman is chastised and jeered at during the Ogoye festival by making her
to back a doll as if she is carrying a baby on her back and have her body smeared
with ashes and her face powdered with ashes, it is usually believed that by the
following year she would be cured of her barrenness and she would get a child.
Similarly, if a man does not get a wife on time, pebbles would be used as kolanuts
by women celebrants of Ogoye to appease his head and OLIKI the god of light to
give him a wife. It usually happens that the prayers of the Ogoye celebrants are
accepted and the barren women may get children and long over-due bachelors may
get wives.
No one can actually say whether it is the chastisement of Ogoye celebrants that
paves way for these people or it was a coincidence. However, Christianity has
debunked such believes from the mind of at least 95% of the inhabitants of Igbara-
Odo. The belief is that only God can give a person his/her heart’s desire and that
whatever happens is an act of God and a mere coincidence with Ogoye festival.
Below are some songs sand during the festival.
Adulterer, Thieves: “Mo r’oku Aoro,

Lazy people etc Me ra-i-ye e re e
Mi ke e pa o
Odi/Ole/Agbere/Ole li mo pa o soko-saka”
I see a dead guinea-fowl,
I do not see it alive.
What has caused its death?
Adultery/Stealing/Laziness has caused its death.
In this song “AORO” (Guinea-fowl) or (Bush fowl) is used figuratively to

represent human being who dies as a result of adultery, stealing, laziness or any
other misbehaviour.
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For a person (man or woman) who is short and relatively thin:
“O w’okunrin/obinrin kari eni,
Obeje o, etu la a da a,
Etu la a da, obeje o o
For being short and tiny the song is sung to deride him/her.
He/She searches for his/her lover (wife/husband) on the mattress,
Mere antelope, is going to turn to an antelope; mere antelope.
An antelope is not too fat animal, that is very active and fast. So, a short but thin
and active person is compared to an antelope – in the Ogoye song.
A person with a big belly: Oluku bi oni soun ro soke e
In a ra o, eye re je n fo si o
n a ra o
“You, whose belly is like a gourd tied up, your mummy will not allow me to abuse
you; Goodbye”
Some musical instruments used during Ogoye festival are gong (agogo); flute
(made out of bamboo), but with modern development whistle and accordion; and
Sekere (a little, not very small anyway; amedium size} gourd, round with twines
lined with small beads tied round it. Clapping is also done to add melody to the
songs.
Dress could be any native/english wear that can suit the purpose they intend to
project
The Ogun festival in Ijesha Isu in Ikole Local Government Area Ekiti State:
The Ogun festival (new yam) is one of the festivals that are celebrated annually in
the month of August in Ijesha Isu in Ikole Local Government Area of Ekiti State.
The festival is usually celebrated for seven days. Before the commencement of the
festival, certain things are put in place.
One, an artificial hill, the hill is known as ‘Okiti Agba’. The ‘Okiti Agba’ is
erected in front of the king’s palace. A big drum has to be on top of the artificial
hill signifying that the festival is about to begin. The Ogun priest re-decorates the
shrine to make it more attractive and ready for the Ogun festival. Other attractive
sights are ‘Oke Amo’ which is called the ‘natural cooking pot’ which pours out
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water that flows to form a small river. The pot has a cover but does not cover it;
instead the cover dances on top of the pot and also produces a rhythm that sounds
so interesting. It is used together with ‘Okiti Agba’ to praise the royal family and
entertain bystanders.
On the first day, the new yam festival would take place. Yam would be prepared
for the community which marks the beginning of the festival. This is also been
observed by the indigenes of Ijesha Isu people in diaspora.
On the second day, the masquerades come out, dance round the whole village and
end up at the Oba’s palace. This would continue until the last day of the festival.
There are also side attractions in different streets within the same community.
Within Oke-Osa the youth of the royal family would dance round the community
for three days and at the end of each day, they end up in the palace and the king
blesses them.
Then on the fifth day of the festival, the big drum which was been placed on the
artificial hill (Okiti Agba) would be beaten by the chief priest of Ogun. Very early
in the morning around 5:00am it would be beaten seven times and it sounds like
gunpowder. At the end of each cry, the shout of “Ogun Ye” would rent the air
from different quarters within the community. During the festival, the elders and
the chiefs always gather in the evenings at the king’s palace for merriments.
During that period, pounded yam (iyan) with bush meat (eran igbe) and mostly
dog meat are eaten especially among the Ogun worshippers and elders.
On the seventh day, the dog meat meant for the real sacrifices would be killed by
the chief priest to mark the end of the festival and on that day, there is always a
very big ceremony which lasts till late in the night thus signifying the end of the
Ogun festival.
Egungun Festival in Osun State: Egungun (Masquerade) festival is one of the

festivals brought by some of our ancestors to a place now known and called
Modakeke in Ile-Ife, Osun state about four hundred years ago when they migrated
down south of the River Niger after the fall of the old Oyo Empire.
Apart from being an entertaining festival it also portrays our people’s belief in re-
incarnations. As such, the forum is used to link up with the departed souls and
receive blessings from them year in, year out. For this reason the festival is very
popular among the Oyo speaking people of Yoruba land.
The festival is a seven day event which takes place in the month of July every
year. This month was chosen because all that needed to be planted in their farms
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might have been completed and expectation of a bumper harvest is high for July is
a rainy period.
On the first day of the event, all descendants of the ‘egungun’ family would
converge in a wilderness called ‘Igbo Igbale’. It is at this wilderness that egungun
priests perform prayers and commune with their deity as always required.
Strangers are not allowed to enter this wilderness for it is forbidden. The arrival of
the chief egungun signifies the commencement of the year’s festival. The chief
egungun would then proceed to the palace of the Oba where they would pay
homage and offer prayer for the peaceful coexistence of his subjects. The
‘kabiyesi’ in turn would give them certain amount of money and kolanuts. This
day is called ‘Ojo Igbaja’.
This event marks the first day when young egunguns would be noticed at some
places in the town. Subsequent days would witness the outings of traditional
egunguns like ‘Elebiti’, ‘Ogbabu’, ‘Ologbojo’, ‘Iyekiye’ to mention but a few
converging at the town centre called ‘Oja Oba’ where they would be testing their
new discoveries in their occultic powers by making incantations on one another.
This is an interesting aspect of the event where visitors and interested people keep
watch on the one that would win the year’s strongest egungun. Young egunguns;
most of whom are the children of the egungun worshippers called the ‘Olojes’
would be parading themselves within the town beating people with a light cane
called ‘Pasan’ while citizens who would not like to be beaten give them money,
some gift items and ransomes.
Some of the big egunguns visit people’s houses to offer prayers to the occupants
while women would kneel before them adoring and describing them as their father
from heaven and respond to their prayers by saying “Ase”.
The seventh day event marks the end of the festival when the egungun called
‘Ayinle’ would proceed to the market centre and after pouring libations would
remove his top regalia and roll on the ground seven times. The event would then
be declared closed for the year and no ‘egungun’ would be seen in the town again.
A classification of communication items used in the festival revealed the following

classes: iconographic, native chalk, palm frond, calabash, pigeon/white dove,
kolanut, ‘Ina, Banjeje, Ilaali, Osun’, lantern, ram, statue of Ogun, paddle, hoe,
cutlass, palmwine, dog and snail; institutional, shrine and masquerade; visual,
dress (white garment); demonstrative, songs; extra-mundane, bottom –up
(characterised by the use of gin, rituals, libation and palmoil; and instrumental,
drums.
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Egungun (masquerade) Festival in Kwara State: Oro in Kwara State has
numerous cultural festivals, but foremost amongst all is the “Egungun” which the
people regard as a celebration in remembrance of their dead parents. Thus to them,
the appearance of the “Egungun” is a sign that departed ones still remember the
living that they have left behind.
During this seven day festival, the Aro, who is the third in rank among the chiefs,
is the custodian of “Egungun”. Seventeen days before the festival begins, the
“Elegba” (a co-masquerade) announces the date for the “Egungun” festival..
He does this during a market day. When he knows it is a market day, he announces
the message of the “Ara-Orun” (the heavenly dwellers). The Elegba is by right
from Esa compound. Hence, the Omo-Ile (Esa compound indigenes) is “Agbena
wo Oju Egun” (he who uses a lamp to identify Egungun). Immediately the
“Elegba” leaves the market the “Paraka” (a masquerade noted for his whips) takes
over the scene for the seventeen days before the festival starts. The “Paraka”
masquerade is worn by all males as young as five or as old as eighty years, for as
long as he can speak the expected guttural language with a velar sound. The
people hail them as “Ara Orun Kinkin” (Dwellers of faraway heaven). They go
about town entertaining the elderly and senior citizens while not forgetting to give
out generous whipping to their age groups and juniors.
On the first day, all the “Egungun”, from the chiefs, “Bale, Asanlu, Aro, Onikoyi,
Onijala, Oniwo” and lately “Odofa”, entertain the people at “Idi-Odu Agba” near
the Bales house at Ile-Iji, where there is a big square for this and other purposes.
For the following five days, every afternoon to early evening they entertain people
in ascending order of seniority of the owner-chiefs. In the days gone by when Oro
district was still together, they would go to the palace of the “Oba” on the fifth day
for “Ore Gbigba” (rounding up). Here the Aro, who is the custodian of the
Egungun would carry a bowl of bean cakes. All Egunguns from the District would
dance round in a circle with chief Aro in the center, carrying a bowl of “Akara” on
his head. At the seventh round, the “Egungun” would take “Akara” one by one and
flee the scene throughout the going round. All “Egungun” must dance with their
two hands up; this is to prevent them from harming themselves using charms
(Ogun) against one another. From there they disperse to owner-chiefs respective
town and villages. One reaching, there they (Oro) move to the owner-chiefs homes
and later dance round visiting other prominent people in town. Throughout the
seven days female members of the owner-chief’s compound, with a retinue of
drummers accompany the “Egungun”. However, Chief Aro, being the custodian of
the “Egungun”, is given the privilege to extend his own “Egungun” festival to the
sixth day.
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On the seventeenth day, they-give way to the “Egungun”. They are dressed in
expensive clothes symbolizing the status of the owner-chiefs. Their clothes
comprise of one giant sack-looking overall, beneath which is the small clothes
made of “Ankara” or any light material, usually rectangular in shape, on their
waist is the “Apete” (a waist belt made of fanciful threads tied to rectangle leather
pads). These may be between 3 and 10 belt wide according to the affluence of the
owner-chief. On their legs they wear the “Ewe”, (small bells from which the Oro
people have derived the proverb). “Bi Omode o ba mo ewe a fi ewe sowo otun afi
ewe sowo osi” (if a child cannot recognize ewe, an older holds ewe on one hand
and the ewe on the other hand) i.e. the truth and the lies are laid bare for an
ignorant person.
North Central Nigeria

Ekuechi Festival in Kogi State:
The Ekuechi festival is held in Obanged/Ihima, Obaji clan in Okehi Local
Government Area of Kogi State, which is classified under the North Central Zone
of the country. The Ekuechi festival originated form Eika district of Ebiraland.
Obaji and Ododo were the children of Ebira. Obaji, the eldest child of Ebira
instructed his sons to transform him to a masquerade after his death. The sons did
not act fast enough. When Ododo died, his sons quickly brought out their
masquerade in memory of Ododo. This according to tradition made Ododo the
younger in life to become the elder in the world beyond. The Ododo and Obaji
Masquerades come out once in a year, usually at the end of the year just before the
yam planting season in December.
All other consequent masquerades pay homage to Ododo before Obaji to accord
the seniority. The Ekuechi festival is a Song and Dance Festival, during which the
Eku (masquerade) on a higher platform sings and the assisting singer repeats the
song to be chorused by the audience. Most of the songs relate to life, death, social,
economic, political and moral issues of land. The Ebira, which means “character”,
is a mobilizing word to the average Anebira, (Ebira person) who is conscious of
any of life’s endeavour.
The Ekuechi festival is made up of a two-day programme of activities. The first

day, the Umeche a social night of songs by the native musicians known as
Omikede is performed. It is an all night outing where all people from Ebira land
and visitors etc. are welcome. In the early morning, the musicians meet at the
market place or “Orere” to display to the admiration of the people. The Eku night
begins with exchange of “Uzi” a special bitter leaf and goat meat pepper soup
prepared for the men folk to be eaten before the night out, and the men only
witness this night of Eku festival.
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At about 8:00pm, the “Ekuachete” who is an assistant to the ‘Eku” comes out and
runs through the town to be sure there is no mishap. Even men do not witness this
Ekuahete except the custodians who are (Ochienavo and Adaveriku). As soon as
the ‘Ekuahete” leaves, the youths and some elders go round the houses with
various instrument like the wooden drum, and elephant trunk that make their
voices sound like the reincarnated from death. On the communication functions,
they generally prophesy to the barren, pray for the sick and in mock reprimand,
abuse the morally depraved for the society.
Finally, the “Eku’ is ready for display. The Eku is well attired with clanging metal
gongs and shimming little bells. These are used with dexterity to accentuate the
dance steps to the fascinating drumming.
The “Eku” visits its shrine to break kola, then he sings and dances to the
admiration of the people till the morning when they finally return to their land
beyond.
Some well known masquerades at the Ekuechi festivals include Ichirimi (father of
all such masquerades) ‘Ogugureba’, (the tallest of all masquerades) Okevere,
(Dresses in different colourful attire) Achewuru, (the most stubborn of the
masquerades), Oratauru, (The shortes of all masquerades), Arijanu, (He behaves
like a drunk) Adebira, (over seas activities of all other masquerades), Kereni (Not
to be witnessed by the women), Avereho (give incantations for the needy),
Avokuta (comes out at night). Other festivals in Ebiraland are Echane (festival for
women), Echori in Ihima and Eganyi, Eika, Echahana, in Okehi.
Sallah Festival in Bauchi State: Geographically, Bauchi State is located in the

northeastern part of Nigeria. The capital is Bauchi. The vegetation is mainly
savannah, with intermittent scrubs dotted here and there. The highlands are mainly
rocky and grassy with large expanse of lowland, which stretches for miles on end.
There are numerous streams and few rivers here and there which serve as fishing
grounds for the population. The people of Bauchi are mainly farmers, fishermen,
and crafts men. The language spoken is Hausa and the religion practised is Islam,
of which the people adhere strictly to the Islamic laws. So, it is worthy of note that
the people of Bauchi being core Islamic faithfuls celebrate ‘Sallah’ festivals.
“Sallah” festivals are of two types – the one during the fasting period and the non-
fasting period. During the celebration of the one before the fasting period which is
known as “Id el Fitri” the Chief Iman gives the go ahead after sighting the moon.
Immediately the moon is sighted, the fasting period starts, and this lasts for 30
days.
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In Bauchi, the inhabitants observe this period as a period of holiness and prayers
are offered six times in a day. Fasting starts from 6:00am and ends 6:00pm daily.
This is observed strictly by all the inhabitants. Children and pregnant women as
well as older inhabitants are allowed to fast from 6:00am to 1:00pm as the case
may be. At the end of the 30 days fasting, all the inhabitants converge at
designated prayer grounds to offer prayers to Allah for a peaceful year and and a
year of progress.
In case of ‘Id el Kabir’ it is observed without fasting and this is celebrated as a

mark of respect for the climbing of mount Arafat in Mecca and to welcome back
home those pilgrims who went to Mecca to perform the ‘Haj’.
Basankoli Festival in Mokwa Local Government Area of Niger State:

Basankoli are people from that town and they are traders because whenever they
go to Mecca to perform Hajj (pilgrimages) to the holy land), they come back with
goods to sell. In Mokwa a Local Government of Niger State, the BASANKOLI is
the festival that is celeberated yearly.
This festival is celeberated in most of the Local Governemnt Areas in Niger State,
which signifies the same symbol among the Barubas. Bokos, Gwaris of Niger
State. The festival does not involve the use of masqurades or shrine because the
Basankoli are practising Muslims.
The festival is a seven-day event, which takes place after the EID-KABIR
celebration. Those that went on pilgrimage to Mecca are back. It starts when the
travellers come back from their pilgrimage. So, the people in the village would be
happy to see them back home. From the second day they visit the Emir and his
chiefs showcasing their goods such as golden earnings, wrist watches, necklace,
bracelets, hand chain, ankle chain with different types of cloths, lace materials,
veils, shoes, bags, Quran, rosary, praying mats, herbs, etc, but when the Emir and
his chiefs have selected what they want to buy, the following days they go to the
market square to sell the remaining goods to the villagers, this continues for the
next five days.
The seventh day they would have stopped selling what they have to sell.
Therefore, they do thanksgiving by going to the mosque in the morning to pray
and from there they go back home to prepare different kinds of food. They do this
because during the EID- KABIR they were still at Mecca so they believe that this
is the time for them to do their celebration, which has to do with sharing because
they believe that there is love in sharing. So when they have finished preparing
their food, they take that of the Emir and his chiefs to them before they serve the
villagers.
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During this period they would have arranged their venue where the celebration
would hold which has to be a play ground that they can easily lay their mats.
There you would see different people eating together in groups with big trays and
taking their local drinks kunu and zobo while the young boys would be drumming
the Bandiri (a kind of drum that is used among the Muslims) and they would be
singing and dancing which brings them to the end of the Festival for that year.
North Western Nigeria

The Argungu Fishing Festival of Kebbi State: This is mainly presenting the
Argungu Fishing festival of Kebbi State drawing from the one held from 7th-20th
March, 2004.
Argungu fishing festival is a recognized international event that attracts people

from in and outside Nigeria. Formerly, people from all over the world converge
annually in Argungu village in Kebbi State to enjoy not only the friendly
atmosphere of entertainment and fishing competition of the tourist resort, but also
to meet and mix with people of different nationalities in a spirit that transcends
artificial barriers.
The festival, which is the leading tourist attraction in the state, came into being in
August 1934 when the late sultan of Sokoto, Mallam Hassan Dan Mu’azu, made
his first historic visit to Argungu. In appreciation of his visit, the people of
Argungu organized a grand fishing festival to commemorate his coming, and since
then, it has become a yearly event held around February. The schedule now holds
at yearly intervals or more.
After seven years in limbo, the pomp and pageantry of the famous Argungu
International Fishing and Cultural Festival is being revived. Red carpet was rolled
for the crème de la crème of the society which includes the president, Vice-
President, Kings, Local Chiefs, people from different walks of life, people from all
nooks and crannies of the North-west and beyond, people from outside the country
do add momentum to the festival.
People have become attracted to the festival because of its cultural displays such
as camel race, donkey race, horse race, local boxing and wrestling, cultural dances,
local swimming competition, mini trade fair exhibition, archery, bare hand fishing,
wild duck chasing, Kabanchi or Koroso display, swimming with pot or gourd on
the head, driving competition, etc.
Before the festival proper, events such as catapulting, motor rally, floating on logs
of (giginya) light wood with hollow, archery, cultural displays, etc, attract some
sort of rehearsals or auditioning and the best in these fields are selected to
represent its community.
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The site for the festival, which is Argungu, made it more prominent from all other
communities that made up the festival participants. Other communities that do
take part in the festival includes Augi, Gulma, Lailaba and Arwase.
The King of Argungu, accompanied by some other kings from other communities
and local chiefs is always at this function. The style in which the kings do wear
their turban can be distinguished from the way the local chiefs wear theirs. The
kings or most high king e.g. “Ado Bayero’ of Kano State, wears his with two ends
raised. Those that are familiar with the Hausa culture could only know this visual
communication.
Equestrian (horse ride) is a display that attracts quite a large number of spectators.
The representatives of the aforementioned communities who have gone through
some sort of auditioning are called upon one after the other to display what every
individual can do with horses within a stipulated time. At this juncture, each
community cheers its contingent using instrumental communication such as flute,
drum, horn, etc. This enhancement which includes music as well, do go a long
way in propelling the contestants to prove their mettle and score the highest
available grade.
Also, included in competitions that hold during this festival is bare hand fishing.
This is a competition that as well draws the attention of many of the audience
attending or present at the festival. Here, people numbering up to 1000 or more
are arranged in a row. They jump into the river at the blast of the whistle.
However, one has to go underneath the water and one can only rise or bring up his
head from the river if only he has caught a fish. In this exhibition, the Kabas do
exhibit some kind of extra-mundane activity. Those that were unable to catch a
fish or having malice with anyone that has caught a fish can transform the fish into
a stone. Behold, the fish is still edible. It is then left for whosoever might have
caught that fish to prove his mettle or rather meta-physical prowess by
metamorphosing the stone into its normal state.
Swimming with gourd on the head is another competition that does attract
audience. In this part of the competition, every individual has to place a pot or
gourd on the head and swim to a borderline already demarcated. The gourd on the
head must not fall while swimming because it results in disqualification. The first
to get the borderline is the winner of the event.
The Kabanchi or Koroso display or the grand fishing itself generates a lot of
debate that attracts the highest number of audience. To start with, the Koroso or
the Kabanchi display is a dancing competition that attracts numerous spectators.
Drummers, flute players, gong players, etc, cheer the whole place with music. The
140
female teenagers of these communities do take part in this competition. They
adorn their bodies with colour or tattoos, which distinguishes the teenagers from
the married or house-wives. Through the use of supernatural power, the best
dancer might probably find it difficult to exhibit her mettle or prowess.
Sometimes, they get maimed before the competition proper. The best dancer is
inferred by the panel of judges who would select the best dancer and present her
with a prize at the end of the entire exercise.
The fishing shows have for many years been held at the same site at the northern
end of the town where the rivers sweeps through large rice fields that are usually
flooded during the rainy season. It is here that fishermen numbering between
2,500 to 3,000 and equipped with only hand-nets with hooks at both ends, and a
large round gourd with a small opening at the top assemble in the morning for the
festival. They form a line more than two kilometers long. The most thrilling
moment of the show is when the signal is given for the fishing to start and the
fishermen dive into the river amidst music and songs. Once the fishing is over,
fishermen are forbidden from fishing on the spot again until the next fishing
festival. The prospect of an individual to triumph in this competition also involves
the act of proving ones worth. Just as indicated in the bare hand fishing, cruelty
also prevails here and the duly ‘fortified” with supernatural power carries the day.
While this is going on, the glamour of this event are the way the drums are beaten
concomitantly and the flute being played. Also, the Chants or accolades enrich
this event “NA KANTA KOWA SARKI” translating, every descendant of
“KANTA” is a King.
Hitherto, part of the exhibitions in the festival are swimming on the (giginya)
wood, this wood is light and has a hollow. Also part of the festival activities are
motorbike/ bicycle rally, archery catapulting, etc.
Initially, no fee was charged during visits to the Kanta museum, but as time went
on, the organizers of the festival thought it is necessary to charge fees which
serves as a source of revenue for the government of the community. The visit is
normally done on Fridays after “Jumat service”. War booties such as (ganga)
drums, swords, arrow and bow, animal skins worn during war, etc, are found in
the museum.
Private sectors, manufacturers, human resource developers, local producers, etc,

do use the opportunity of the festival to showcase their products.
Presentation of scholarships to students who have done well in their studies and
participated in the festival, gift items, souvenirs which concludes the festival
usually comes at the end of all events and the Governor or King awards them. The
President gives out the ultimate price which is meant for the great or grand fisher.
141
This presentation marks the end of the festival held at Argungu, Birnin-kebbi,
Kebbi State, North-West, Nigeria. (SAI ALLAH YA KAI MU BADI) This is
always said at the conclusion of any or mostly yearly event meaning, We Meet
Next Year.
4.0 CONCLUSION
Through festivals like the ones discussed above, the people of Africa foster a sense
of unity among themselves and also the ability to express themselves culturally.
One thing peculiar with these festivals is the strong belief the people have in the
indispensable roles played by the gods of their land. Some of these festivals have
lasted for generations which shows that Africans, through their own means of
communication have the ability to not only develop a tradition, but also to
perpetuate the tradition from generation to generation.
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit discussed the bottom-up group of extra-mundane communication, using

festivals as examples. It drew from the various geo-politacal zones in Nigeria. It
highlighted their significance and feedback mechanism. As scholars of
communication, the various examples discussed would help you to explore your
culture and document some examples.

i. List the types of extra-mundane bottom-up groups outlined by this author.
i. Explore your culture and write on at least two festivals.

Oparaocha, J. (1998) “Iri Ji Ohuru” In Adegbola, E. A. (ed.) In Traditional

Religion in West Africa. Ibadan: Serfer
Skujina, I (2006) "Festivals of the Dead” in "Gates of

Light" (http://altreligion.about.com/library/weekly/aa101300a.htm) Downloaded
on 26th March, 2003.

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UNIT 4: EXTRA-MUNDANE BOTTOM-UP COMMUNICATION:
CEREMONY AS A CHANNEL
CONTENT
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3.1 Ceremonies
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit focuses on ceremony as a form of bottom-up extra-mundane
communication. It defines the concept of ceremony, looks at the features and
presents some examples.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• Define ceremonies
• Discuss ceremonies as a form of extra-mundane bottom-up communication and
their significance
3.0 MAIN CONTENTS
3.1.0 Ceremonies
Ceremonies are channels of communication in Africa. They are either religious or
cultural. A religious ceremony is a ceremony organised in line with the tenets of
the religion or faith of the organiser, for instance a Christian or Muslim ceremony
while a traditional ceremony is organised based on the culture of a people.
Examples of ceremonies include marriages, christening, house warming,
chieftaincy, and coronation.
Ceremonies such as initiation, marriages, christening (discussed under names-

history and types), house warming, chieftaincy, turbaning, etc, involve pouring of
libation, sprinkling native chalk on the floor and blowing some into the air as a
mark of respect for the gods and ancestors, and to invite them to partake in the
events.They are of two types - cultural and religious. The various ceremonies
discussed in this unit would bring to the fore some cultural and religious examples
of ceremonies.
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3.1.1 Some Examples of Ceremonies and their Significance
Chieftaincy Installation in Delta State Nigeria: Cheiftaincy installation can be

traced to as afr back as the origin of traditional institution. One can be installed a
chief if the person wishes and has come of age. Age here means that the person
must be an adult (no upper limit), responsible married and wealthy. Again, wealth
here maens the person can fend for his/her familyat the same time meet up with
the financial requirements of the ceremony. Also, someone can be installed a
chief by a community as mark of honour. This honour is confered in recognition
of the person conmtribution to the community and the larger society. The
receipient must have contributed to the meaningful develpment of the community
and it is done to encourage others so emulate the receipent in helping to develop
the community (Ogwezzy, 1987 and Ogwezzy,1999).
Before the installation day, notice is given to enable chiefs get ready for the
ceremony. The notice is given to the highest to the least in rank. The notice is
normally for one market week if the receipient is financially ready. The items
required in Emu-Obodoeti community in Ndokwa West Local Governemnt Area
of Delta State which must be brought to the house of the Onotu-uku third highest
in the ranks of chiefs in that community include three bottles of Brandy, nine
cartons of beer, three crates of soft drinks, 100 native kola-nuts, a plate of alligator
pepper or ten naira in lieu , two hundred naira being the cost of carrying out a
search on the receipient to ascertain his/her credibility and integrity, six hundred
naira cost of installation, and two hundred naira to buy the local fan called Ezuzu
Onotu (a hand fan made of animal skin, wool and mirrow [ staff of office]). These
requirements vary from community to community and must be produced in the
presence of the Onotu-uku and the council of chiefs. If these items are produced
and the search also gives the person a clean bill, the recipient will be taken to the
house of the highest in rank (Okpala-uku) by the Onotu-Uku and his council of
chiefs. In the Okpala-uku’s palace, the person to be installed is required to pay two
hundred naira in the presence of the Okpala-uku, highest in rank; Okwa, second
highest; Onotu-uku, third highest and other chiefs. After which the person will be
installed (Ogwezzy, 1987 and Ogwezzy,1999).
.
The installation is done by first introducing the recipient to the Okpala-Uku,
Okwa, Onotu-uku and other chiefs. After this, the Okpala-uku then installs the
person by appeasing the gods and pouring libation on behalf of the recipient. The
libation signifies life and properity in the chieftaindom. Also, the installed will be
rubbed with white native chalk while praying for the recipient to be guided by the
Almighty God. The cloth used is traditional out-fit (Ogwezzy, 1987 and Ogwezzy,
1999).
.
144
After the installation, the new chief will rally back to his/her residence in the
company of other ciefs where he/she will welcome them with a goat, which herals
the kick-off of the reception party for club members, friends and well wishers that
follows the installation. Dignitaries from within and outside the community attend
the reception. This is followed by dance from different groups of well wishers and
friends. Also, the village orchestras perform various acrobatics (Ogwezzy, 1987
and Ogwezzy,1999).
.
After the installation comes rising through the hierarchy. It starts with Ozojini-
ogwe, followed by Ojiniegoso-otue. Onotu-uku rotates family by family
quinquennially. After five years and the Onotu-uku is not among the eldest two
Onotu-ukus, he/she then goes back to the Ojiniegoso-otue but if he or she falls
within the eldest two, the person moves to the next stage, which is Okwa. The
eldest of the Okwas form the Okpala-uku, which is the highest rank (Ogwezzy,
1987 and Ogwezzy,1999).
.
The Okpala-uku is the overall head of the village which he is assited by the
Okwas, Onotu-Ukus and the other chiefs. The Onotu-ukus and his council of chiefs
run the day-to-day administration of the strees under them while the Okpala-uku
and the Okwas have the final say in matters that concern the whole village
(Ogwezzy, 1987 and Ogwezzy,1999).
Ozo Title Ceremony: The Ozo title ceremony is common among the Ibos in
eastern Nigeria. It is a tradition that admits a mature, capable and industrious adult
male to the folds of elders. The Ozo titleholders are dedicated to “Ani”(god of the
soil) and other deities of the land. They take oaths amidst rituals among which are
the oath of truthfulness and clean hands. An Ozo title holder is approached in
serious matters like quarrels between husbands and wives for settlements.
The initiation is done in doors at evenings through the night. In Onitsha, for
instance, the Ozo -to -be will go to a market called “Afia Ozo” to be recognized.
He is later taken to a shrine for Ani’s blessings. The title aspirant is escorted to the
one day market where articles used in his household are displayed and bought with
cowries. This reflects the original tradition of Igbo land before the coming of
white men with their paper notes and coins. After that, a ceremony is held for his
Kinsmen and intimate family friends. After that, the “title day” is announced.
After that night “Okwute” initiation on the following day is a festival for all. The
feasting lasts for a complete day and at the end of the festivity, the aspirant is
invited to the fold of the responsible “Ozo” title holders. He then becomes an icon,
pride to his family. As a symbol, he merits a leg band, red cap with an eagle’s
feather on it. Ozo title (cheiftancy title) does not have a specific year or period of
the year.
145
Ipu Ogo Ceremony: The Ipu Ugo ceremony is common among the Ibos in
eastern Nigeria.It means initiation to manhood. It takes place only at puberty stage.
It is done only to male children. Males growing to become adults are taken to the
forest to spend three days. They are faced with wild animals during their stay in
the forest. It is done at the end of every three year. The initiation to manhood (Ipu
Ogo) signifies the strength and value of a man in his society.
Burial: in Igbo customs, there is another example of extra-mundane

communication as it involves the offering of a lot of sacrifice such as offering of
cocks, goats, fish, cows, plantain, yams, and pouring libation to ensure the smooth
transition of the soul of the departed. According Ilogu (1998:109) quoted in
Akpabio (2003:33):
Burial rites and ceremonies therefore are the means by which the transition is
expected to ensure that the dead receive secure places in the spirit world… (and) it
is generally believed among the Igbo[a linguistic group in Eastern Nigeria] that the
souls of dead members of the community cannot rest or find secured places among
the dead unless proper burial rites and ceremonies have been performed.
Turbaning of a King in Bauchi State: One of the most important ceremonies

observed here is ‘Turbaning’ which is strictly given to personalities due to be
offered titles. There are categories of turbaning in Bauchi State. We have the
turbaning of a king, a Chief or ‘Seriki’, village elder, Imam and alfas.
Among all the turbaning ceremonies, the one of kings is taken seriously as it
concerns all the indigines of Bauchi State. The important personalities in
attendance for this ceremony are the Chief Imam of the State and the king-makers.
On this occasion, all the inhabitants gather at the palace ground of the would-be
king. As tradition requires, local guards or the king’s guards who are dressed in
their traditional attire mount their horses and are posted to strategic positions
around the palace. As early as 8:00am, crowds begin to mill in around the palace
to observe the turbaning ceremony and then pay homage to their new king. Men,
women, and youths are seen in their colourful traditional attires, some riding on
horse backs, others on donkeys and even camels. Drums are beaten non-stop
whiles the local musicians blare their horns and cymbals to grace the occasion.
Meanwhile, the would-be king who is confined to the palace is ushered in to the
main hall of the palace where the kingmakers and the Chief Imam are waiting.
The Chief Imam then offers a prayer before the actual turbaning starts. The chief
kingmaker, assisted by two other people, do the turbaning. After the turbaning,
the Chief Imam then gives a Koran to the king in making and he takes the oath of
146
allegiance to abide by the laws of the land and that of ‘Allah’, throughout the
period of his reign.
After this, the king is seated on a decorated mat and receives homage from his
subordinates, comprising all the sub-chiefs, elders and other officers of the palace.
The king is then moved out to the center of the palace ground where he is
introduced to the teeming Bauchi people, who sing, shower praises on him, and
pray to ‘Allah’ to give him long life on the throne.
The merry-making does not end there as various competitions are held all over the
place. Horse racing, wrestling, athletics and other forms of local games are
observed to grace this memorable occasion.
Turbaning of an Imam in Bauchi State: This is a religious ceremony, which is

strictly performed according to the Islamic laws. The Imam to be must be a devout
Muslim who is well versed in the Holy Koran and has taught in Koranic schools
for a period of at least ten years and also officiated in Islamic services for about 15
years. He must be spiritually inclined towards the upliftment of Islam.
In Bauchi the ceremony is performed by selected Imams from other notable

mosques in the state. After the reading and recitation of parts of Koran, the Imam
is seated on a mat on the floor and after the reading of Holy Koran, he is turbaned.
He is then presented with a copy of the Holy Koran, after which he takes oath of
office and allegiance to the Almighty Allah, to abide by His laws and go strictly
according to the Holy Koran in all its ramifications.
4.0 CONCLUSION
The examples of both cultural and religious ceremonies from different parts of
Nigeria presented above reveal that ceremonies are common in various parts of
Nigeria. Therefore, a ceremony is a form of bottom-up extra-mundane meant to
communicate something.
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit zeroed in on ceremony - a form of extra-mundane bottom-up
communication. It presented some example and highlighted their significance. It is
believed that it would enhance students understanding of ceremonies.
i. List two ceremonies that are common in your community
147
i. Write on a ceremony that is common in your community, highlighting its

significance.

BPrint Publications
Ogwezzy, A. O. (1987) “The Uses of Ritual Objects in Chieftaincy Installation” A

term paper submitted to the Department of Creative Arts, in partial fulfilment for
the requirements of the course fundametalls of Theatre Arts, University of Port-
Harcourt, Port-Harcourt

State

148
UNIT 3: TOP-DOWN COMMUNICATION: SOME EXAMPLES OF
EXTRA-MUNDANE AND NATURAL PHENOMENA
CONTENT
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3. 1 What is Extra-Mundane Top-down Communication? 3.2 The
3.2 Some Examples of Extra-Mundane Top-down Communication
3.2 Some Examples of Natural phenomena and their Communication

Functions
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0. INTRODUCTION
This unit focuses on potent speech, dream and telepathy as top-down extra-
mudane forms of communication.
Again, I have been writing on what I consider to be the traditional channels of

communication in Africa, drawing extensively from Emu clan among the Ukwuani
speaking people of Ndokwa West Local Government Area of Delta State-Nigeria.
In my opinion, communication is linking one to another in words and deed with
the aim of sharing meaning. If it is linking people together through exchanges of
opinions, ideas and information, all possible channels of linking others should be
considered. For such reasons, it would be unfair to fail to recognise natural
phenomena and direct observation in the fulfilment of traditional communication
in Africa, which means the ways and means of informing and alerting people of
what is on, to come, to do and how to do it.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• Explain extra-mundane top-down communication
• Discuss some examples of extra-mundane top-down communication,
highlighting their significance
• Explain natural phenomena as channels of communication
• List and discuss some examples of natural penomena and their communication
functions
149
3.0 MAIN CONTENT
3.1 What is Extra-Mundane Top-down Communication?
In top-down extra-mundane communication, a supernatural being through its

priests/agents or signs communicates his/her “pleasure/displeasure, directives,
orders, etc, to its adherents and priests. It entails the show of supernatural abilities
and capabilities.
3.2.0 Some Examples of Extra-Mundane Top-down Communication
3.2.1 Potent Speech
Potent speech is a good example of top-down form of extra-mundane

communication. According to Oduyoye (1998:203), in Igbo land for instance,
every family head and Ozo title holder possess the Ofo and it makes everything
that they say while striking the Ofo to the ground to come to pass. Buttressing her
position, she stated that it is:
The most important symbol of ancestors…This stick is made from the

branch of a tree bearing the same name and which becomes effective after
consecration. It is then regarded as the abode of a spirit, especially of
ancestral spirits. It is used as a symbol of all departed spirits.
3.2.2 Dreams
Since the biblical times, dreams have been a very important mode of top-down
communication, with Joseph regarded as “the dreamer”. Similarly in African
communication, dreams are regarded highly as a means of top-down
communication and the phenomenon is used to communicate certain messages
between people who could be far apart; or as means through which supernatural
beings, the most High God, or even the departed members of the family
communicate with the living beings. According to Ibagere (1994:93):
Dreams are regarded as experiences on a higher plane. It is the initiated or

one with a particularly high level of psychic development who can apply
appropriate meaning to his dream. It demands even a higher level of
psychic development to interpret another person’s dream.
3.2.3 Telepathy
In Africa, people can and do communicate, or receive ideas and messages through
the use of their inner and outer spiritual, human and material powers or forces
depending on the relationship and understanding of the individuals involved in the
150
communication process. For, instance the sudden appearance of a person or loved
one being talked about and those talking about the person who suddenly appeared
will simply say “you the true son of your father”. Ibagere (1994:94) asserted,
This is the mode in which communication is between two or more minds

and effected through means other than the known channels of the senses.
This also depends on the level of psychic development of the individual
concerned.
Telepathy shows that a person is spiritually alert and can easily be where he is
supposed to be at any point in time.
3.3.0 Natural phenomena
In Africa, natural phenomena such as the blowing wind, heart beat, decomposing
matter, flowing rivers and streams, appearance of a strange or rear breed of
animals and birds, itching on the palm and cock crow especially at odd hours
amongst others could be interpreted as communicating something of importance
(Ibagere, 1994). So, the other forms of extra-mundane communication, involves
“attributing meanings to (or interpreting) some seemingly natural
phenomena.” (Ibagere (1994:94).
These show that in indigenous communication, the source is not only human
beings, natural phenomenon can communicate. Natural phenomena are channels
by which our creator contact and contract activities and intentions to the children
of men. God the creator, uses them to inform, alert, direct and protect us on
coming events to enable us to be prepared and know what to do in our own
interest. They are fair, free and easily identified by people without class prejudice.
Rather, they are kinder to the physically challenged who by them are informed,
warned and directed on what to do at a particular time in their respective interests
and time (Ogwezzy, 1999). Messages are transmitted through direct observation.
Natural phenomena have the widest coverage, clear, alerting and positive. The
phenomena, this text considers are wind, cloud, lightening and thunder.
3.3.1 Some Examples of Natural phenomena and their Communication

Functions
According to Doob (1966), communication does not have to be intentional to take

place. Natural phenomena mentioned in this text are few. However, they are
sufficiently indicative to highlight the workings.
151
3.3.1a Wind: When winds blow, everybody including the physically challenged
knows that danger is afoot. Some of the physically challenged rummage for their
things and creep away to safety. Winds also tell of possible down pour of rain.
3.3.1b Cloud: When clouds gather, it shows that rain is about to fall. Everybody,
including the physically challenged except the blind, removes things outside and
finds his/her way into shelter to avoid being drenched in the anticipated rain. A
dark cloud alerts us of a coming thunderstorm just as clearly as verbal warning
from another person could.
3.3.1c Lightning: When there is lightning, everybody except the blind, knows and
is alerted of possible rain and take safety precautions.
3.3.1d Thunder: Thunder like other natural phenomena alerts everybody, except
the deaf of dangers. Thunders scare everybody and one would even see children,
the aged and in fact everybody scampering away to safety.
3.3.1e Rainbow: When a rainbow is seen in the cloud, it alerts people of

impending heavy rain.
3.3.1f Ocean/River/Creek: Ocean, rivers and creeks are indications of natural

boundaries between communities.
3.3.1.g Farm Bumper Yield: A farmer may see another’s bumper yield and infer
that the specie/variety or technique is good or the soil is fertile. An example of this
process which is common in Africa is a farmer requesting cassava stem and/or
maize grains from another farmer after seeing the farmer experiment with the crop.
4.0 CONCLUSION
This unit has shown that top-down extra-mundane communication entails the
show of supernatural abilities and capabilities as supernatural beings through its
priests/agents or signs communicate man.
It also con;uded that natural phenomena are fair, free and easily identified by
people without class prejudice.
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit focused on potent speech, dream and telepathy as top-down extra-
mundane forms of communication, highlighting their communication significance.
It also discussed natural phenomena as channels of communication using wind,
cloud, lightening, thunder, rainbow and creak/river/ocean as examples. It
highlighted the communication functions of the various examples discussed.
152
i. List the types of extra-mundane top-down communication discussed in this unit.
ii. Define natural phenomena as a form of extra-mundane communication.

i. Discuss two forms of extra-mundane top-down communication in your
community.
ii. List five examples of natural phenomena.
iii. Explain the communication functions of the five examples listed.

Doob, Leornard W (1966) Communication in Africa: A search for Boundaries

New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press
Oduyoye, M. (1998) “Potent Speech” In Adegbola, E. A. (ed.)In Traditional

Religion in West Africa Ibadan: Serfer

September at Emu-Obodoeti, Ndokwa West Local Government Area of Delta
State
153
MODULE FOUR: MYTHS AND LEGENDS
Unit 1: Myths
Unit 2: Legends
UNIT 1: MYTHS
CONTENT
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3.1 What is a
3.2 The Communication Functions and Features of Myths
3.3 Some Examples of Myths
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit focuses on myths. It defines myths, delving into its place in African
communication. It also presents some examples of myths drawing from some
geopolitical zones in Nigeria to enhance students understanding of myths.
2.0. OBJECTIVES
At the end of this unit study, should be able to:
• Define myths
• Discuss communication functions and features of myths
• Have a better understanding of myths across Nigerian geopolitical zones
• Outline myths in their communities
3.0. MAIN CONTENT

3.1 What is a Myth?
According to first Timothy chapter four verse seven, “Have nothing to do with
godless myths…” (Holy Bible,1999:1206). In the olden days, Africans did not
have a central place where power was concentrated. They believed that whatever
force that saved them and kept them was their god. They relied mostly on their
gods and not man or military might. They always ran up to and consulted their
gods whenever the need arose such as in the times of war, threat of a wild animal
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in the community, cases of barrenness, theft and unforeseen events. The gods
were seen as possessing supernatural powers beyond human reasoning.
Myths are told in various African cultures to describe how people lived, their
culture, belief, consequences of actions taken and so on. Many African myths
were on the gods of their lands. In general, the gods of the land that were
worshipped in Africa as their deities are surrounded by myths. So, a myth is a pre-
historic cultural attempt at answering some questions posed by supernatural and
natural in creation. It gives an account of the deeds of supernatural beings,
revealed ceratin aspects of reality and history of things that came to pass at the
beginning of creation. They were religious stories
According to Oreh (1980) a myth is a fiction i.e. an untrue story, that tries to
provide interpretation to some aspects of our world. Although, a myth commonly
referred to as something untrue has been defined differently by different scholars.
Presenting a short summary of sundry scholarly ideas about what a myth means,
Robert W. Brockway, in his book Myth from the Ice Age to Mickey Mouse defined
a myth as follows:
Myths are stories, usually, about gods and other supernatural beings (Frye).
They are often stories of origins, how the world and everything in it came
to be i.... They are usually strongly structured and their meanings are only
discerned by linguistic analysis (Lévi-Strauss). Sometimes they are public
dreams which, like private dreams, emerge from the unconscious mind
(Freud). Indeed, they often reveal the archetypes of the collective
unconscious (Jung). They are symbolic and metaphorical (Cassirer). They
orient people to the metaphysical dimension, explain the origins and nature
of cosmos, validate social issues, and, on the psychological plane, address
themselves to the innermost depths of the psyche (Campbell). Some of
them are explanatory, being prescientific attempts to interpret the natural
world (Frazer). As such, they are usually functional and are the science of
primitive peoples (Malinowski). Often, they are enacted in rituals (Hooke).
Religious myths are sacred histories (Eliade), and distinguished from the
profane (Durkheim). But, being semiotic expressions (Saussure), they are a
"disease of language" (Müller). They are both individual and social in
scope, but they are first and foremost stories (Kirk) (“Myth and Legend
from Ancient Times to the Space Age”).
Again, according to “Myth and Legend from Ancient Times to the Space Age”,
citing a book Folklore, Myth, and Legends: A World Perspective written by a lady,
Donna Rosenberg,
A myth is a sacred story from the past. It may explain the origin of the
universe and of life, or it may express its culture's moral values in human
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terms. Myths concern the powers who control the human world and the
relationship between those powers and human beings. Although myths are
religious in their origin and function, they may also be the earliest form of
history, science, or philosophy...
3.2 The Communication Functions and Features of Myths
According to Oreh (1980), myths explain creation and geographical phenomena.

Explaining further, he mentioned witchcraft, magic and other supernatural beings
as vehicles of extolling conformity to social norms.
Myths explain the unexplainable such as the creation of the earth, the moon and
sun, the sky and people. Myths are considered to be based on truth, as people
perceive the truth of these things in ancient times. It is a story from ancient times
especially a story that was told to explain supernatural events or to describe the
early history of a people. Such myths as practised in Africa are what some
Africans believe in, but were not in existence or were false.
"Therefore, even the lover of myth is in a sense a philosopher, for myth
is composed of wonders." -- Aristotle
(“Myth and Legend from Ancient Times to the Space Age”)
3.3 Some Examples of Myths

This section presents some examples of myths in Africa. It should be stated here,
however, that myths are many and inexhaustible.The ones presented were drawn
across Nigerian geopolitical zones.
3.3.1 Some Examples of Myths from other Parts of Africa
AN EGYTPTIAN MYTH
Re was known as the sun-god and the creator of ancient Egypt. He took on many
forms, each depending on where he was. Usually Re was portrayed with a hawk
head, wearing a fiery disk like the Sun on his head. In the underworld, the god
took the form of a ram-head. Re was the creator of our world. In the beginning of
time, an egg rose from the water. Once out of his shell, Re had two children who
became the atmosphere and clouds. They in turn had more children, Geb and Nut,
who became the Earth and the stars. They in turn had two sons, Seth and Osiris,
the father of Horus. Re cried one day, and humans were made from his tears. He
also created the four seasons for the Nile, a very important river in Egypt. Re
combines with Horus to form Re-Harakhte, god of the Sun and the heavens (http://
www.windows.ucar.edu/cgi-bin/tour_def/mythology/ra_sun.html)
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WEST AFRICAN MYTH
Liza was the Sun-god to Fon people of West Africa. His sister was the Moon god,
Mawu. The two were twins, but were also lovers. Together, they created the
universe with the help of the cosmic serpent, Da. It is said that Liza used his son,
Gu to shape the world. Gu was the divine tool in the shape of an iron sword. He
taught the people many different crafts, including ironworking. Liza was also the
god of heat, work and strength. Mawu was the goddess of night and motherhood
(http://www.windows.ucar.edu/cgi-bin/tour_def/mythology/ra_sun.html).
3.3.2 Some Examples of Myths from Nigeria
SOUTH SOUTH
Kalabari/Bonny/Ahoada (Rivers & Bayelsa States)
a)Why The Rivers do not Cross their Boundaries

According to the aged people from the riverine area, the reason rivers always obey
an invisible line goes back to the treaty between the python, ordum, the river
goddess owu, and the man they called Madola.
In those ancient times, there lived a man called Madola. He was tall, handsome
and intelligent. He was a great fisherman but he was poor. Most times he spent or
gave away his wares to people whom he felt deserved more than he did. Because
of this, he could not acquire the wealth needed to marry his sweetheart, Nonubari.
Also at that time the rivers had no boundaries and could move from one place to
the other without restrictions at the detriment of the land dwellers who often lost
lives and property in the process. The sea queen, Owu, at that period was in
search for a husband to rule by her side. She needed a human husband because she
felt none of the suitors from the other world was good enough for her. She visited
many men and refused them until she met Madola. One night, was overwhelmed
and wanted to put on the light to see him that she could choose to be his husband.
But the love she felt for Nonubari was so strong that he refused her. Owu told him
he had no choice but to accept her and told him of the many advantages that would
come to him. She told him that she would give him great wealth and fame. With
all these benefits, Madola accepted her offer. Then she offered him menji bi owu
that is “water from the spirits” to drink to enable him to come near her. That night
they made love amidst a thunderstorm.
The next morning Madola woke up to find himself in a great palace that seemed to
be underwater. Owu, came to him and told him that the palace would be his home
for six months of the year. For six months, Madola lived with Owu. After the time
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had elapsed, Madola was returned with a great fame. His people welcomed him
and Nonubari’s parents gave him their daughter to marry. As long as he was not
under water and could create an excuse for disappearing for six months, being
human Madola thought he could still marry Nonubari and still be married to Owu.
With this he married Nonubari.
After six months, Owu sent ordum to collect Madola. Nonubari was surprised to
see her husband gone for six months. After six months he appeared with more
wealth. Nonubari was shocked to see the wealth and asked him of the source and
to where he had gone. Madola told her he had gone to ijo land to trade and look at
his businesses. This became a pattern and went on for a long time. Meanwhile,
Owu had decided to keep Madola full time with her in her water kingdom because
she could no longer be sure of his faithfulness to her. Ordum, the python who was
Owu most trusted servant heard of this plan and told Madola. He promised to help
him but in return would take his family and make them live with him on land. That
night, Ordum stole some sacred water and obo thread and gave to Madola. He told
him to drink the water that would reverse his body so that he would no longer be
allowed into water kingdom and Owu could not come near him so that he did not
defile her. The thread was to be used to draw a line down the beach on the first
patch of sand he stopped on to create a boundary between Owu’s kingdom and
land. This Madola did as he stepped on land. He then hurried to his house, packed
his things and left with his wife in a great hurry.
Owu was livid when she heard of Madola’s escape. She searched her kingdom and
found out what the python, Ordum, had done. She banished him and his family
from the kingdom. Then she directed her waters to go and find Madola and
destroy him. On reaching the shore the waters could not pass the obo thread
Madola had placed there. All they could do was to go back in anger, unable to get
Madola and unable to go back to report Owu.
That is why waters of the sea do not pass a particular line on the shore and are
always violent when man goes beyond that shore line. That is also why the python
is revered and worshiped in the riverine areas.
b) The Myth of Ikenga

The people of the Degema, Ahoada and the Igbo land share a myth about the
Ikenga. The Ikenga is a symbol of strength, unity and authority.
The Ikenga, came about when a certain man in Igbo land, Chiaka, went on a
journey to find help for his people who were being raided by their powerful Nupe
and Itsekiri neighbours. During that period, young men and women of the town
were being sold to slavery even by their families. The town traditions and gods
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were no longer honoured and feasts no longer observed. Igbinoba, the tyrant king
came on the throne and this added to the chaos of the towns.
Chiaka had gone to a very powerful dibia (herbalist) swho lived for away from
Igbinoba’s rule to ask for a solution to the town’s problem. After the consultation
of the gods, Chiaka was directed to cross the seven hills of Ani, to search for the
Ikenga and the rightful king of the throne. Ikenga fell into treacherous hands
because it gave unlimited supernatural power to whoever held it.
After enduring many days and nights of cold, hunger, thirst and being half- blind,
Chiaka entered into the hills of Ani. Here he was subjected to many tests and
many riddles by different spirits, and he passed the tests which he passed. Entering
the cave, he found an earthen staff which was the Ikenga. As he muttered some
incantations and chewed some leaves to enable him retrieve the staff from its
position, the dibia who had helped him with the journey appeared to him. Lo and
behold, it was none other than the late King, Eze Nwabuisi. He explained that the
power of the Ikenga was so strong that if not handed to the next king rightfully the
keeper’s soul still remained on earth to protect it. He then showed Chiaka where
he had hidden the prince and bade him goodbye. Before Chiaka’s going, the late
king warned Chiaka that after touching the Ikenga he would die in seven days.
Resilent and determined to die for good, Chiaka found the prince and installed him
as king. The power of the Ikenga was so strong and its symbol respected that the
warriors in the community found it easy to overthrow the tyrant.
On the evening of the sixth day, the prince was called to Chiaka’s presence and
told about the mystery of the Ikenga and all its power. After this Chiaka stepped
into the palace obi and with force threw the Ikenga into the ground before him and
declared that the Ikenga would never leave the fireplace in the obi, and thus would
continue to protect the land and all in it as long as fairness reigned. But in time of
tragedy or tyranny it would disappear to Ani’s Hills waiting for the hero whose
hands are clean to bring it back. On this Chiaka went back to his house. On the
seventh day he was nowhere to be found but the feathers on his cap were found on
the Ikenga.
The myth about the Ikenga seems to be true because during the a war in their land,
enemies were destroyed in the heartland where the Ikenga was thrown into the
ground by the fleeing natives who cursed them with it.
The Ikenga does not leave the land and the fireplace of the traditional Igbo till day
as they say it protects and preserves their lives.
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c) The Myth of Emel (Hippopotamus) from Aboh Delta State
Emel is a water animal which is highly respected by the natives of Aboh who see
the animal as a small ‘god’. Hence, they pay homage to it. This is so because this
animal, Emel, called the hippopotamus in English, once rescued the lives of the
warriors of Aboh and its captured slaves during the period of confusion that arose
as to how to cross to the other side of the river. It was this animal, a deity, with its
thick black skin that helped them to cross to the other side of the river. Unknown
to them, they thought it was a fallen tree and so, sought to know what kind of tree
in order to make a decree that no one was to fell it again as it had saved them in
the time of trouble. But to their greatest surprise, the animal shook itself,
submerged itself and never came out again. That single action filled the warriors
with awe and gratitude, resulting in their making a decree, that henceforth, no one
should kill a hippopotamus from generation to generation. However, if anyone
killed it, the person would face severe consequences and would have to bury it
amidst celebration and singing of praise songs in order to avoid calamity befalling
such a person and his descendants.
d) Myth of the Owner of the Best Clay from Isoko in Delta State
Obaovhen made the first man and woman out of clay. On that account, the title
“owner of the best clay” was conferred on him; and because he kneaded the clay
himself, he then is called “The deity who kneads clay.”
Obaovhen forms the child in the mother’s womb and woman who desires to
become a mother addresses her prayers to him while albinism and congenital
deformities are regarded as his handwork. Some either punish, some neglect
towards him on part of the parents, or remind his worshippers of his power. He is
also styled “protector of the town gates”, and in this capacity, is represented as
mounted on a horse and armed with a spear.
Obaovhen determines the guilt or innocence of accused person. It consist of a

hollow cylinder of wood, about 3 ½ feet in length and 2 feet in diameter, one end
of it covered is placed on the head of the accused, who kneels on the ground,
holding it firmly on his head with a hand on each side. The God being then
involved by the spirits causes the cylinder to rock backward, forward and finally to
fall to the ground.
If it should fall forward the accused is innocent or backward guilty. They add that
when a child has served for a year or two and grown too big for the cylinder, he is
put to death, in other that the secret may be preserved and is succeeded by another,
who in turn, undergoes the same fate but all this is mere conjecture.
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e)The Myth of Umalokun among the Itsekiris in Delta State
It is believed that under the river in the coastal areas, that there is a spiritual being
(Umalokun) who watches over the people and influences their daily lives. It is
greatly feared and seen as their gaurdian.
f) A Myth from the Ibo Speaking area of Delta State

There is this story that had always been told at Ukala Okute, Oshimili north Local
Government Area of Delta State. Up till this day, it still remains that there is no
storey building of any sort in the village not because the people are poor, but in
fact, they boast of wealthy and influential people, but because they have been
made to believe that the first person to erect a storey building in the village will
pay dearly with his/her life.
It is sad to note that the so called rich men of the land are chicken-hearted to dare
this superstitious belief as they could only display their influence on the quality of
the building material and not in the “height”.
g)The Monkey Myth from Akwa-Ibom and Cross River States

The people of Itam Local Government area in Akwa Ibom State are forbidden to
consciously taste or eat monkey anywhere in the world. The penalty for
disobedience is death. The story as it was told was that a pregnant woman who
was working in her farm went into labour and it was a mysterious monkey who
helped the woman in the process of labour. After safe deliver,y the monkey
wrapped the baby with the piece of the woman wrapper and protected her and the
baby until she regained her strength to walk home. After the woman had narrate
the story of her experience with the monkey the people decided to appreciate the
monkey’s goodness by declaring that eating of monkey was a taboo in the village.
SOUTH EAST
f) Myth on Why Day and Night Do Not Meet (From Abia/Anambra/Imo

States)
Nkewa ihe na ochichiri
Na mbu, chukwu ihe Na ochichiri bu umu abua hururu onwe ha n’anya nke ukwu.
Ha enweghi Kwa nkewa obula. Etua ka ihunanya ha nwere ji sie ike we rue nge ha
toputara ihe eji nwoke eme.
Out ubochi, ha we nook onu, wee kpa ka nkata ka ha ga esi alu nnwunyi. Ihe wee
wee Luta nnwuye mara mma, ochichiri wee luta nnwunye amaghi mma. Nka mere
ochichiri kpara atumatu wee gbuo nwunye ihe gbafue. Nka mekwara na ihe na
ochichiri wee see ezigbo okwu ha wee kewa buru ezigbo ndi iro. Ha ejighi anya
ahu onwe ha. Nihi nka, ihe na ochichiri wee gbasa. Ya mere na ihe na ochiri
anaghi esi out uzo aga.
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English Translation of Why Day and Night Do not Meet
In the beginning God created light which was day and darkness which was night.
They lived as brothers and loved each other. They never separated from each
other as they grew up.
They always did things together and they sat one day and tried to find a way they
would get married. As light was very handsome and popular, he found a very
beautiful lady to marry. As a result of that, jealousy set in and the good
relationship that existed began to decline.
Finally, darkness killed the wife of light and this degenerated into a serious
problem that culminated in bitter enemity between them. Darkness fled as a result
of it. That was the reason to this very date why darkness and light never meet.
Literal, the above story as written is one of the Igbo myth told as one of moonlight
stories for children in the eastern part of Nigeria.
g) Myth on Chi Ndi Igbo (From Abia/Anambra/Imo States)

N’ala ndi igbo nile, ofor na ogu wu ihe onye aka ya di ocha ji aga ikpe. Ekwenyere
Na ofo no ogu ya agbaputa onye eboro ihe na enweghi ihe ojo omere ma obu
enweghi oshi ozuru.
Ogwula onye aka ya di ocha ogu Na ofo, nakwa onye obi ya di ocha ga kpoku aha
ofo na ogu obula o na eje ogu ma obu ikpe. O Buru Na obi onye ahu adighi ocha,
o were kpo aha ofo na ogu, amadi oha ga amagbu onye ahu ngwa ngwa.
N’obodo nijiria, tumadu n’mpagahara ala Igbo, o bu ihe amama, kwenyekwara Na

onye obula nwere chi nke aka ya Na edu ya. O bu chi bu onye duputara onye ahu
uwa. O bu Kwa chi Na ahazi akaraka onye ahu jiri bia n’uwa, ma odi n nma ma o
di njo, onye ahu ga ekwerenye na chi ya nnonso ma murukwa anya na ihe obu
onye ahu na eme ma obu ihe otinyere aka ime.
Chi agwu ndi ozo enwere n’ala Igbo tinyere ahia njoku –chi Na echodo ji.
Amadioha-chi egbe elu igwe Na oku eluigw
Enwekwara
Igwekaala-chi urukpuru igwe
Ikenga-chi aka oma Na Ike oru
Anyawu-chi Na echekwa anwu
Agwunsi-chi Na egwugwo oria Na igba afa
Idemmili-bu nne chi na echedo mmiri ma obu iyi
Agwu-bu chi na echedo dibia na igba afa
Ahobinagu-bu chi okeohia
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Chi ndia nile gbakotara aka na mgbe ochie na echekwa ala igbo nile engheghi
nsogbu obula.
Myth on the Deities of Igboland (From Abia/Anambra/Imo States)

The Igbos had their gods called ‘chi’. They believed on the concept of ofor and
ogu, which is more like the law of retributive justice. It is believed that ofor and
ogu will vindicate anyone that is wrongly accused of a crime as long as he is
innocent (his hands are clean). It was only the one whose hands were clean that
can say the name of Ofor na ogu in prayer. Otherwise such a person would face
the wrath of Amadioha (the god of thunder and lightning).
Particularly in Nigeria, the Igbos believe that such a person had his/her own
personal god called ‘chi’. Chi is the personification of an individual’s fate, which
is called for an individual’s luck and misfortune.
Other deities include Ahia Njoku – the god of yams, Amadioha – the god of
thunder and lightning. Also there is Igwekaala – god of sky, Ikenga – god of
fortune and industry Anyanwu – god of sun, Agwunsi – god of divination and
healing, Idenmili –goddess of stream, Agwu – god of deity priest or god of
medicine men, Ahobinagu – god of forest.
All these mentioned gods of the igboland, it was stated ensure unity amongst the
people. The above gods, specifically Amadioha, (god of thunder and lightning) in
igboland are stories told to children at moonlight.
SOUTH WEST
h) The Myth on why the Yorubas Fear “Thunder” a Great Deal (LAGOS
STATE)
“Thunder’ as a natural phenomenon has always been in existence and is often
heard when it is raining heavily. It is classified under extra-mundane
communication and can be communicated through its worshippers.
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Yourbas believe that a very powerful man called sango once lived and used
thunder to attack and destroy evil-doers (his enemies). After the death of this man,
people believed in the supernatural power of this lightening continued waxing
stronger while some see it as a mere superstition as modern education sets in.
The Yorubas have their way of bringing a criminal to justice and execution
without having to report to the police. This is being done by going to thunder
worshippers in order to send it on an errand so as to locate and punish the culprit
who is yet to be known by the accusser. This is still in practice till date in most
local Yoruba land where the culture is still retained.
“Thunder” is believed to be very just in its judgment, i.e. it will punish the
offender in question or anyone who does any taboo against it and not an innocent
person.
Whenever it is raining heavily and there is a very extraordinary noise and

lightening, the Yorubas believe that the “Thunder” is actually on a mission. At this
time, the women often run into their houses with their children, in order not to
provoke it. Those washing clothes stop, those sitting on mortal stand up
immediately, anyone standing at the entrance of a house runs inside should his/her
building is its target, people cover up their mirror and potrait because it is sure to
provoke it. Also, anyone resting on a wall while it is passing by is believed to be
in trouble and may be struck. All these and many more are the taboos behind the
thunder while it is passing by.
There are different ways of instructing “thunder” to strike and punish a culprit
depending on how the accuser wants it or how grievious is the offence. It could be
either by striking the person to death or by disgracing the person in the public and
placing whatever he or she stole on his/her chest. It could also be by burning the
accused beyond recognition. It is also believed that the thunder often enters
through the wall of its destination, leaving it open after its mission.
Futhermore, in a situation whereby the sender wants a reversion after the person
has been punished, an appeasement would have to be prepared depending on what
is required of him before it sets out on its mission, e.g. an overall white ram, white
cock, white cloth, salt, etc.
It is also believed that the reminant of “thunder’s” presence after its mission are
accomplished is called “edun ara” can only be found by a very lucky person,
which can be used later to prevent evil from befalling someone or healing people
from different kinds of diseases and sicknesses.
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In conlusion, though many people see the story behind the supernatural nature of
“thunder” as a superstitious belief, looking deep into past occurrence, one cannot
but wonder at the possibility of its genuineness. Moreso, it is said to work only for
those who believe in it.
i) The god of Iron Day (Ojo Ogun) from Ekiti State

The people of Ekiti state also serve ‘Ogun’ (the god of iron). In some villages in
Ekiti, till today, people still worship Ogun (the god of iron) because some of them
still have the belief that Ogun protects them from danger.
The festival normally takes place on a stipulated day in August every year. The
king (Oba) of the town will summon all the high chiefs and sub-chiefs for a
meeting to deliberate on the Ogun day, the god of iron day. The final day for the
festival would be announced by the town crier to the people. The parents of sons
and daughters of the soil who are interested or willing to want their children to
witness the Ogun day will send message to their children notifying them of the day
of the festival.
On that day, it is important for the people to celebrate Ogun festival. A day before
the Ogun day, sons and daughters of the soil who are interested in witnessing the
event begin arriving the town. Some will even invite their friends to witness the
festival. Strangers from neighbouring villages do come to witness it too as some
even pass nights before the ceremony starts.
In the morning of the day, the people will be warned that no one should go to farm
as whoever flouts that instruction will face the wrath of the Ogun deity. Also,
declarations are made that no one should make use of anything made of metal.
Dog is the animal for sacrifice to the deity of Ogun. Any dog found around the
streets of Ekiti state throughout the day will be caught and sacrificed to Ogun.
Some interested villagers who like dog meat eat it and even drink palm wine with
it. Till today, Ekiti people still believe that Ogun protects sons and daughters of
the soil (“Ogun a gbe wa a”). Ogun deity is reputed to throw deadly the
thunderstone.
j) The Sango Myth in Osun State

It was while he was on a hunting expedition that he discovered an antelope that
changed into a very pretty lady. The lady hid the antelope skin and went to trade in
the market. Sango went and stole the antelope skin and waited for the owner to
come back. When the lady came back and couldn’t find her skin, she cried and
sang so sorrowfully that Sango took pity on her and asked her hand in marriage.
Thus, Sango the angry god of thunder married oya the goddess of hunters.
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Sango returned to Ile-Ife after he heard that his brother the king had been sacked
by the Olowu of Owu and waged a fierce battle with the Olowu who had a
reputation of being unbeaten in battle. It was said that Sango used his battle-axe
called “Ose” which had special powers to rain stones on the Owu warriors while
oya transformed guinea corn into bats to conquer the Owu. When Sango was
crowned king, his brother attempted to overthrow him but was repelled. Sango
was said to be an iron fisted ruler who marched on any uprising without mercy.
His anger could only be curbed by oya who would sprinkle palm oil on him
whenever he got angry and sing his praises.
He advanced his powers when he started spitting fire from his mouth and his
reputation grew. His powers proved to be his undoing because he accidentally set
ablaze the house in which his children were leaving, killing them all. This made
him leave the town. He went into the bush and buried his battle-axe and he
disappeared. Grief stricken Oya turned into a river and they are both worshiped till
today in many parts of Yoruba land.
k) The Myth of Oya and Osun the Wives of Sango (Oyo State)
Sango, a warrior of great strength in his days, is now among the gods worshipped
in the Yoruba land. He was said to have been married to two wives Osun-the first
wife and Oya-the second wife.
Oya was very pretty and powerful, the beloved of Sango and he will do anything
for her. Sango prefered her cooking to that of Osun. One day Osun asked Oya
what she uses in cooking for their husband and she responded that it’s her ears
(fortunately she was using her scarf to cover her ears).
Osun then chopped off her own ears and used them to cook for her husband.
Sango asked while eating, what kind of meat was used? She responded proudly
that she used her ears. Sango became very angry saying he was not a cannibal that
should be fed with human ears. Osun became furious and said: after all Oya also
uses her ears in cooking for you. Oya replied that she had never used her ears
before in cooking for their husband. She removed her scarf and her ears were
intact.
This led to a fight between them because Sango sent Oya packing and Osun turned
herself into river saying she was going to drown Oya. In anger Oya too became a
river and they both flowed into the village each taking her own path.
In the olden days it was strongly believed that a lot of the warriors and their wives
were powerful to the extent they could change to whatever they wanted. Most of
the gods being worship in the west today used to be human beings that once lived
166
and later changed to items, trees, and divination instrument, etc, like the ayalala in
Ikorodu, Ogun in Oyo and the Opele for Ifa divination.
Today the rivers Osun and Oya remain and it is believed that they still fight,
whenever they meet which is the splash-splash sound people hear at their point of
contact.
L) The Myth on Why Lagosians Worship Olofin Ajaye (The Water Princess),
Lagos State
The legend behind why black smiths are not allowed to operate in Iddo/Otto area
of Lagos is actually the story of the great betrayal of the founder of Lagos, Olofin
by his wife Ajaye in the 1600. She is still being worshipped by Lagosians till date.
Olofin, the son of Ogunfunminire came down from Ile-Ife in the early 1600 and
settled at the present day Iddo area of Lagos. Histroy has it that his shrine was
located at the present site of the Nigerian police barracks at Ijora Olopa area of
Iddo, erected by the colonial masters in 1940. He was married to a lady called
Ajaye and between them, they had many children.
In the late 1620, Lagos was invaded by the then invisible army of Oba of Benin.
In the bloody encounter that followed, both sides suffered serious casualities, but
just as the Benin army was singing victory songs, a strange extra-ordinary big
python appeared on the battle field and single-handedly uprooted the once
invisible Benin Army which suffered major casualtites as its soldiers scattered into
different directions. It was the first time the army of Oba of Benin suffered a major
set-back.
Apparently dissatisfied with the result of the battle, the Benin Army regrouped and
invaded Lagos for the second time and it was a repeat episode for the Lagosians.
The Benin war lords then consulted the “Ifa” Oracle, which told them that until
they can find out the secret behind the powers of Olofin, it would be impossible
for them to win the battle.
Consequently, the Benins set the machinery in progress by sending traders to

Lagos on every market day, which was every five days. The traders came to Lagos
with jewelries and beads, which they exchanged for cowries. They soon
discovered that Olofin’s wife, Ajaye, was in love with beads. They “imported” the
finest beads which she could not resist. The Benins refused to exchange them with
cowries or any other thing but promised to give them to Ajaye as gifts on one
condition, that if she reveals the secret behind her husband’s power.
167
Unable to resist the temptation, Ajaye explained to them that the secret was a big
charm pot located behind Olofin’s palace at Iddo and that at the heat of any battle,
Olofin returns home and enters the pot from where he turns to a python.
In a bloody battle in 1630, the Benin Army uprooted the soldiers of Olofin. Olofin
rushed down home to his charm pot, but alas, the pot had been broken and the
content littered the floor. Olofin was captured alive and bundled to Benin.
The Oba of Benin then sent a Benin prince called Ado to become the first Oba of
Lagos in 1630. The present Oba of Lagos, Rilwan Akiolu, confirmed this in an
interview when he said the Lagos royal family is from Benin and that the Oba’s
palace called Iga-Idugaran at Isale-Eko area of Lagos was so named in honour of
the Benin traders who found out the secret of Olofin’s powers. Idugaran is a Benin
word for a market where different things are sold.
Meanwhile, on settling in Benin, the Oba of Benin who had it in mind to kill
Olofin consulted the “Ifa” Oracle on what to do with him. The “Ifa” warned him
that a major catastrophe will befall the Benin Kingdom if a pint of Odofin’s blood
drops on Benin soil.
Unable to fully understand what the “Ifa” actually meant, the Oba decided that the
best way was to allow Olofin to starve to death. He then ordered that he should be
kept in a mud house, which has no window, no form of ventilation, and that
nobody should serve him food.
A strange thing happened. On every five days, which was supposed to be a market
day, the Binis noticed that there was an unusual noise of people buying and selling
inside the mud house in which Olofin was kept. When Olofin was brought out,
they discovered that rather than emaciating, he was getting fresher and more
robust.
This continued for quite a while. The unacceptable thing to the Benins was the fact
that the more the market noise in the mud house Olofin was kept, the more the
death of young able bodied people that was recorded in Benin.
At last, the Oba of Benin again consulted the “Ifa” Oracle which advised that
Olofin should be returned to where he came from.
168
Consequently, Olofin was returned to Iddo area of Lagos. As he alighted from the
canoe that brought him, his wife Ajaye rushed to embrace and welcome him, but
in a fit of anger, Olofin drew a sword and beheaded her. The head fell off while
Ajaye refused to fall. She continued to walk around Iddo and Otto area headless.
It was a gory sight as people started running for headless body and it became a
common knowledge that Olofin beheaded her because she betrayed him.
Meanwhile, a certain blacksmith popularly called Alagbede, heard about Olofin’s

return and was coming to felicitate with him when he met the headless body of
Ajaye walking round the town.
Alagbede called on Ajaye, who could only turn, but could not talk as there was no
head. Alagbede then said “Ajaye, this is the price to pay for betrayal.” He then
used a strong charm and ordered the headless body of Ajaye to enter into the
lagoon.
When Olofin heard what Alagbede had done, he was completely upset. He told
Alagbede that he intentionally beheaded Ajaye to ridicule her before the society in
order to make a point and that at his own convenience, he intended to forgive
Ajaye as he still loves her, but sending the headless body into the lagoon had spoilt
his plan.
In annoyance, he ordered Alagbede out of Iddo/Otto and placed a curse that

whoever dares to practice blacksmithing in the area will meet with instant death.
The Balogun of Otto, Chief Buhari Alade Oloto confirmed the story and went
further to say that some few years back, a certain blacksmith had attempted to
setup his trade in the locality, but that he met with instant death the first day in
office.
The particular spot where Ajaye entered the lagoon is called “Ojubo Ajaye” and
yearly, the people offered sacrifice in memory of the princess.
Asked what would happen if they did not offer the sacrifice? Chief Buhari Oloto
said it would mean serious catastrophe as boat will capsize and children who play
around the lagoon would be submerged by the water.
NORTH CENTRAL
Igala (Kogi State)

M) The Myth Of The Ejule Ojebe among the Igala in Ibaji Local Government
Area of Kogi State
169
In Igala land, there is a masquerade called otiekwe, which means that this
masquerade is only meant for the elders in the Land with a title. It comes out once
in a years and is always during December. This masquerade has a mysterious
power that whatever he says comes to pass.
On day an Ibo man teaching in my community, came to the house of a particular

man to collect his pupil to school and at night the masquerade was still out ide till
7 o’clock a.m. when he was about to take the kids. The parent told him that the
masquerade has not left the play ground yet, that he should exercise patience, but
he told them that all wais a mere fetish belief that nothing was going to happen. So
he collected his students from three houses, two girls and a boy, on their way to
school, they came face-to-face with the masquerade and the masquerade then
cursed him that in the next seven days, he would be no more for daring him.As for
the girls he told the elder one that in life she would never bear a child and the
younger one that she would never grow breast. The little boy would not live to tell
what he saw.
So the boy died on the following day and the teacher died on the seventh day. Tthe
ladies remained like that till date.
4.0 CONCLUSION
The highlight of this unit is that a myth is a history of what came to pass in the
beginning and expresses elements of truth in African belief system because it
narrates a sacred history. So, it may be concluded that myths are ancient traditional
stories of gods. Essentially, they are accounts of the deeds of supernatural beings
and offer explanations of same fact or phenomenon.
The examples of myths from different parts of Nigeria presented above reveal that
myths are common in different parts of Nigeria and they are useful tools in
explaining the unexplainable.
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit dealt with myths. It explored the concept of myth, looked at its
communication functions and features. It zeroed in on some examples of myths
drawn from some geopolitical zones in Nigeria. It is hoped the examples would
enhance students understanding of myths.

i. Visit your community and find out about myths.
ii. Outline at least five myths about your community.
170
i. What is a myth?
ii. What are the communication functions of myths?
iii. Drawing from your culture, write about a myth

October 2, 2005
Holy Bible (New International Version) (1999) London: Hodder and Stoughton
http://www.windows.ucar.edu/cgi-bin/tour_def/mythology/ra_sun.html
Downloaded 28/3/06 Last Modified March 25, 1997 The Regents of the
University of Michigan;©2000-05 University Corporation for Atmospheric
Research.
Ogwezzy, G. C. (1999) The Odogwu Abi of Emu Kingdom, interview by author,

7-21 September at Emu-Obodoeti, Ndokwa West Local Government Area of Delta
State

Oreh, O. O. (1980) Readings in African Humanities: African Cultural

Development Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishing Co. Ltd
171
UNIT 2: LEGENDS
CONTENT
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3.1 What is a Legend?
3.2 Features of a Legend
3.3 Some Examples of Legends
.
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit focuses on legends. It defines legends, delving into its place in African
communication. It also presents some examples drawing from some geopolitical
zones in Nigeria to enhance students understanding of legends.
2.0. OBJECTIVES
At the end of this unit study, should be able to:
• Define a legends
• Discuss the features of legends
• Have a better understanding of legends across Nigerian geopolitical zones
• Outline legends in their communities
3.0. MAIN CONTENT

3.1 What is a Legend?
A legend is a story from ancient times about people and events that may or may
not be true. This type of story is mostly about a famous person, especially in
particular field that was well known (famous), initiated and admired by people.
So, strong men known for their contributions such as those who fought and won
various wars, community competitive wrestling contests, fought against wild
animals such as lions, tigers and so on are known as legends. They were accredited
and known for their special skills in their various activities.
3.2 Features of a Legend

A legend is a story that is believed to have its origins in truth. A legend is set in
the real world, and the story comes out of a collective history that people
172
remember – which lends credence of truth to the stories. People in legends
sometimes seem to have super human powers.
So, a legend is a traditional story about human beings who possess supernatural
powers in events and deeds carried out by them and how it relates to their lives,
families and societies. It mainly incorporates supernatural elements of a person
having a special place in public esteem because of striking qualities or deeds, real
or fictitious.
A legend could be a non-historical or unverifiable story handed down by tradition

from earlier times and popularly accepted as historical. The body of the story
could relate to people, deity or clan. It is a collection of stories of admirable
persons.
In common parlance, the term legend and folktale are sometimes used
interchangeably with myth. Technically, however, these are not the same. Citing
Donna Rosenberg, in her book Folklore, Myth, and Legends: A World Perspective,
“Myth and Legend from Ancient Times to the Space Age” (2006) states that:
A legend is a story from the past about a subject that was, or is believed to
have been, historical. Legends concern people, places, and events. Usually,
the subject is a saint, a king, a hero, a famous person, or a war. A legend is
always associated with a particular place and a particular time in history.
3.3 Some Examples of Legends
SOUTH SOUTH
a) The Anansa Ikot Ebutong Legend in Cross River State

The Efik kingdom was the center of civilization for both the Ibibios and the
Ejakam people in the Cross River State. The Anansa Ikot Ebutong who is still
respected among the Efik people was a great man. He had many wives. He never
went for war but if the warriors must win wars he had to be consulted or his
residence must be where the warriors would spend their last night before they
moved to war. There was no record of warriors lost in wars after they had paid
homage to Anansa during the whole history of his existence. Until when another
man known as Amanatta came up to contest with Anansa by saying that he could
also prepare the warriors for war and they will return victoriously. The very first
time the Efik kingdom was defeated in the war was when Amanatta prepared the
warriors for war.
In annoyance and shame, Anansa disappeared from the village. Only a hunter saw
his spirit in the bush. He told the hunter the reason for his disappearance and
173
promised to always protect his people. He also told the hunter that he prefered to
live in the water because it was more peaceful. Till date, Anansa is consulted at
where they believe he leaves. The place was used as port and his statue is by the
entrance of the port.
b) A Legend from Itsekiri in Delta State

In those days in itsekiri land, some people were initiated into some age grade
society, in the belief that when they become old, they do not really die but undergo
transformation. As such, during their final ritual, as a recognized member of the
age grade, they were swallowed up by the sea and they were not mourned by
kinsmen, since it is assumed that they are immortal.
c) A Legend from the Ibo Speaking Area of Delta State

One legend that would not be forgotten in a hurry in Ukala-Okpunor especially the
Ezi indigenes is Enyi meaning Elephant. Ukala-Okpunor comprises of all the
people of Oshimili North Local Government Area of Delta State.
During the war between two villages in Ukala-Okpunor for territorial boundaries,
Enyi stood out as a warrior. After bouts of fierce fighting between the two
villages, Enyi alone went to the route to the stream, this left them stranded, yet no
one dared disobey Enyi’s order. They only go to the stream when they knew he
must have left but would take to their heels at sight or mere mention of his name.
Sometimes he would walk with his back and hide himself so that his footprints
would deceive people that he has gone forward. They would then be relieved and
mocked that Enyi is tired and had gone. He would then jump out of his hiding
place and scare them all off. Through his exploits the Ezis succumbed and fled
from the territory in dispute.
d) The Legend of Obi Ossai in Aboh Kingdom of Delta State

Aboh kingdom emigrated from the old Benin Kingdom. It is known for fighting
because the people of Aboh were great warriors of their time.
Obi Ossai was also a great warrior who was greatly feared in the town of Aboh till
date. He was not just a king who sat on the throne to give orders, but also
personally fought for himself to acquire slaves for his kingdom. The worst part of
him was that, he did not restrict his slave deal to those he captured, but also he
kidnapped his town’s men (freeborn), sold and enslaved them for white men’s
treasure. This advent made the people of Aboh to dislike him and disassociated
themselves from him.
Although, he was mocked, he did not allow himself to be dominated by the white.
He cleverly dealt with them without his being cheated, unlike in the case of king
Jaja of Opobo who was tricked, imprisoned and later killed. In spite of that, his
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people did not have anything to do with him. They made a law among themselves
never to be so near to his palace, even after his death. This palace was left for wild
animals to inhabit. They believed that the palace was the dwelling place of evil
spirits and whosoever goes there cannot come back alive.
e) Uhron-Ehneh (Possessor of Four Heads) Legend from Isoko Delta State
Uhron-Ehneh, possessor of four heads, was the horrible deity of towns, and was
represented by a hillock, or, by an artificial mound. Sacrifice was made to the
Uhron-Eneh every three months, or four times in a year. The sacrifies always
consisted of a newborn child of not more than three of four days old.
The child’s throat is cut by a priest, and the blood, spilled into a calabash or
earthen vessel, which was placed on the summit of the mound. During this
dreadful scene, the mother of the child had to be present. This sacrifice was called
“the season of blood.” Uhron-Eneh had, as his name, four heads, which would
watch the four points of a compass from the top of his mound. It was believed that
no war or pestilence could attack a town under his protection.
He had the legs and feet of a goat sometimes at night, he appeared in the shape of
venomous serpent.
f) The Legend of Idia of the Benin Kingdom, Edo State

Queen mother Idia ni iye Esigie (Idia the mother of Esigie) is regarded in Bini
Kingdom as a very brave mother, a woman who defied all royal paraphernalia and
went to war to save the Bini kingdom from captives.
During the reign of Oba Esigie in 1504 he added Idah, a state lying between Benin
and Benue to the empire. The Esigie like all his predecessors sent his mother to
reside at lower Uselu and called her the Iyoba of Uselu.
In 1515, there was a war between the Idah and Edo people; they wanted to reclaim
their land. So, Oba Esigie went to war. It was a surprise because it had never
happened before in history of Benin kingdom as Queen Idia offered to go to war
front and also took some soldiers from Uselu with her. They fought bravely and
her army killed the general of Idah army. The war initiation by queen mother Idia
is consistent with a common saying amogst the Edo today that “Okhuo Iyo Okuo,
sokpan Idai ne Iye Esigie”, meaning-women do not go to war except for Idia
mother of Esigie. It is noteworthy that queen Idia’s commemorative plaque was
used for the first world black festival of Art and Culture (FESTIVAL) which took
place in Lagos, Nigeria, in 1977.
175
SOUTH WEST
g) The Legend of Moremi, Osun State
A long time ago, the peace and tranquillity of the little village of Ilujin was
shatterd by masquerades and spirit who came to steal and kidnap little children of
the village. The king was at a loss of what to do as the whole village had failed to
find solutions. This made the king of Ilujin proclaim that anybody who could bring
the unrest to an end would be given a huge reward.
In the village, lived a beautiful young lady, called Moremi, who was always fond
of adventures. Moremi had already lost her two siblings when she heard the news
and decided to stop the menace once and for all.
On the night the masquraders struck, Moremi allowed herself to be captured and
taken away. Moremi was taken far away to another village of Hakun. She found
out that the spirits were actually human beings dressed as masquerades that
specialised in slave trading. Moremi was betrothed to the village chief because of
her exceptional beauty. After marrying the chief for a year, she cajoled him into
telling her about their raids. He revealed to her that his warriors only wear palm
fronds and make funny noises to scare villagers away during their raids.
After getting all the secrets from the chief, Moremi ran away into the bush and
after spending several days she arrived at her village. She called the king and told
him all the secrets of the spirits of the night. When the people of Ilujin heard
Moremi’s story, they were shocked and very angry. They prepared themselves for
the next raid. When the spirits of the night struck again, man and woman of Ilujin
led by Moremi came out and some enemies were captured and that marked the end
of raids at night by the spirits. Moremi was eulogized and she eventually married
the king of Ilujin. From then, she was called “Moremi Ajanshoro” meaning
“Moremi the raging whirlwind”.
h) The Legend of Oronra, Ogun State

Oronra remains a legend among the natives of Yewa south, Ilaro. It is believed
that he descended from Abeokuta with little or nothing known about his parents. It
is said that because of his love for the people of Yewa South, Ilaro people, he
fought on their side against the Egbas to gain freedom. Furthermore, it was said
that he, (Oronra) had a cub as pet, which later grew into a tiger. Since he fought
and gained independence for the Ilaro people, he was venerated for his courage
and great strength, which account for his rearing a wild animal as pet! He was said
to be a great hunter who was later betrayed by the people who once revered him.
For that act of treachery and disloyalty, he mysteriously descended into the earth
never to be seen again.
176
It is believed and said that when the indigenes of Ilaro realized their misdeeds,
they repented and erected a bronze statue and his tiger in his honour, to appease
him. Till date, the statue is located in the central part of Ilaro where he (Oronra) is
appeased during annual festivals.
i) Ogunfunminire of Erijiyan Ekiti, A Legend in Ekiti State

Ogunfunminire was a great Yoruba hunter. He had many wives and children.
History tells us that he was a very powerful man. He was so powerful that he
could change himself into anything he so desired e.g. snake, dog, cat, etc. To do
that, he had a big pot of charms and whenever he was going out, he would enter
the pot and change into whatever to which he wanted to change. To become a
human being again, he re-entered the pot on his return.
According to history, there was a day he went out after changing into a snake. On
coming back, he discovered that he could not change back to a human being as his
pot of charms had been broken. This signalled the end of Ogunfunminire of
Erijiyan Ekiti as he had to crawl back to the bush to remain a snake forever.
j) Efunsetan Aniwura: The Great Iyalode of Ibadan, Oyo State

Efunsetan Aniwura, the great Iyalode of Ibadan, was a wealthy and powerful
woman of unusual boldness, strength and intelligence.
According to accounts of books, biographies and films about her, she reigned as
the Iyalode of Ibadan for years. No light was shed about her husband but she had
only one child (girl), who died at a very young age, between the ages of 19 and 22
years whilst in labour.
Efunsetan was a very close friend of Madam Tinubu the Iyalode of Egba. She was
a wealthy woman in their days. Till date it is said that Efunsetan was the boldest,
most powerful and wealthiest Iyalode that reigned in Yoruba land. Her glory was
rare and could not be compared with any other during her reign.
Efunsetan was a business woman who travelled round the country to buy product
like bitter kola, kola-nut, cocoa, etc, she was well-known among the Hausa and the
western states.
Efunsetan had her own warriors and slaves like the king and released them for war
in favour of her people. During her days, she helped to improve the economy of
Ibadan through business transactions. She was also a good employer of labour.
She was among the first women that had business transaction with the white men.
This also helped Ibadan in civilizing the people. She was loved by all. Although a
very strict woman, she was also very nice to her slaves and employees. She gave
out gift and money to them freely at times without measure. A story was cited
177
about a slave of hers who delivered twins in her absence. At her return, she gave
her food, clothing, pomade, even money. She gives out her slaves in marriages and
even conducts naming ceremonies for them, but all these stopped after the death of
her daughter.
After the death of her daughter, every thing took a new turn. She was no longer
submissive to God or the King, for according to her, God has failed her. So, God
should manage his heaven while she managed her own earth. She killed her slaves
at will for committing atrocities either by beheading, poisoning, etc. She gave a
sanction that no cry of a child must be heard in her domain, neither must
conception, courtship nor marriage take place. Any female that conceived would
either die or have the pregnancy terminated by forceful abortion depending on her
(Efunsetan) choice while the man responsible would die.
Efunsetan was said to be powerful in terms of diabolic powers. It was not stated if
she actually belonged to any occult groups like the ifa, osun, witches, etc, but she
had unusual powers which were common mostly among the witches.
After beheading one of her slaves for getting pregnant for another of her slaves,
even though her younger brother claimed he was responsible. Her brother
conspired with her slaves to save the life of the slave girl. She refused all pleas
from friends and family members. She went ahead to kill the girl by beheading,
her right in the village square. Several attempts were made by her salves and
slave’s lover and her friend to prevent Esunsetan from killing her (to save her).
She found out through her powers and ended up in killing them instead.
It was after this that the king ordered her to be brought to the palace dead or alive,
since every effort in summoning her to the palace had failed. At a second thought,
he (king) decided to go with them robed in all kinds of charms. At her house she
asked for their reason in her house, which she was told, she asked if she could be
excused to pick something. She went back into the room and killed herself with
majele (poison) saying “kaka ki ileku ile oya saa” - Meaning it is better to die than
to face the shame of being arrested, ridiculed or punished.
After her death all her slaves were set free, some returned to their villages while
some remained in Ibadan and Oyo. Efunsetan was a woman of great principle. She
was also beautiful, wealthy and proud, which led to her destruction.
NORTH CENTRAL
Igala (Kogi State)
The Legend of Inikpi oma ufedu ata (The war between the Jukun and Igala)
In the 17th century, there was a king called Abutu Eje who ruled the Igala people.
There was a great war between the Jukun and the Igala people. The Jukun nearly
178
captured the whole Igala people to the extent that the Ata of Igala was forced to go
and consult the Oracle (Ifa). The Oracle then revealed to the Ata that the war was
going to claim the whole of Igala land and that the Jukun were going to win the
battle, which would wipe out the Igalas out of existence.
The king was worried and asked the Ifa priest what could be done to stop the
Jukuns from wiping out the Igalas out of existence and how to win the battle. The
Ifa priest said it would involve a sacrifice of human life. A virgin girl was to be
scarificed and was advised to send some armed men to guide the river bank;
because the people from the other side would surely cross the river and by the time
they get to the river they would like to drink water. By so doing, they would pick
up brooms by the river bank and start sweeping until they were all surrounded by
the Igala army, otherwise, the Igalas would be wiped out. The Ata accepted it,
without knowing who was going to be involved. He asked a question: from where
would the virgin girl come? The Ifa priest told him that the virgin girl was his only
beloved daughter Inikpi fondly called (Inikpi oma ufedu Ata).
When the king (Abutu Eje) came back from the Ifa priest, he looked disturbed and
worried. He called his daughter for three good times, but could not tell her
anything. Then the daughter came to him by herself and asked him what the
problem was. But he refused to tell her. She said to her father, did the oracle
choose me to perform the sacrifice? The father answered her by saying that the
oracle wanted her to be buried alive.She then told her father that it was not a big
problem, but she would need ten of Jukun able-bodied men to be laid down before
she could be laid on top. The father accepted what she told him and did as she
requested. On the third day, before daybreak a strange thing happened: Inikpi who
was buried alive lying down was now standing as if she was made into a statue.
4.0 CONCLUSION
The highlight of this unit is that a legend is a history of the deeds of heroes. So, it
may be concluded that legends are ancient traditional stories of heroes. Essentially,
they are accounts of the exploits of heroes. The examples of legends from
different parts of Nigeria presented above reveal that legends are found in different
parts of Nigeria and they are stories about the deeds of heroes.
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit dealt with legends. It explored the concept of a legend and highlighted its
features. It also presented some examples of legends drawing from some
geopolitical zones in Nigeria. It is hoped that they would enhance students’
understanding of legends.
179
i. List five legends in your community.

ii. Visit your community and find out and write about some legends.

i. What is a legend?
ii. What are the features of legends?
iii. Drawing from your culture, write about a legend.

http://www.windows.ucar.edu/cgi-bin/tour_def/mythology/ra_sun.html
Downloaded 28/3/06 Last Modified March 25, 1997 The Regents of the
University of Michigan;©2000-05 University Corporation for Atmospheric
Research.

October 2, 2005

State

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MODULE FIVE: AFRICA: PUBLICS, POPULAR CULTURE AND
DEVELOPMENT
Challenges
UNIT 1:AFRICAN COMMUNICATION SYSTEMS: WHO ARE THE

PUBLICS?
CONTENT
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3.1 The Publics of African Communication
3.2 The Realms
3.2.1 The Public Realm
3.2.2 The Primordial Realm
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit presents the publics of African communication. It presents the two sides
of an African, highlighting the reasons for primordial ethnic consideration in the
public place.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• Identify the publics of African communication
• Enumerate the reasons for primordial ethnic consideration in public
decisions
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3.0 MAIN CONTENT
3.1. The Publics of African Communication
Africa is at once a bundle of contradictions and an enigma that seeks

understanding. It is the most ancient continent which marked the origin of
the earliest known human beings, and has some of the most enduring
artefacts of traditionalism. At the same time, it displays some of the most
eager adopters of foreign pop culture. Whereas some rural communities are
inaccessible by road and remain impenetrable by the modern mass media,
sections of the big urban centres such as [Lagos, Abuja] Algiers, Cairo,
Nairobi, Pretoria, and Windhoek are more developed than some areas in
American and European countries (Okigbo, 2004:31).
What is responsible for the adoption of foreign pop culture? From a historical
perpective, it could be attributed to colonialism and from a contemporary
perspective, might be hinged on the changing values and exposure to foreign
media products and models. Again, Okigbo (2004:34) captured it thus:
Though African states gained political independence from their colonial

powers, colonialism has left indelible imprints on the psyche of African
peoples. Not even the younger generation of Africans who were born after
independence has been able to avoid the negative consequences of
colonialism. In many aspects of the people’s lives, there are vestiges of
colonialism alongside indigenous values, leading some to argue that there
are two publics in Africa (emphasis mine).
It was argued in some literature that slave trade and indirect rule caused distrust
among Africans, and enhanced the use of state powers against the citizens. Those
citizens oppressed by state apparatus, especially the ones who did not work with
district officers amongst other positions, sought the use of social organisations to
address the concerns. So, the colonial government did not nurture a good
relationship between the individual and the state. The relationship was
exploitative; hence, Africans turned to the informal networks for “protection”.
This was how Africans made a distinction between state apparatus and informal
social support structures and mechanisms.
The citizens found out that the informal social support structures and mechanisms
which are indigenous had a human face compared to the state apparatus and hence
cushioned the perceived harsh treatment given by the state. The next unit surveys
some institutions and ethnic associations, which were seen during the colonial era
as alternative public institutions that were parallel to the state.
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Citing Ekeh (1975 and 1992), Okigbo (2004) identified the two publics of an
African as the informal and formal associations. He specifically referred to them
as the civic and primordial publics. From the above, it is obvious that Africans as
publics of African communication, is one man…two sides.
3.2.0 The Publics: One Man…Two Sides
Okigbo (2004) identified the two publics as civic and primordial. So, essentially,
he did not mean to say that there are different publics, but the two sides of
Africans. The one public of an African is that African without exposure to foreign
government and media products; and the other, a pure indigenous African
unexposed to foreign government and media products. This distinction may be
likened to what Cook (1993) referred to as public and private dichotomy.
3.2.1 The Public Realm

The public realm which covers the workplace, law, economics, politics,
intellectual and cultural life, where power is exercised, is regarded as the preserve
of men and seen as men’s domain while the private domain refers to the home and
family, where women are seen to belong (Cook, 1993).
Discussing the civic public, Cook (1993) referred to it as the public realm, which
covers public life - the workplace, law, economics, politics, intellectual and
cultural life, where power is exercised. Again, Okigbo (2004:35) stated that the
civic public realm is about the government and state apparatuses or organs;
operates on amoral codes of behaviour; relies on the apparatuses of the formal
state organ and has a more sophisticated bureaucratic structure. He stated that it is
the domain of state politics and the public life of the community; the context of the
political state, and requires the education of the citizenry in the spirit of the polity.
He argued that although, the state is the major actor in the civic public realm, it
“…does not act alone.There are other actors such as associations, political parties,
and professional bodies, which operate along with the government in the political
space” for synergy in a nation’s goal, but that is not the case in Africa as ethnic
and self interest are the main concerns of many pulic office holders. The public
office holders have abandoned coordination of citizenship education and
mobilisation for national interest.
3.2.2 The Primordial Realm

The primordial realm refers “to the operations of natural and assumed kinship
groupings such as the Igbo State Union, Afeniefre, Ohaneze, MOSOP, and the old
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Kaduna Mafia in Nigereia” (Okigbo, 2004:36) Cook (1993) refered to the
primordial realm as the private domain. According to Okigbo (2004:36)
… the primordial public realm operates on moral codes of behaviour, which

bind members of informal associations such as kinship and ethnic groups…
The net result of the slave trade and the failure of both the colonial and
contemporary state to provide for the welfare of the individual created
considerable distrust of the state, and elevated kinship structures to a high
pedestal for succour, safety, welfare, and protection.
In Africa, people rely more on informal networks of kinship structure, ethnicity

and sectional interests when they relocate or are vying for political positions than
state apparatus.
Many members of informal networks major players in the public sphere who
utilise their positions and influence to protect and promote the interest of their
members and kinsmen; and obtain benefits from the government for their people.
This may account for Okigbo’s (2004:36) assertion that “Many people are guided
by primordial ethnic consideration in their public decisions.”
In the context of modern day communication, respect for the primordial public has
become necessary for advocacy, social mobilisation and programme
communication for any development intervention. One of the steps in popularising
it is through the study of African communication systems, hence this unit and
while the next unit is on African communication systems and African
development.
4.0 CONCLUSION
The unit concludes that most Africans are two publics. The duality is caused by
slave trade and indirect rule that resulted in distrust among Africans. Slave trade
and indirect rule used state powers against the citizens which led the citizens to the
use of social organisations to address their concerns. The social organisations were
adjudged to have a human face compared to the state apparatus and hence
cushioned the perceived harsh treatment given by the state.
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit examined the publics of African communication. It presented the two
sides of an African and highlighted the reasons for primordial ethnic consideration
in the public place.

i. Who are the publics of African communication?
184
i. Why are Africans two publics?

Cook, R. J., (1993). ‘Women’s International Human Rights Law: The Way
Forward’ Human Rights Quarterly 15 The John Hopkins University Press.
Ekeh, A.Y. (1975) “Colonialism and the Two Publics in Africa: A Theoretical
Statement” Comparative Studies in Society and History 17, N0.1 91-112
Ekeh, A. Y. (1992) “The Construction of Civil Society in African History and

Politics” In Caron, B. Gboyega, A. and Osaghae, E. (eds.) Democratic
Transitions in Africa Ibadan: CREDU, University of Ibadan
Okigbo, C. C. (2004) “The African World: The Publics of African

Communication” In Okigbo, C. C. and Eribo, F (eds.) (2004) Development
and Communication in Africa New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,
Inc.
185
UNIT 2: AFRICAN COMMUNICATION SYSTEMS AND AFRICAN
DEVELOPMENT
CONTENT
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3.1 African Communication Systems and African Development
3.2 Studies on the Use of Traditional Media to Communicate
Development in Africa
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit focuses on the need to use African communication systems in
communicating development programmes in Africa, especially to the ruralites. It
surveys some instances where African popular culture was used in communicating
development to the ruralites in Africa.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
At the end of this unit study, you should be able to:
• Appreciate the use of African popular culture in communicating development
programmes in Africa
• Discuss some instances where popular culture was used in communicating
3.0 MAIN CONTENT

3.1 African Communication Systems and African Development
There have been quite some attempts to supplant traditional systems of
communication with the modern mass media. This has not been successful and
such attempt is likely to remain unsuccessful for sometime because of certain
factors which have continued to foster not just the continuous existence of the
traditional modes of communication but have also enhanced their continued
occupation of a prime place in the communication pantheon of African people
(Ibagaere, 1994).
186
From a historical perspective, the evidences of European intervention in the
indigenous ways of interacting and communion among Africans are disturbing.
This might account for Asante’s (2004:5) assertion that,
…in the past it was easy to locate the discourse about Africa
communication, …in the public sphere of other places and with the
intellectual projects of Europeans and Asians, [which] means that African
scholars abandoned their own historical experiences in order to imitate
what had occurred elsewhere…Disconnected and unhooked from
community, people floated from place to place without the benefit of the
profundity that comes from inner cultural resources
This suggests that in looking at communication for development in Africa,

conception, planning, design and implementation must begin with Africans as
actors (active participants) not spectators to positive changes in the continent
because of individual differences and other intervening variables. Therefore,
…if [development] is to be anything, in the context of African agency must

mean the arrival of African people to a social, cultural, and economic place
where the philosophies, opinions, and technologies supporting
communication reflect Africa’s best interests and not those of the former
colonial or conquering position (Asante, 2004:6)
So, to enhance Africa’s development, it is necessary to have and maintain an

orientation for the emergence of all communication strategies that utilise African
communication modes and “an orientation towards the emergence of all
technology with African interests in the centred position” (Asante, 2004:6).
3.2 Studies on the Use of Traditional Media to Communicate Development in

Africa
To the non-African or the Nigerian urban dweller, it is very easy to conclude that
all the sources of communication discussed so far, now belong to history. This is a
misconception borne out of the fact that in most of our urban centres today, these
media of communication are no longer visible (Ibagere, 1994), notwithstanding,
the market place still serves as a very important source of information for most
urban market traders. What is easily seen are the modern media of communication
like radio, television, newspapers, magazines, et cetera. So,
It is quite understandable that certain mode [African communication forms]
have become irrelevant in the present social scheme. Such modes as smoke
and ashes have become irrelevant in modern cities and have been
completely supplanted by the modern mass media. But these are still
relevant today in the rural areas which continue to wallow in the
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particularistic [of] social patterns, described as hardly favouring the
operations of the modern mass media… (Ibagere, 1994:96)
The fact is that the traditional media of communication still exists but now largely
restricted to the rural areas. The reality of the existence of the traditional media of
communication is corroborated by Omu (1978:1) when he said of the town crier,
“the town crier is very much a crucial part of village society and can still be seen
in autonomous parts of urban centres with an established indigenous monarchy.”
What now obtains in the rural areas is that in addition to the traditional media of
communication, we now have modern media of communication. But the rural
populace still depends heavily on the traditional sources for information. Ugbojah
(1979:43) buttressed this view when he posited that, “most rural areas of Africa
today rely on traditional information sources and can be regarded as non-
participatory audience in terms of mass media usage.”
Again, Duyile (1979: 284-286) found out that the town crier was effectively used
in revenue generation for the Lagos State Government in 1971. About 10,500
taxable adults in a town paid N10, 000 as taxes to officials of Lagos State Tax
Board between September to November 1971 when the village announcer was
introduced for the purpose of tax campaign drive in the area. If this number is
compared with the same period in 1969/70 tax assessment year when only 2,000
people paid N3,600 as tax when no village announcer was used, but poster printed
in Yoruba and English were extensively used.
On the continued relevance of the town crier, Duyile (1979: 284-286) stated that
although there are radio receivers in Badagry and both radio-diffusion sets and
radio receivers in Ibadan, Ijebu-Ode and Isale-Eko and other areas surveyed,
coupled with supplies of daily newspapers, most of the people (both literate and
illiterate) interviewed indicated that their source of information regarding the
affairs of the village/community works and Oba’s decision, is always the village
announcer not the newspaper nor radio. Thus the village announcer is regarded as
the most dependable source of information in the affairs of the village.
However, in a survey conducted by Arinze (1986), amongst the people of Abagana

in Anambara State, the researcher found out that while most of the inhabitants
depended on the traditional media for information about the local environment,
they relied on the radio for state, national and international news.
The continued predominance of traditional sources of information in a

contemporary world characterised by modern media can ,therefore, be attributed to
the low level of educational, social, economic and political development of the
rural people. This state of affairs can be said to account for their adherence to the
traditional media of communication.
188
In his study of folk media as a means of communication among the people of
Ubulu-uku in Delta State, Chiejina (1981) found that people relied heavily on
traditional information sources like the village gong man, the market square and
the drum. These traditional media were found to be helpful in disseminating
information on such issues like the building of schools and in health care delivery
services.
Also, examining the role of communication media in self help development

projects at Okpekpe in Etsako Local Government Area of Edo State, Egwume
(1984) discovered that five major traditional media functioned to pass
development information about a school project to the people of the community.
These were the gong man, the Elders Council, the age grade association, the drums
and songs.
Similarly in her study of the use of communication media towards the construction
of Ikono-Ibon Comprehensive Secondary School in Ikono clan, Uyo Local
Government Area of Akwa-Ibom State, Nkanga (1984) observed that in terms of
importance of the medium in relation to its communicative function, the gong
man/town crier ranked top. This rating is not surprising because it is the gong man
who spreads the information to all and sundry and in all the nooks and crannies of
the clan. In appealing to the people to work harder towards the accomplishment of
the project, the Elder’s Council with its persuasive power and motivational drive
also emerged as the most important. She further asserted that traditional
communication networks are still very strong in Ikono clan that the modern mass
media, especially radio are just beginning to show its face in the clan and that it
would take quite sometime for the modern communication media to grow among
the people, to the extent of threatening the effective use of the traditional media.
The ruralites need development so “the question of whether these modes are
relevant should not even arise, because it is obvious that the development process
in African societies cannot have any chance to take place in absence of these
modes.” (Ibagere, 1994:96)
4.0 CONCLUSION
This unit examined the place of African popular culture in communicating
development in Africa. It concludes that the ruralites need development and it is
obvious that African popular culture is important in disseminating development
information in African.
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit examined the need to use African popular culture in communicating
development programmes in Africa, especially to the ruralites. It surveyed some
189
instances where popular culture was successfully used in communicating
Finally, it advocated the use of African Popular culture in communicating

development in Africa.
i. What is the interplay between African communication systems and Africa’s

development?

i. Write down an instance where African popular culture was successfully
employed in communicating development to your people.

Asante, M. K. (2004) “Afrocentricity and Communication in Africa” In Okigbo,
C. C. and Eribo, F (eds.) (2004) Development and Communication in
Africa New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.
Arinze, J.O. (1986) “Patterns of Communication in a Rural Igbo Setting: A Case

Study of Abagana Community” An Unpublished B.Sc. Long Essay,
Submitted the University of Lagos
Chiejine, A. O. (1981) “Folk Media As a Means of Communication in Aniocha

Local Government Area of Bendel State: A Case Study of Ubulu-Uku An
Unpublished B.Sc. Long Essay, Submitted the University of Lagos
Duyile, D. (1979) Media and Mass Communication in Nigeria Ibadan: Sketch

Publishing Co. Ltd
Egwume, J. (1984) “Use of Traditional Media in Community Development

Programmes: A Case Study of Okpekpe in Estako Local Government Area
of Bendel State” An Unpublished B.Sc. Long Essay, Submitted the
University of Lagos

Nkanga, R. (1984) “Uses of Traditional Media in Community Development

programmes: A Case Study of Ikono-Ibom in Cross Rivers State” An
Unpublished B.Sc. Long Essay, Submitted the University of Lagos
190
Omu, F. (1978) Press And Politics in Nigeria 1880-1937 London: Longman

191
UNIT 3: AFRICAN POPULAR CULTURE AND COMMUNICATION FOR
DEVELOPMENT
CONTENT
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3.1 The Impact of African Popular Culture on Development
3.2 What are the Communication Strategies and Channels that
Employ Popular Culture in Communicating Development
Programmes in Africa?
3.3 The Communication Functions of Drama
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
The failure of development in Africa is not essentially because of the absence of

resources, but the poverty of utilising African communication in development
information dissemination. According to Ibagere (1994:94), “Modernisation
affects only about twenty per cent of the African people, while the remaining
eighty per cent still luxuriate in traditional social patterns of which this traditional
communication systems is an inextricable part” which underscores the significance
of African indigenous communication in development programmes.
“Although the complementary relationship between communication and

development is undeniable, the precise contributions of each to the other, is not
easily determined” (Okigbo and Eribo, 2004: ix). From this assertion, it is obvious
that information and communication play vital roles in development, hence the
focus of this unit is on African popular culture and communication for
development.
2.0. OBJECTIVES
• Discuss the interplay between mass media and popular culture
• Discuss the use of popular culture in communicating development in Africa
• Discuss the use of drama in communicating development in Africa
192
3.0. MAIN CONTENTS
3.1 The Impact of African Popular Culture on Development
The impact of African popular culture on information dissemination for
development is becoming increasingly recognised by both development and
communication experts. “Africa’s history is a series of adjustments by indigenous
peoples to new ideas from immediate localities and neighbouring
continents” (Okigbo and Eribo, 2004: ix).
Specifically, what is the impact of African popular culture on information

dissemination for development? From a political perspective, Asante (2004:6)
stated that the lack of connectedness to culture is responsible for the dangers we
have witnessed in Africa in the past twenty-five years. He argued that :
This lack of attachment to culture creates insensitivity to others,

harshness, abrasiveness, and arrogance. Indeed people who have lost all
contact with their inner cultural selves demonstrate their loss by their
political manners, which include murders, rapes, and wanton destruction
of ... propert[ies] of others. Sierra Leone, Liberia, Somalia, Ethiopia,
Sudan, Angola, Congo, Burundi, and Rwanda are just markers of
disconnectedness. They are examples of the worst kinds of insensitivities.
He opined that the way one deals with and treat others is a manifestation of one’s
cultural manner. He suggested that the best hope for African peace resides in
rational communication possibly through the use of African communication
modes.
From outside Africa, Mowlana (1983) in his study of the roles traditional media of
communication played in revolutionized Iran, mentioned public meetings,
bazaars, dorehs, missions and theological activities as being very useful.
In his article “Talking Drums and the Conspiracy of Meaning in African Political
Speech: A Cultural Analysis of Sonny Okosun’s African Soldier’, Musa (2005)
highlighted the role of popular culture (music) as a medium of political mass
mobilisation and social protest as examplified in Sonny Okosun’s African Soldier.
According to Musa (2005:18), “the song venerated both fallen and living, non-
military anti-colonial nationalists with military symbols, while vilifying the then,
1993, serving generation of military rulers as corrupt despots who needed to be
gotten-rid of.” He opined that the word soldier as used in the song was used to
descibe freedom fighters and that the song was sung as a protest against the
annulment of Nigeria’s 1993 presidential election by the then military
administration under General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida.
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The message that echoes through the position of the scholars cited above is that
African development needs strategic information management, which employs not
only the new media but that which also utilises indigenous media that is based on
the innate knowledge and capacity of the people who are the target of most
development programmes.
3.2. What are the Communication Strategies and Channels that Employ
Popular Culture in Communicating Development Programmes in
Africa?
Development problems loom all over the world and Africa in particular: conflicts,
environmental problems, diseases and population explosion. According to Okigbo
and Eribo (2004: x-xi)
After more than six decades of frustrating expectations and the continuous
battle between the forces of development and underdevelopment in Africa,
there is the need for an examination of employable communication strategies
in the age of the new media and globalization. Could the new communication
technologies result in positive changes in Africa? Can the new media produce
a new Africa? How …[can] Africa [communication modes]…address the
internal and external dynamics that have plagued the continent in the last 500
years?
Addressing these problems requires pragmatic communication strategies that

appeal to the audience, which are commercially viable, and socially
responsible (Singhal, et al, 2004). Among the three main communication
strategies (advocacy, social mobilisation and programme communication)
adopted by development agencies for development programmes, dialogue,
entertainment-education, negotiation, networking, persuasion, partnership, and
testimonial form the key channels. Through them information that would
enhance support from relevant authorities encourage people at the community
level to participate and support development programmes for sustainability,
and harness community resources to achieve a common vision and attitude
change, which are hoped would engender adoption of innovation is
disseminated.
Below advocacy, social mobilistaion and programme communication are

defined before discussing dialogue, networking and entertainment-education
which are the ones that mainly utilise popular culture.
Advocacy is a continuous and adaptive process of gathering, organizing and

formulating information into arguments to be communicated through various
interpersonal and media channels, with a view to raising resources or gaining
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political and social leadership acceptance and commitment for a development
programme, thereby preparing a society for acceptance of the programme.
Social Mobilisation is a process of bringing together all feasible inter-sectoral and

social partners and allies to identify needs and raise awareness of, and demand for,
a particular development objective. It involves enlisting the participation of such
actors (including institutions, groups, neworks and communities) in identifying,
raising and managing human and material resources, thereby increasing and
strengthening self reliance and sustainability of achievements made.
Programme Communication is a research-based consultative process of addressing

knowledge, attitudes and practices through identifying, analyzing and segmenting
audiences and participants in programmes and by providing them with relevant
information and motivation through well-defined strategies, using an appropriate
mix of interpersonal, group and mass media channels, including participatory
methods.
Dialogue, which is the exchange of information between two or more people with
the ultimate aim of reaching agreement over issues, is commonly used in Africa. It
is a common feature in African society where people gather at a place like the
community town hall to discuss matters of concern in the community. The tools
employed include verbal and non-verbal communication, proverbs, songs and
music, talking drums, etc. In fact, Unicef, is really adopting this for interacting
with target communities.
Another channel is networking. Networking refers to a conscious coming together

of people from diverse backgrounds and affiliations in pursuit of a common goal
or interest. A network comprises of groups or organizations that agree to
collaborate or assist one another. For our purpose, it also refers to a group of
individuals from one community working together with a common goal of
achieving positive changes in their community. Channels for networking are
interpersonal channels, seminar/symposium/workshop, meetings, publications, and
internet. The one that is commonly used in Africa is interpersonal contact,
outreach, clubs, and associations i.e. informal social support and kinship/ethnic
associations. These kinship associations help their community exist to extract
benefits for their ethnic groups from the state and also embark on self-help
projects in developing their communities.
On entertainment education, it is the process of providing information targeted at

individuals and organizations to improve their knowledge aimed at behaviour
change. The application of entertainment education to development involves
designing messages using entertainment-education format (drama, music, comic,
road shows, etc) presentation of packages at community level using appropriate
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entertainment education format and involvement of community members in the
design and presentation of packages.
Some authors refer to it as edutainment i.e. a combination of education and

entertainment. It is a fusion of seemingly two unrelated concepts – education and
entertainment. It is a product of research to determine what interests and informs
people. This is against the backdrop that research has demonstrated over the years
the capacity of carefully designed and packaged entertainment programmes to
educate and entertain simultaneously. The education-entertainemnt product is done
by experts in different areas of development. The facilitators go to the target
audiences to find out issues of concern to them, which enhances a bottom-up
approach to development. It is a pragmatic approach to development in Africa that
ensures message relevance and internalisation by the target audience.
So, entertainment-education is an important communication strategy used to bring

people together to sensitise them on particular issues affecting their societies. They
range from development projects, to health, agriculture, beliefs, cultural values
and attitudes. Modern mass media (especially, radio and television) have adopted
this method of communication to drive home information (knowledge) that is
useful to the people. Though fashioned to entertain, it is also very educating as
lessons derived from them are often difficult to discard.
Entertainment-education by its nature and by virtue of its commonality and

fictionalised situation provides a forum for communication to easily take place
without the attendant antagonism which would normally occur in directly realistic
situations. Thus provides some form of immunity for its performers.
A major tool used for entertainment education is drama. Drama performs a wide
range of role such as bringing people together and creating context for collective
reflection and action; drawing out participation and expression of popular
concerns and analysis; overcoming people’s fears and rationalisation; building
confidence and identity; stimulating discussion; and a critical understanding of
problems, contradictions and structures underlying everyday realities; clarifying
the possibilities and strategies for action; stirring people’s emotions and
mobilising them for useful and necessary actions.
Even, current research and literature have pointed out the possibilities of making
the entertainment-education an interactive and participatory tool of development,
constituting an asset in mobilising and propelling people into action for
sustainable development using local language or even preferably its dialectic
variant; idioms and symbolisms popularity laden with development information
can be used to enlist local people in theatrical performances.
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3.3 The Communication Functions of Drama
In Africa, arts provide a social function. Drama as a mirror of life with every event
recorded therein. In all its manifestations, there can englobe the cosmic as well as
everyday human existence. Drama as a vehicle for development is based on its
old-age popularity especially with people from the cultural society through folk
media. Drama has a potential for creating real models that can be used in various
contexts to promote development and for change of attitude.
Theatrical events can provide an occasion for the validation of all that is religious,
political, economic and social within the community. The development of conflict
and resolutions allows drama society to look within and define appropriate
solutions to problems starring clear from the violence that could be caused in real-
life event. It can be used as a corrective therapy whereby people seeing drama
actions reflected on stage, may come to a full realisation of drama situation. It can
create self-consciousness and develop a collective ways feeling together or
harmonious ways of fealing in among one another in the group or society.
It is a powerful tool for all sorts of things like promoting harmony frustrating war
and fostering peace. It is universal and can be used to promote development.
Usually classified as part of oral culture, it can be categorised as belonging to the
non-formal or informal media of communication.
As an art form and communication drama can be used either as an escapist fantasy
including tool packaged to entertain and trill its audience to sleep or as an
instrument designed to educate, sensitize and conscentise audience, members for
over all cultural, political and socio-economic transformation of the society. It
could be used to distract people’s attention from real important issues – from
reality of drama situation. For instance, in the apartheid years in South Africa, on
one hand, it distracts while on the other, it calls attention back to important issues
to map out strategies to overcoming them.
The main characteristics of edutainment is that it requires on going consultation

with experts in the field, target audience and the creative team in putting across on
technical issues. It is also didactic. Drama usually comes in form of mixed media
i.e. drama plus poetry and music, etc. It embraces dance, song and elements of
story telling/folk or poetry. It usually develops as apart of historical cultural
experience. It often begins by attempting to entertain and progresses to incorporate
other elements. Drama usually has a captive audience just like the television
because it involves the use of the eyes. Watchers unconsciously imbibes message
presented by the presenter or authority.
Drama in the colonial period was used along ordered and planned processes. It
was used essentially to approximate norms and values of western society. This
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changed by the late ‘60s’ as most African nations became independent.
Remarkable changes occurred in Botswana, Guinea, Mali, Senegal, Sierra-Leone,
Nigeria, Ghana, etc. In Nigeria, it has a long history. The travelling theatre still
exists in East and Central Africa.
Due to these perculair features of entertainment education products, there is the

need to enliven it through integration into popular programmes formats i.e. a
fussion of indigenous and exogenous to attract target audiences.
Electronic offers near limitless possibilities for extending the reach of edutainment
programming. Radio and television edutainment programmes can be broadcast
over a large expanse of broadcast space i.e. wherever broadcast signals can be
received, such edutainment programmes can also be received. The success of this
depends on the judicious use of the exogenous media. The timing of “flighting” is
crucial. It is necessary to ascertain the peak periods when audience members will
be in tuned to their sets. The use of prime time (the time when the greatest number
of people are watching television or listening to the radio and hence the best time
to schedule and air a programme) is recommended. The entertainment education
product such as drama can be scheduled as news adjacency or in proximity with
other popular programmes. Radio can be used in synergy with other media.
Justifying the need for the use of entertainment-education in promoting

development, Singhal et al (2004) stated that while the entertainment media has a
high potential to educate the public about various social problems such as HIV
prevention, maternal and child health, gender equity and child development, little
of this potential has been tapped to date. So, national policy-makers,
communication experts and international donor agencies in both the developed and
developing countries should consider the educational potential of entertainment
media in communicating development.
From the various literature consulted, experts such as cultural anthropologists,

sociologists, educationists, theatre artists, especially those in folklore and theatre
as well as scientists in various disciplines have explored African Communication
Systems. Many of these experts have concentrated on using the traditional
channels to promote exogenous innovation. Although more effort is needed in this
area, development efforts are likely to be less effective if they ignore the
communication of information on indigenous knowledge. So, it is crucial to study
communication patterns and design interventions that benefit from this knowledge.
While each of the fields outlined above has a role to play, it is believed that
ethnographic methods would be very useful in discussing the workings of
indigenous communication.
198
Any development strategy based on indigenous knowledge must consider the
repositories of that knowledge. So, indigenous experts must be treated as experts
in their own right, for that is what they are. They should be used as expert
consultants to participate and advise in planning and implementation of
development programmes. Training for such specialists should seek to build on
their existing knowledge rather than replace it with alien practices.
4.0 CONCLUSION
African popular culture can be facilitative, effective and efficient in development
process. They are facilitative and effective because they are culture specific and
acceptable to the people. It respects the people’s tradition and utilises traditional
structures and so avoid threat of imperialism. However, this module has shown
that local initiatives have often been absent or neglected in designing, planning
and implementation of development efforts. Tapping indigenous communication
channels can help ensure that this initiative is incorporated in the development
process. An understanding of indigenous communication improves the chances of
true collegial participation by local people and outsiders in development efforts.
6.0 SUMMARY
The modern mass media cannot serve fully the communication needs of Africa
unless they are combined with the traditional modes of communication. So, efforts
should be made towards harnessing and developing them to serve our information
needs in general.
The issue of whether or not these modes are relevant should not come up, because
from our discussion, it is obvious that the development process in African
societies still relies on these modes for maximum outcomes.

i. Discuss the interplay between mass media and popular culture.

Discuss how popular culture can be harnessed and developed to serve Africa’s
development information needs?

Agee, W. K, Ault, P. H., and Emery, E. (1997) Introduction to Mass
Communication (Twelfth Edition) New York: Longman

199
Federal Ministry of Health and Unicef (Forthcoming) Training Manual on
Advocacy and community Mobilization Including Community Dialogue
Tool in Support of the Prevention of Mother-to-Child Transmission of HIV
Abuja: Federal Ministry of Health and Unicef

Musa, B. A. (2005) “Talking Drums and the Conspiracy of Meaning in African

Political Speech: A Cultural Analysis of Sonny Okosun’s African Soldier’
In Journal of African Social Sciences & Humanities Studies Vol. 1.
Number 1 Winter
Okigbo, C. C. and Eribo, F (eds.) (2004) Development and Communication in
Singhal, A., Usdin, S., Scheeper, E., Goldstein, S. and Japhet, G (2004)
“Entertainment-Education Strategy in Developemnt Communication” in
Okigbo, C. C. and Eribo, F (eds.) (2004) Development and Communication
in Africa New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.
200
UNIT 4: RESEARCHES INTO AFRICAN POPULAR CULTURE AND
THE MASS MEDIA
CONTENT
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3.1 Mass Media and African Popular Culture
3.2 Mass Communication and the Developemnt of Popular Culture in
America
3.3Studies on the Use of Education-Entertainment to Promote Popular
Culture in Nigeria Mass Media
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit focuses on the linkages between mass media and popular culture. It
examines how the mass media threaten the propagation of popular culture and its
use by the people in vocing the concerns, and promoting their interests.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• Discuss the interplay between mass media and popular culture
• Explain the use of mass media in the development of popular culture
• Appreciate the role of research in integrating African popular culture with the
mass media
3.0 MAIN CONTENT

3.1 Mass Media and African Popular Culture
The transmission of culture is one of the functions of the mass media.
However, Opubor (1985b:148) quoted in Nwuneli (1985) stated that:
The problem with this function in Nigeria is that the media tend to
transmit the culture of ... various metropolitan powers on whom our
elites are dependent. If culture refers to the way of behaving, ... values,
attitudes, ... shared ideas, etc, then one can raise questions about what
201
culture our media are transmiting. Some of our broadcasting stations,
many of our newspapers and magazines, all ... our cinema houses,
feature ... culture[s] of Europe ... North America more prominently and
more consistently than they do the indigenous cultures of Nigeria
So the question now is: are the mass media custodians of Nigeria culture? Or
they are helping to shape and to create that amorphous, even nebulous things –
neo-Nigerian culture?
It should be noted that “the indiscriminate introduction of modern means of

communication as vehicle for the propagation of western cultural influences
may lead us to increased political and intellectual dependence on the West,
with disastrous consequences for our societies” (Balogun, 1985:151) in
Nwuneli (1985). So, “For our societies to progress, the old-age values of our
culture and civilisation must return to the fore…of our lives and inspire our
thoughts and actions.” (Balogun, 1985:153). Asante, (2004:3) captured it thus:
If we are not careful, Africa will travel the same path as the Western
world in producing cities that contain people who move mindlessly
in an abstract world of machines and telecommunication equipment.
One can readily see in [Lagos, Abuja] Abidjan, Enugu, Kumasi, and
Mombasa individuals who are so enamored with the idea of
telecommunications that they walk the concrete streets with two and
three different gadgets in their pockets. So we know that Africa
cannot escape the technological events of the postmodern age, but it
can, with the proper alignment to culture, check the rampant
destruction of the common good and create new ways to preserve
human [African] community (Asante, 2004:3)
Researches into the growth of African popular culture vary in their

interpretations of its social value, but agree about the hold it has on African life
and the role of the media in not promoting it but making amorphous, even
nebulous and neo-African culture. Scholars studying the phenomenon of
African popular culture discredit the mass media with being a compelling force
in its growth, both within Africa and in the rest parts of the world.
However, there is hope for a better future. Many African musicians have used
popular culture, especially, music to comment on social, economic, religious
and political issues that mainstream media are often unable to do (Musa, 2005).
Popular culture is created and sustained as a result of opposition between the
ruling elite and the people that are marginalised in the scheme of things. The
opposition might be between the desire of the power-block to foster
homogeneity by controlling, structuring and minimizing differences on the one
202
hand, and people’s attempt to maintain their separate identities and
promote/protect individual and group interests (Hall, 1981).
To promote their lack of transparency and unaccountability to the people, the

power elite censor communication media, especially the mass media through
exclusive ownership and control by the government until recently, particularly
for the broadcast media. They surveil the print to ensure that nothing negative
about the government is published or circulated. It is against this backdrop, that
popular art forms such as music, drama, and other channels of expression have
emerged as important channels of development communication in Africa.
Music has been increasingly used as a major channel (see the unit on music),
(Ayu, 1986; Musa, 1998 and 1990). As Musa (2005:25-26) puts it:
The role of music as a medium of social and political communication

is most pronounced under circumstances where the people lack access
to formal communication channels. [So] Two factos that partly favor
the adoption of poluar music as a forum for socio-political
commentary include the dominance of oral culture in African and the
intolorenace of the ruling class toward open criticism. Music has been
a convenient way for oral cultures to communicate their experiences
and ideas in ways that can be easily committed to memory [and easily
recalled]. Both traditional African folk and contemporary pop music
have consistently served the dual purpose of entertaining and
narrating/commenting on events
3.2 Mass Communication and the Developemnt of Popular Culture in

America
Scholars studying the phenomenon of American popular culture credit the
mass media with being a compelling force in its growth,
both in the United States and abroad. Researches into the growth of popular
culture vary in their interpretations of its social value but agree about the hold
it has on American life and the role of the media in promoting it (Agee et al,
1997:27-28).
According to Agee et al (1997:237-238),

The impact of popular recordings on the public conciousness is
insufficiently recognised as a means of mass communication. Tape
cassettes and compact dics form crucial channels of communication in the
youth culture. Through them, desires, anger, ideas, attitudes, and facts
spread around the country and across the oceans….the recordings, music
videos, and stage performances of …stars as Madonna and Bruce
Springsteen have a strong impact on youthful thinking.
203
“Hot” individual performers and groups sing fervently of youth’s
yearnings for love, freedom from restraints, popularity, and peace. The
voice of protest and defiance is prominent in the lyrics.
Unorthodox ideas and uninhibited language that challenge codes of

conventional social conduct have found an audience through recordings.
In earlier years, musicians were prominent in ... anti-Vietnam war
movement. Today, their voices are raised in the campaign against AIDS,
in the environmental crusade, in ... women’s movement, and in the form
of gangsta rap against governmental authority. The upsurge in the
popularity of rap singers has increased attention to social issues.
Although popular music is heavily oriented towards teenagers and young

adults, other types of recordings have devoted followers, mostly among ...
older groups.
Having seen the interplay between mass communication and the development
of American popular culture, this unit turns to examine the situation in Africa,
drawing from Nigeria.
3.3 Studies on the Use of Education-Entertainment to Promote Popular

Culture in Nigeria Mass Media
The cultures of our forefathers should be well-documented by recording

them in various media: still photographs, slides, sound cassettes, video
cassettes, ... films [and VCD and DVD]. These should then be deposited
in our museums. As often as we wish, we can refresh our memories about
our past when we visit the museums in order to learn about our past.
Foreign tourists can also see the original African cultures. Museums in
Europe and America have similar relics of Western cultures (Oduko,
1987:4)
While writing this text, a couple of films were watched. What was observed
largely was the non-portrayal of the traditional media of communication
discussed earlier. The emphasis of our local film producers seem to be focused
more on the modern media of communication to the detriment of the local
ones. This is not altogether wholesome as these local sources of information
could still be depicted along side the modern communication media to achieve
greater effects, help preserve and properly document these fading, but
important aspects of African culture. Starcoms a telecommunication company
in Nigeria currently promotes some indigenous communication equipment on
its recaharge cards.
204
However, in the Ibo film “The Hidden Mask” the ‘Ikolo’ drum was mentioned
and later portrayed but without the period of history being depicted. Similarly,
the film “My Brothers Children” made use of Nigerian Folktales to show why
family planning is needed.
Insights into the traditional Hausa communication sources could also be

observed in the film “Mogana Jari”. It is a film based on traditional Hausa
society and Hausa traditional institutions. Perhaps the greatest tribute paid to
traditional sources of information by the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA)
is its network show, “Tales by Moonlight”. In this programme, various
Nigerian folktales are related to the target audience of children and teenagers to
teach them morality and extol the virtues of conformity to social norms.
Thus, it should be stated that our local film producers need to focus on our
traditional communication media when making new films especially historical
ones, not only to preserve African cultural heritage, but also to properly
document and appropriately portray these local media of communication
before some foreign film producers would one day take advantage of this lapse
and distort the correct picture by negatively depicting these local sources of
information to the entire world.
4.0 CONCLUSION
From the studies reviewed, one may not be able to argue point blank on the
overall impact of African popular culture on socio-political development, but
what is undeniable is the fact that it has broadened the boundaries of public
communication in Africa.
5.0 SUMMARY
African popular culture is the driving machine of all that we are as Africans. It is
our identity and what has kept us as a people through the ages. So, from the above,
it is obvious that in many ways, we are lost as a people, and we need to know how
we got to this point.

i. Explain the linkages between mass media and popular culture.

i. Examine how the mass media threaten the propagation of popular culture in
Africa
205
Agee, W. K, Ault, P. H., and Emery, E. (1997) Introduction to Mass
Communication (Twelfth Edition) New York: Longman

Africa New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
Ayu, I. D. (1986) Essays in Popular Struggle Oguta, Nigeria: Zim Pan-African.
Balogun, O. (1985) “Cultural Perspectives in the African Mass Media” In

Nwuneli, O. (1985) (ed.) Mass Communication in Nigeria: A Book of
Reading Enugu: Fourth Dimension
Hall, S. (1981) “Notes on Deconstructing ‘The Popular’,” In Samuel, R (ed.)

People’s History and Socialist Theory (pp. 227-240) London: Routledge &
Kegan Paul

Basic Text Ibadan: Caltop Publishers.
Musa, B. A. (2005) “Talking Drums and the Conspiracy of Meaning in African

Political Speech: A Cultural Analysis of Sonny Okosun’s African Soldier’ In
Journal of African Social Sciences & Humanities Studies Vol. 1. Number 1
Winter
Musa, B. A. (1998) “Popular Theatre and Development Communication in West

Africa: Paradigms, Processes and Prospects,” in African Theatre for Development:
Art for Self-Determination, Salhi, K. (ed.) Exeter, England: Intellect
Musa, B. A. (1990)”The Mass Media and Socio-Political Crisis in Nigeria” in

Alkali, N., Domatob, J. and Jika, A. (eds.) African Media Issues (pp. 148-157)
Enugu, Nigeria: Delta Publications
Oduko, S. (1987) “Our Cultural Dilemma” Daily Times Lagos: Daily Times of
Nigeria December, 26
Opubor, A.E. (1985b) “Mass Media: Custodians of Culture?” In Nwuneli, O.

(1985) (ed.) Mass Communication in Nigeria: A Book of Reading Enugu:
Fourth Dimension Publishers
206
UNIT 5: MEDIA AND COMMUNICATION FOR DEVELOPMENT IN
AFRICA - PROSPECTS AND CHALLENGES
CONTENT
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3.1 Indigenous Communication and Development
3.2 Effectiveness of Indigenous Communication in Development
3.3 Mass Communication, Local Media and African Development
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
The previous unit discussed African popular culture, mass media and
development, delving into the communicatrion strategies and channels used in
communicating development in Africa. This unit concludes the discussion on
the linkages between African popular culture and development, zeroing in on
the interplay between indigenous communication and development. It also
focuses on mass media, local media and African, development, delving into the
challenges in the use of mass media for communicating developemnt in Africa.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• Discuss the interplay between indigenous communication and development
• Discuss the reach of mass media in Africa
• Discuss the challenges in the use of mass media to communicate
development in Africa
• Argue for a marriage of indigenous and exogenous media in
communicating development
3.0. MAIN CONTENT

3.1 Indigenous Communication and Development
Social change, social engineering, and education all of which are subjects of
development take time and require communication. So is it indigenous or
exogenous communication that should be employed?
207
In looking at the justification that indigenous communication is more effective
for development, it is crucial to examine the principles of development
communication. Development communication is a social process designed to
seek a common understanding or consensus among all participants of a
development initiative and leading to a joint action. Communication os
required for success and given the fact that indigenous communication forms
part of life particularly in the traditional setting. Development communication
must take into account the perspectives of the rural people. So, for effective
communication to take place, it must listen to consult with and learn from the
indigenous (intended) actors or participants (Opubor, 1985b). This justifies the
need to discuss indigenous communication and development.
Indigenous communication forms do not mean much on development, except

when properly applied to a particular development project either as single or
collective entity.
3.2 Effectiveness of Indigenous Communication in Development

Indigenous African communication forms such as festivals, traditional
institutions, folklore, drama, music, songs, dance, drums, and poetry amongst
others are dominant sources of entertainment, and they inform and reform
social, moral and human values of their societies. They also help in curbing
inter tribal wars and conflicts among communities, promote peace,
understanding, team-spirit and brotherhood among mankind.
To the ruralites, the use of traditional communication to immensely popularise

certain government policies whether economic, ideological, cultural and
educational is in tandem with their ways of life. This is done particularly
through dramatic performances. Often times, on market days, especially those
communities with one-day-a-week market day, that gives every community the
opportunity of interaction with neigboruing villages and towns, dramatists are
invited to market squares to elaborate issues in society by relevant government
agencies for the education (or information) of the rural people. These range
from drama on issues like voters’ rights during elections, to health issues (e.g.
AIDS control), family planning and even agriculture (e.g. fertilizer application
to crops, e.t.c.), depending on the development issue at hand.
In fact, the effectiveness of traditional media can be traced to the colonial era,
when the colonialists first came to Nigeria. During the colonial period, the
colonial masters resorted to the use of indigenous media materials such as
drums, gongs and many other traditional methods of communication.
Traditional rulers were adequately used to carry out assignments as well, since
there were no mass media materials (the kind they were used to), absence of
good roads, social and economic infrastructure.
208
So, for development experts, it is important to note that the traditional media
system in people-oriented. The failure of modern media experts to grasp this
fact accounts for the seeming failure of modern communication practices as
used especially for development in Africa, when majority of the people are
considered (Balogun, 1985).
3.3 Mass Communication, Local Media and African Development

According to Opubor (1975), results of various studies on mass media
consumption in Africa have shown inter-alia that the mass media at present, can
only reach a minority of our people, and that their content are either of foreign
origin, or are of questionable relevance to a large number of media consumers in
Africa. Given this situation then, one can conveniently say that the mass media as
they presently operate in Nigeria, cannot make any meaningful impact on the
majority of the people, who are largely non-literate rural dwellers, so long as they
do not take into account the social and cultural orientation of these people.
In a study, Wilson (1982) found that, far from being reliable sources of mass
information in the rural areas, modern mass communication techniques are
insignificant in the process of human communication that takes place in those
societies, and that, even, a large number of urban dwellers still remain untouched
and unconcerned about mass media environments.
All these points raised above have shown that the mass media system in Nigeria
cannot be effectively utilised to reach majority of our people. This issue then is a
major challenge to both communication scholars and development experts,
particularly in Nigeria and Africa in general, taking cognisance of the fact that
most development information is disseminated through the mass media in Nigeria.
For instance, enlightenment campaigns about rural health services, sanitation,
modern agricultural techniques, child rights, water management, harmful
traditional practices, electoral registration, census, family planning, HIV
prevention and management are all done through the mass media. According to
Wilson (1982), it is sad to know that many of these campaigns have often been
ignored because the local people find it difficult to detach their style of
presentation from colonial tax drives. Ugboajah (1980) argued that this situation
still remains so because the mass media in Nigeria have failed to establish a chain
of mutual dependence between the traditional or cultural diameter of the peasant
villager and its own new stimuli.
Since the mass media have been proved to be inadequate in meeting the
communication needs of our people, there is, therefore, the need for us to find
ways of making whatever public news and information available to the people
under acceptable systems (Wilson, 1982), against the backdrop of the fact that,
modern mass communication has come to stay and as part of our current day-to-
209
day experience, they are now part of our culture. As Oduko (1987:4) has pointed
out,
we have a contemporary Nigerian culture… our contemporary culture has
its roots firmly in our heritage but its development has been influenced by
western culture. Our current day-to-day experience is our culture.
So, since it has been acknowledged that the elements of local media may continue
to manifest for quite a long time to come, what is needed is perhaps a blend of the
modern and local media in form of retaining and increasing modern
communication hardwares – radio, television, newspapers, telephones, fax, etc,
and in a way of restructuring the significance of communication that it has
traditional appeals. In addition to increasing the communication instruments, they
should be made to disseminate information to the rural populace in the language
understandable by them. This might account for why Nwuneli (1983) proposed the
use of acceptable language understandable by the people, consideration of the
information and social reality to the people, use of acceptable channels that is
mass oriented and dissemination of information that requires individual
participation of the people and communication that is of structural relevance to the
people. The next unit will throw more light on this issue.
In this regard Ugboajah (1977), proposed a linkage of the traditional media with
the mass media for an adequate promotion of developmental changes. He believes
that mass media alone cannot bring about behavioural change and that there
should be a multi-media approach. This perhaps explains why Arinze (1986)
suggested that the town crier is now an acceptably more efficient factor to the
fulfilment of the community information needs. Rather than using the gong, a
Land Rover fitted with microphone and loudspeaker will do a better job in those
communities that still make little use of radio.
4.0 CONCLUSION
Successful development communication calls for a well defined strategy,
systematic planning and rigorous management. Broad based integrated
communication strategy using all possible channels - indigenous or exogenous
combined in an appropriate manner to give a good outcome is necessary, rather
than relying on only indigenous or exogenous. In fact the discourse revealed that
the rich cultural heritage of Africa in the area of communication should be tied to
current realities in communicating development. It concludes that for effective
communication for development in Africa, both indigenous and exogenous media
be adopted jointly where and when necessary.
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit discussed the interplay between indigenous communication and
development. It also highlighted the effectiveness of indigenous communiocation
in development. Furthermore, it explored the reach of mass media in Africa and
210
highlighted the challenges in the use of the mass media to communicate
development in Africa. It argued for a marriage of the indigenous and exogenous
media in communicating development programmes in Africa, especially to the
ruralites.
i. Identify any development programme that employed indigenous communication

in information dissemination and assess its effectiveness.
i i. Discuss the reach of mass media in African.

i. Discuss the interplay between indigenous communication and development.
i i. What are the challenges in the use of the mass media for communicating
development in Africa?
7.0 REFERENCES
Balogun, O. (1985) “Cultural Perspectives in the African Mass Media” In

Nwuneli, O. (1985) (ed.) Mass Communication in Nigeria: A Book of
Reading Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishers

Oduko, S. (1987) “Our Cultural Dilemma” Daily Times Lagos: Daily Times of
Nigeria December, 26
Opubor, A. E. (1975) “An Ideological Perspective for African Communication

Research” A Paper Presented at the West African Regional Conference on Mass
Communication, Lagos, June
Opubor, A.E. (1985b) “Mass Media: Custodians of Culture?” In Nwuneli, O.

(1985) (ed.) Mass Communication in Nigeria: A Book of Reading Enugu:
Fourth Dimension Publishers
Wilson, D. (1982) “Traditional Mass Communication: Towards a Redefinition of

Concepts” A Paper Presented at the Inaugural Conference of Nigerian Mass
Communication Association in Lagos, April
211
MODULE SIX: VERBAL COMMUNICATION, MASS MEDIA AND
INFORMATION DISSEMINATION IN AFRICA

Dissemination
UNIT 1: INDIGENOUS LANGUAGE, MULTILINGUALISM AND THE

MASS MEDIA
CONTENT
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3.1 Multilingualism, Indigenous Language and Mass Media
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit focuses on the application of verbal mode of communication in
information dissemination. Drawing from Nigeria, it will examine the concept of
indigenous language and the implications of the multilingual nature of African
countries in adopting the verbal mode for mass communiction.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• Define indigenous language
• Recount why the mass media adopted the use of indigenous language in
•
3.0 MAIN CONTENT
3.1 Multilingualism, Indigenous Language and Mass Media
Most countries of the world and in Africa to be particular, are facing problem of
multilingualism which has impeded and almost made it impossible to reach the
unlettered in their local languages with the exception of Tanzania, Somalia and
India, to mention but a few, where the indigenous language has been enthroned as
212
the official language in lieu of the colonially-imposed language. According to
Awoniyi (1973) quoted in Ikuru (1987:4) indigenous language, which is referred
to as local language or mother tongue is:
…the language which a group of people, considered to be the inhabitants of

an area, acquired in their early years and which normally becomes their
natural instrument of thought, and commerce
In effect, each particular language in the world (French, German, English, Swahili,
Hausa, Obolo, etc) is a mother tongue of a particular people, place and time. Ikuru
(1987) placed the number of indigenous languages spoken in Nigeria at 400. The
linguistic diversity of this country poses a very big problem. It is difficult to
choose and impose one indigenous language on the entire population of this
country as a national language for it will seem as linguistic imperialism and so
unacceptable.
Williamson (1983) cited in Ikuru (1987) classified these languages into five broad
groups:
1. The ‘foreign’ or ‘exoglossic’ languages: English, French, Arabic;
2. The ‘very large languages’: Hausa, Igbo, Yoruba, and Nigerian pidgin.
3. The ‘large’ languages: Efik, Fulfulde, Nupe, Edo, Tiv, Izon, and Kanuri;
4. The ‘medium’ languages: Idoma Central, Idoma North, Abuan, Nembe,
Igalla, Bokwai, Kalabari, Angas, Bekwerra, Ebira, Ekajuk, Ibibio, Kha,
Enginni, Jukun, Takum, Wapan, Mabilla, Iju, and Ikwo;
5. The ‘small’ languages: all other languages used in Nigeria but not listed
in (i) – (iv) above.
In the face of this linguistic plurality, efforts have been made to get what can
be regarded as a national language for Nigeria. A criterion is suggested to
avoid such language or languages being regarded as tools by which it seeks to
extend its domination. Nida and Wonderly (1971:65) quoted in Essien (1981:6)
said, “For a language to become a national language, certain very important
features are needed. In the first place, it should be politically neutral”. From
our knowledge of languages in Nigeria, it is obvious that not even one
language has got the credentials to be a national language. In 1977 however, a
National Policy on Language was promulgated and later revised in 1981. On
page 9 of the National Policy on Education, there is this bit on language which
states that:
In addition to appreciating the importance of language in the
educational progress, and as a means of preserving the peoples’
culture, the government considers it to be in the interest of national
unity that every child should be encouraged to learn his own mother
213
tongue. In this regard, the government considers the three major
languages in Nigeria to be Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba
Nida and Wonderly (1971) quoted in Essien (1981:6) commenting on the choice
of a national language said, “In fact, the division into three major regions reflects
the three language poles; Hausa, Yoruba and Igbo”. The duo further stated that
government, by choosing these three major languages in Nigeria as media of
instruction has saved this nation from being plunged into a tumultuous cauldron.
These three languages have become the languages of the mass media. News is cast
in Hausa, Yoruba and Igbo and major languages in multilingual states. For
instance in Rivers state news is translated into the four major languages, that is
Ikwerre, Kalabari, Kolokoma, and Kana; and in Lagos, mainly Yoruba and Egun
on NTA 2 Channel 10 and LTV, Ikeja. Having established that the broadcast mass
media use the indigenous languages in their news cast, to what extent have the
mass media used the languages to communicate development issues in Africa,
particularly Nigeria? This will be dealt with in the next unit.
4.0 CONCLUSION
This unit examined the use of the indigenous languages in information
dissemination via the mass media. It delved into the place of the media in a rural
area, zeroing in on a predominantly non-literate society and then argued for the
use of indigenous languages in information dissemination.
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit looked at the concept of indigenous language and its use for information
dissemination through the mass media.

i. What is indigenous language?
i. Why use indigenous language for information dissemination?

Essien, O. E. (1981) “The Problems of Teaching African Languages: The Ibibio
Dimension” In The Nigerian Language Teacher Vol. 4, No. 2, Sept. 1981.
Ikuru, S.E. S. (1987) “Mass Media and Indigenous Language” A Seminar Paper
Presented on Languages in education to the Faculty of Education, the University
of Port Harcourt, Rivers State, Nigeria, May
214
UNIT 2: INDIGENOUS LANGUAGE, MASS MEDIA AND
INFORMATION DISSEMINATION
CONTENT
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3.1 Communicating Development in the Indigenous Languages through
theMass Media in Nigeria: Any Need?
3.2 Communicating Development in the Indigenous Languages via the
Mass Media
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit focuses on the need to use indigenous language in communicating
development through the mass media.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• Discuss the impact of colonialism on indigenous African languages
• Identify the need to use indigenous language for communicating development
through the mass media
3.0 MAIN CONTENT

3.1 Communicating Development in the Indigenous Languages through the
Mass Media in Nigeria: Any Need?
In a society where about sixty percent of the population is non-literate and
ignorant and so left out in the scheme of things, one may ask: what is the role of
indigenous languages in the transmission of development information?
To effectively examine this issue, there is the need to look at the impact of
colonialism on languages. Many countries of the world and particularly Africa are
colonies of foreign countries. The aftermath is that the colonized countries had the
language of their colonizers imposed on them. This assertion was bolstered by
Essien (1981:15) when he said:
With the exception of Ethiopia, all Black African nations are ex-colonial
territories…African nations are being blackmailed very subtly into
maintaining the languages of the ex-imperial power that colonized them.
215
The result is that either English or French has been adopted as their official
language
With English language as the official language in Nigeria, it is difficult, if not

impossible, to reach the entire Nigerian population. This is not unconnected with
the fact that about sixty percent of the Nigerian population is non-literate.
Furthermore, many of them are poor that they cannot afford television (TV) sets
and/or radio sets. The situation is even aggravated with the unhealthy state of our
economy which has resulted in astronomical increase in prices of newspapers,
magazines, the indigenous inclusive.
From the above, it is lucid that the beneficiaries of the media – a creation of the
government to reach the masses – are the elite and semi-literate members of our
society. To drive home this point, let us cast our minds back to the Operation Feed
the Nation (OFN) campaign. It was only the big farmers who were aware of the
development in agriculture. The reason is that being affluent, they could purchase
a TV set, a radio and even the dailies. And with their exposure to Western
education, they could read and understand what to do to get loans, better their
farming, grow more crops, etc. During the sensitisation campaign for the 2006
census, it was found that many ruralites did not receive information disseminated
on the mass media on the need for them to present themselves to be counted. The
major reason is because the messages were mainly in English and the people too
do not have access to the mass media.
So, one is compelled to ask: what have the media done with our indigenous
languages in the education of the less-educated members of our society? Do the
media realise that the indigenous language is an effective means of reaching the
non-literate members of our society?
3.2 Communicating Development in the Indigenous Languages via the Mass

Media
The Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current English (Pearsall 1999)
defined “mass media” as the main means of mass communication (especially
television, radio and newspapers) of imparting information to, influencing the
ideas of, enormous numbers of people. Having established what “mass media” is it
is necessary to consider the role it plays in a given society. The mass media are
used in the dissemination of information; to involve the people in decisions that
affect their development and to create awareness in the people concerning
happenings around them.
On June 15, 1976, at the National Hall, Lagos, the then Federal Commissioner for
Information, Major-General I. B. M. Haruna, had this to say concerning the role of
the media, “…to give full enlightenment to the people of this country in order to
216
create a dynamic society which is receptive of modern changes”. With the roles of
the media highlighted above, it is evident that the government has the people at
heart and the fact that there is more than one channel of communication is an
indication that the mass media are supposed to be an effective means of
disseminating information for development if properly managed. This accounts for
the argument in the preceeding unit that for effective communication for
development in Africa, both indigenous and exogenous media must be adopted.
From a language dimension, the discourse below shows the use of mass media in
reaching Africans through indigenous languages.
The Newspapers: This is one of the channels through which information is

disseminated to the people. The pages of newspapers carry advertisements (e.g. for
loans), intention of the government, obituary and other happenings in and outside
the country. Thus, to reach the non-literate members of the society, the print
medium has undertaken the task of developing orthography, forming vocabularies
because most English words are absent in our local languages. The privately-
owned newspapers till today, employs men and women who are competent in both
spoken and written indigenous languages that write and translate news in the local
languages.
Newspapers, magazines and other literatures abound in the three national

languages – Hausa, Yoruba and Ibo. Yoruba had hers as far back as the era of the
missionaries when the first newspaper in Yoruba was published. This was the
handiwork of Reverend Henry Townsend and the newspaper was known as “Iwe
Irohin” (1859). The Igbos have “Udoka” newspaper, in the Igbo language; and the
Hausas, have ‘”Gaskiya Tafi Kwabo” (which means ‘truth is better than money’)
(Uche, 1989).
The Radio and Television: These are potent channels of reaching the non-literate
members of our society because it is audio in case of radio and audio/visual in the
case of television. So, it is a truism that most people cannot read in their mother
tongue but can understand a fellow speaker. It is an added advantage when one
sees people of his area perform on the screen of a television set.
News is translated and read on television and radio to reach the people who do not
understand English language. Ipso facto helping the masses to be aware of their
rights, the use of hospitals, the need to keep their surroundings clean, etc. This
includes the use of enlightenment programmes (e.g. folktales, didactic folk drama,
music, etc.) and commercials can also be broadcast to inculcate in the people the
right type of value and morality.
The radio, for instance, Imo Broadcasting Service (I. B. S.) devotes more than
seventy percent of the items on its programmes to meet the Igbo speakers’ needs -
217
which is awareness. Most of the programmes on the TV are done in the Igbo
language. There are programmes for the education of the kindergarten as well as
adults (Ikuru, 1987).
In Rivers State, which is multilingual, much is not achieved. Apart from the news
which is read in the four major languages, very little is done in the area of using
drama to educate the people. In the quarter March – June, 1987, only one drama in
Igbo – Ichioku – which lasts for only thirty minutes was shown (Ikuru, 1987).
Most programmes on the NTA channel in Port Harcourt are presented in English
even in programmes that are supposed to be directed at the indigenous population
in which the indigenous languages ideally should be used to communicate (Ikuru,
1987).
4.0 CONCLUSION
The discourse on the use of the mass media in reaching Africans through
indigenous languages and programmes highlighted the possibility in the adoption
of indigenous languages for effective information dissemination in Africa. It
concludes that the media can be used to advantage provided it adopts local
language and programes in message delivery.
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit highlighted the need to use indigenous language in communicating
development through the mass media. It also looked at the impact of colonialism
on indigenous African languages.
i. What is the impact of colonialism on indigenous African languages?

i. List two mass media organisations that use indigenous language for information
dissemination
ii. Discuss any product of any one of the mass media organisations mentioned that
is in indigenous language
iii. Go to the media organisation and find out why the product is in indigenous
language.

Essien, O. E. (1981) “The Problems of Teaching African Languages: The Ibibio
Dimension” In The Nigerian Language Teacher Vol. 4, No. 2, Sept. 1981.
218
Ikuru, S.E. S. (1987) “Mass Media and Indigenous Language” A Seminar Paper
Presented on Languages in education to the Faculty of Education, the University
of Port Harcourt, Rivers State, Nigeria, May
Pearsall, J (ed.) (1999) The Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current

English (Tenth Edition) Oxford: Oxford University Press
Uche, L.U. (1989) Mass Media People and Politics in Nigeria New Delhi:
Concept Publishing Company
219
UNIT 3: INDIGENOUS LANGUAGE, PIDGIN ENGLISH, MASS MEDIA
AND INFORMATION DISSEMINATION
CONTENT
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3.1 Challenges in the Efforts of the Media to Communicate Development in
Indigenous Languages
3.2 The Electronic Medium and the Use of Pidgin English in Information
Dissemination
3.3 The Social Significance in the Use of Pidgin English in Information
Dissemination in Africa
3.4 Criticism of the Use of Pidgin English in Information Dissemination in
Africa
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit focuses on the challenges in the use of indigenous languages for
information dissemination via the mass media, delving into the use of Pidgin
English as an intervention in quest for information dissemination in the mass
media via the indigenous languages. It also looks at the social implications and the
criticism in the use of Pidgin English for communication in Africa.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
• Discuss the challenges in communicating development in the mass media using
indigenous languages
• Discuss the use of Pidgin English as an intervention in quest for information
dissemination in the mass media via the indigenous languages
• Recount the social implications in the use of Pidging English for information
dissemination
• Effectively criticise the use of Pidging English for information dissemination
220
3.0 MAIN CONTENT
3.1 Challenges in the Efforts of the Media to Communicate Development in
Indigenous Languages
In a multilingual society like Nigeria with about 400 indigenlous languages, i.e.,
with such complex linguistic heterogeneity, one might ask the question: How do
people communicate?
According to Williamson (1975), the answer is two-fold. Firstly, there is an

incidence of multilingualism that is people speak two or more languages and
secondly, with the use of English Language. Apart from that, our indigenous
languages are short of vocabularies and standard orthography (the system of
spelling and writing a language). Again, the linguistic situation of this country
where vast majority of Nigerians do not understand any of the three national and
even the major languages, i.e.the mutual unintelligibility of most Nigerian
languages, Nigerians from different linguistic groups who do not understand
standard English resort to the use of pidgin English in communication.
So what is Pidgin? A pidgin is a marginal language, contact language without

native speakers based in limited numbers of setting between speakers who do not
share any common language (Ifode 1983). Pidgins are marginal due to their
origins and attitude towards them by some of those who speak one of the
languages from which it is derived (Osaji 1979:130). Pidgins could be expanded
or restricted. A restricted pidgin is that which dies off when contact situations that
resulted in them no longer exist, while expanded pidgin is that which proves to be
useful in multilingual situations and extends beyond its original limited function
which caused it. (Todd,1974:5). Pidgin English is made up of a source language
which is mostly English and substrate languages which are made up of our local
languages.
Pidgin English is characterized by a reduced grammar due to some kind of

delimitation of certain aspects of grammar (like lack of grammatical categories
like mood, aspect, taste and voice). The lack of vocabulary and reduced grammar
brings about over generalization and lack of precision.
Looking at Nigeria, the origin of Pidgin English in Rivers, Bayelsa, Delta and
other Nigerian states could be traced back to the contact the indigenes had with the
Europeans in the 15th century. Although other Europeans had had contact with
them, the coming of the British or English in the 19 th century had more impact on
the people. This is as a result of the mercantile trade, later the coming of the
221
missionaries, mission schools and later, colonialization. The coming of white
missionaries also stimulated the other missionaries in Sierra Leone (who were
freed slaves from the Americas and are said to have been responsible for the
spread of Pidgin English along the coast of West Africa). Although some chiefs
and interpreters in the coast had had knowledge of some form of broken English or
broken Portuguese either from the Portuguese or English, it was the Creole
speakers who built the grounds on which Pidgin English is now spoken today. As
the indigenous language was foreign to the people, they had to learn it from the
beginning like a child acquiring language. Secondly, the foreigners’ domination
made it important for the indigenes to learn the language, if they wanted to
communicate with them.
After colonialization, Standard English, which was the language of the

colonialists, became the official language of these states and the countries at large.
And it became increasingly difficult for people to communicate in Standard
English, as most people were illiterates or semi-literate and English is only
acquired with considerable amount of education. The next thing they did was to
fall back on Pidgin English which was already widely used as a lingua franca (a
common language which is habitually spoken as a medium of communication
between groups of people whose mother tongues are different. Owing to this
definition, one can say that Pidgin English is an unofficial lingua franca), which
was easier to learn.
3.2 The Electronic Medium and the Use of Pidgin English in Information
Dissemination:
The electronic medium is one of the media through which government, private
sector and some individuals keep the masses abreast of any event in and outside
the country or state. It is also an avenue through which manufacturers advertise
their goods and services. According to Ogwezzy (1998) its use became effective in
the advertisement of goods and services. So, it is increasingly becoming a useful
vehicle for portraying many social and economic ideals.
Even, the government found it important that people should be aware of

programmes that she was trying to implement in their communities and understand
other enlightenment messages. To do this effectively, it used Pidgin English as
well as the electronic medium for the campaign. The use of the language in the
electronic media has also helped to mobilize the people to know what the
government expects from them. As a result of this development, government
deemed it fit to use the language as a medium of mobilizing the people for their
programmes. So when War Against Indiscipline (WAI), Mass Mobilization for
Social Justice, Self Reliance and Economic Recovery (MAMSER) were launched,
pidgin English was one of the main languages used for enlightening and educating
the people on what the programmes stood for. Another example was when the
222
Directorate of Food, Road and Rural Infrastructure (DFRRI) was launched and the
National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC),
enlightenement campaign on fake drugs amongst others currently being broadcast
on radio and television.
Also, the media mainly the electronic, adopted the use of pidgin English and
introduced pidgin English in information dissemination, which the station styled
‘Special English’ to enable it perform its duties satisfactorily. In Rivers State,
Allison (1988:5) citing Erekosima (1987), stated that Radio Rivers started a new
programme called “News Translation” in Pidgin English, which she said “is …[a]
humble contribution to the search of a lingua franca in the state”. She however,
argued that when it comes to the area of television, the use of Pidgin English is
minimal and it is only restricted to comedies like Sosei, New Masquerade,
Samanja to mention a few.
The continued use of Pidgin English in the electronic media has consciously and
unconsciously enriched its vocabulary. And this is done mainly through borrowing
from Standard English. This has resulted to the Pidgin English being used in the
electronic media moving closer to the standard variety it was based on. This can
not be avoided as the editors of those news or advertisements are literate and
competent speakers of English.
3.3 The Social Significance in the Use of Pidgin English in Information

Dissemination in Africa
Although some favoured the use of Pidgin English in the electronic media
(especially the illiterates and semi-literates) as that is the language they use in
interaction between themselves. However, not all literates and semi-literates
condone the use of Pidgin English. So, there are some literates and semi-literates
who despise the use of Pidgin English especially in their homes. According to
them, the use of Pidgin English sometimes usurps the use of their traditional
languages and culture. And children growing up with the use of Pidgin English are
said to disregard elders and traditional beliefs.
Furthermore, some literates or elite do not favour the use of the language in
electronic media because of the influence it has in the use of Standard English by
their children and adults alike. They argue that it impacts negatively on child
acquisition of the Standard British English Language, which is more prestigious,
needed for formal education and social advancement. A good example of such
contempt accorded to the use of Pidgin English in the Rivers State was when a
gubernatorial candidate, Chief Melford Okilo, was said to have used Pidgin
English in his campaigns electioneering campaign on the platform of Unity Party
of Nigeria (UPN) during the 1979 and 1983 general elections in Nigeria. This on
the surface is understandable, as the people he was dealing with were illiterates
223
and semi-literates who cannot speak Standard British English Language, would
but understand Pidgin English. Also, he on the other hand, did not understand their
local languages but could speak Pidgin English. That notwithstanding, many
people in all works of life did not take that action kindly. They felt it was
downgrading for a gubernatorial candidate to use Pidgin English in his campaigns.
Thus, one might say, that Pidgin English in the Rivers State had already been
accorded the status of a lingua franca before the electronic media were established
in the state this is going by historical books on Pidgin English in Rivers State. It is
also right for one to assert that Pidgin English is consciously or unconsciously
developing by its constant use in electronic media. Thus, one might say that Pidgin
English language could be seen as an official lingua franca in the state. Though
despised, it cannot be removed from the Rivers State and Nigeria in general. This
is due to the multilingual nature of the state.
Ironically, with all these prejudices against Pidgin English, it is still performing its
role of inter lingual communication. And its limited resources are the very core of
its very survival for the illiterates and semi-literates (Osaji, 1979). With this
realisation, the elite in future may change their attitude towards Pidgin English and
accord Pidgin English its rightful place by making it an official lingua franca as it
is widely used by different classes or groups of people in Nigeria and ultimately
employ it for pan Nigerian information dissemination. So, it might creolise and
become the mother tongue of future generation of Nigerias as creole is in Sierra -
Leone.
3.4 Criticism of the Use of Pidgin English in Information Dissemination in

Africa
A lot of criticisms have been levelled against the use of Pidgin English in the
electronic media. A major one is the lack of vocabulary and its deficiency in
situations demanding abstract or scientific thought. Such criticisms bring to mind
other similar ones levelled against our indigenous languages. Lastly, Pidgin
English lends itself without fuss or focus, to conveying a fundamental thought in
the tradition world view.
Two of these criticisms are being addressed. Suitable terminologies are now being
evolved for rare concepts in the same way as the English language, continuously
searches to describe the latest creations of the human mind.
4.0 CONCLUSION
This unit concludes that it is challenging to disseminate information in the
indigenous languages in a multilingual society like Nigeria with about 400
indigenous languages, considering the fact that most of the indigenous languages
are short of vocabularies and standard orthography. It also highlighted the fact that
224
most Nigerian languages are mutually unintelligibile, delving into the use of
Pidgin English for communication as an intervention. It presented a ray of hope on
the use of Pidgin in the electronic media for information dissemination in a
multilingual African country arguing that it has consciously and unconsciously
enriched its vocabulary. It suggested that in a multilingual setting, Pidgin English
can be adopted for information dissemination because Pidgin English is not only
spoken by illiterates and semi-literates, but university students and educated elites
use it in discussing amongst themselves in familiar circumstances. Perhaps, the
only places Pidgin English has not fully penetrated into, are churches and
traditional socio-cultural events where local languages dominate.
It concludes that despite the negative social implications in the use of Pidgin
English for information dissemination in Nigeria, it is still performing its role of
inter lingual communication and might creolise.
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit dealt with the challenges in the use of indigenous languages for
information dissemination via the mass media. It highlighted the use of Pidgin
English as an intervention in quest for information dissemination in the mass
media via the indigenous languages.
It also dealt with the social implications in the use of Pidgin English for
information dissemination, delving into criticisms. It highlighted ways of
addressing the criticisms.

i. From your experience, discuss any use of Pidgin English in information
dissemination in Nigeria via the mass media.
ii. What are the criticisms in the use of Pidging English for information
dissemination?

i. What are the challenges in the use of indigenous languages for information
dissemination in Africa, especially in a multilingual country?
ii. Discuss the social implications for the use of Pidging English for information
dissemination.
7.0 REFERENCESFURTHER READINGS

Allison, F. (1988) “The Electronic Media And The Development Of Nigerian
Pidgin English Into A Lingua Franca: A Case Study Of Rivers State” A
Seminar Paper Presented on Languages in education to the Faculty of
Education, the University of Port Harcourt, Rivers State, Nigeria
225
Ifode I. S. (1983 ) “Is Nigeria Pidgin Creolizing?” Journal of Linguistics
Association of Nigeria (Jolan) Vol.2 N0.1.
Ogwezzy, A. O. (1998) “ Pidgin English in Nigerian Advertising” A Paper

Presented at Applied Communication Seminar Class to the Faculty of Arts,
University of Ibadan, Oyo State, Nigeria, November
Osaji Debe (1979) “Language Survey in Nigeria” In Allison, F. (1988) “The

Electronic Media And The Development Of Nigerian Pidgin English Into A
Lingua Franca: A Case Study Of Rivers State” A Seminar Paper Presented
on Languages in education to the Faculty of Education, the University of
Port Harcourt, Rivers State, Nigeria
Todd, L. (1974) Pidgins and Creole London: Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd
Williamson, K. (1975) Linguistic Research and Development in Rivers state: First

Interim Report Ibadan: Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan (Mino)
226
UNIT 4: THE USE OF A RADIO INDIGENOUS PUBLIC
ENLIGHTENMENT PROGRAMME TO PROMOTE
DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA
CONTENT
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Objectives
3.0 Main Body
3.1 Environmental Concerns in Nigeria
3.2 The Case of an Environmental Programme on Radio Osun, Osun State
3.3 Case of an Environmental Programme on Radio Osun, Osun State
3.4 Airing and Airtime on Radio Osun
3.5 Evaluation of the Programme
4.0 Conclusion
5.0 Summary
1.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit presents an example of interplay between popular culture and mass
media in information dissemination drawing from some South Western
geopolitical zone in Nigeria. It is hoped that it will enhance students understanding
of the the interplay between popular culture and mass media in information
dissemination.
2.0. OBJECTIVES
:
• Discuss the interplay between popular culture and mass media in
3.0 MAIN CONTENT

3.1 Environmental Concerns in Nigeria
In Nigeria, the main causes of some environment problems are bush burning,
industrial pollution, poor solid waste collection and disposal, windstorm, poor
toilet facilities and flood.
227
Bush burning, which is one of the main causes of deforestation, is a very rampant
phenomenon in different parts of Nigeria. This coupled with illegal logging have
contributed immernsly to depleting the forests of the country. At the height of any
dry season, many parts of our forests are usually set on fire by hunters with the
intension of flushing out animals to be killed for meat. The resultant fire usually
goes out of control causing damage to the natural ecosystem in the forest and
destroying valuable farmlands and properties. Also, industrial pollution caused by
the discharge of untreated effluents by industries into nearby streams, many of
which pass through human settlements, are major sources of water pollution. In
addition, poor solid waste collection and disposal is another cause of
environmental problems. Uncollected heaps of refuse are still found within
residential areas despite various efforts made to control it. Infact, the incidence of
epidemics in some parts of Nigeria has been attributed to unhygienic practices in
waste collection and disposal.
Furthermore, the effects of wind storms are felt in many towns of Nigeria during
the raining seasons when very high-speed wind usually brings in the first rains.
Many families and communities have been rendered homeless in many parts by
the storms which usually blow off roofs and even demolish some buildings to the
ground level. Lives and properties worth millions of Naira are known to have been
destroyed in these occurrences. Another major cause is poor toilet facilities. Some
people do not comply with town planning guildlines concerning building plans. So
either some houses do not have toilet facilities, or those that have, have poor ones.
Again, some old residential buildings do not have toilet facilities. This has resulted
in people defecating in the open, whch has caused some epidemics. Finally, flood
occasioned by poor or lack of drainage facilities cause environmental problems.
To capture the concern, the green team” Army Day Secondary School, Yakubu
Gowon Barracks, Abuja, developed a song to express their concern about the
continued depletion of the environment to mark the 25th anniversary of Federal
Environmental Protection Agency (FEPA):
We are leaving bad finger-prints for the unborn world,

We are leaving bad foot-prints for the children,
Killing the planet, emptying the world,
Help us to save the world.
3.2 The Case of an Environmental Programme on Radio Osun, Osun State

Osun State, like other states in Nigeria, is faced with environmental problems,
hence, the need for a public enlightenment programme to educate people on the
proper ways of handling environment issues. Since, most of the environmental
problems in Nigeria as a whole, and Osun State in particular, are due to ignorance,
228
poor public enlightenment programmes, especially on radio, because of its wide
coverage and far-reaching effect, would no doubt, help to minimize them.
3.3 The Choice of “Afinju Woja” and the Use of Osun Radio
In the programme proposal original submitted by Perfect Communication to the
programmes department of Osun Radio, the programme was titled “Adaba n
pegede’, a shortened from of Adaba n pegede bi enipe eyele o gbo, eyele gbo ntiri
lo ntiri’ (meaning-whatever is done in the dark will come to the light). The
programme director saw the need to change the title because it is proverbial, and
can easily lead to misunderstanding. The programme was presented at a
programme departmental meeting and they came up with another programme
title-“Afinju Woja”, a shortened form of “Afinju Woja won a rin gbendele, obun
woja pa siosio” (meaning-there is pride in a beautiful environment).
Radio Osun was considered a perfect medium to effectively reach the grassroots in
Osun State, because the station can be received in all parts of the state and other
neighbouring states of Oyo, Ondo, Edo, Delta and Kwara. Besides, it has some
interesting programmes, especially Yoruba programmes; and the ethnocentric
nature of Nigerians, which was discussed under the publics of African
Communication in unit one of this module.
To create awareness for the new programme, a programme promo highlighting the
agency’s functions and what the public should expect on the programme every
Saturday morning was developed and aired. It contained the address and telephone
numbers of the producer to big companies like Osogbo Steel Rolling Company,
Nigeria Machine Tools, private companies, government ministries and parastatals
and individual resource persons, who provided useful information on
environmental issues.
3.4 Airing and Airtime on Radio Osun

Afinju Woja is a 30-minutes quarterly programme. It is aired every Saturday
morning before 9 am, strategically chosen because of environmental sanitation
days. The programme was scheduled for 8:30am every Saturday. Osun State
Environmental Protection Agency sponsored the programme.
During the first quarter, the resource persons relevant to different environmental
issues to be transmitted were targeted to achieve the aim of enlightening the public
on the functions of the agency and the causes of different environmental problems.
The programme was packaged weekly to reflect current environmental issues and
to also enable the general manager of the agency yet each programme before
transmission so that their contents do not conflict with the policies of the agency.
229
The general manager of Osun State Environmental Protection Agency and his
subordinates also used the programme to explain the policies of the agency to the
public.
The programme was anchored by a seasoned presenter for a professional touch.

Twenty five minutes is the standard for a thirty minutes programme, and so fifteen
minutes was devoted to interviews, while the remaining ten minutes were for
musical bridges and awareness talks such as telling people to contribute their
quotas during environmental sanitation exercise and cautioning the public on acts
that could be inimical to the environment.
In the second quarter, since Osun State Environmental Protection Agency keeps
the records of environmental disaster areas and individual complaints on
environmental issues, an engineer from Osun State Environmental Protection
Agency was attached to the producer to enable him tackle technical issues and
therefore give a professional touch to the programme. This was during the second
quarter. Both the producer and the engineer moved from one disaster area to the
other, visiting market places and also visiting area from which complaints had
earlier been lodged during the second quater.
.
Information gathering in each of the areas visited involved two stages-
interviewing people at the affected areas, and two, interviewing the relevant local
government chairmen on the steps they had taken so far to solve the environmental
problems. Furthermore, the general manager of Osun State Environmental
Protection Agency was interviewed on the steps he would take in solving the
problems.
During the third quarter, the focus was on all the local government areas in Osun
State. Names of all the local government areas were compiled and letters were
subsequently sent to them notifying them that the producer and the agency’s
engineer would visit them on specified dates to discuss environmental problems
peculiar to each of them. The chief environmental officers helped in furnishing the
local government chairmen with relevant information concerning the environment.
The chairmen also seized the opportunity to solicit the assistance of the state
government and relevant agencies on environmental matters. The general manager
of Osun State Environmental Protection Agency was also interviewed on the
possible solutions to the problems. All these were packaged every week for two
quarters (26 weeks).
3.5 Evaluation of the Programme

The first quarter was a huge success; the public became more enlightened on
environmental issues and Osun State Environmental Protection Agency became
more popular both within and outside Osun State.
230
During the second quarter, because of the huge success recorded in the first
quarter in enlightening the public on the functions of agency, the focus of the
programme became more participatory. At the end of the quarter, both the public
and Osun State government commended the programme. Even those who
monitored the programme outside Osun State commended favourably on it. Before
the end of the second quarter, Afinji Woja was already a household name in Osun
State.
The commendation only increased in the subsequent quarters as they saw evidence
of better awareness on environmental issues in Osun State.
4.0 CONCLUSION
This unit presented an example of the successful use of an indigenous radio
programme in communicating development. From the evaluation, it is obvious the
programme was successful. In fact, it enhanced audience participation which
resulted better awareness on environmental issues in Osun State.
5.0 SUMMARY
This unit focused on an indigenous radio programme to show the interplay
between popular culture and mass media in information dissemination

i. Scan your environment and find out two development issues that require
awareness creation.
i. Identify a local radio or television programme used for information

dissemination on a development issue.
ii. Write a synopsis of the programme identified
iii. Evaluate the programme.
7.0 REFERENCES/FURTHER REFERENCES

Source: Osun State Broadcasting Corporation (OSBC) Media Information.
231
Appendix I
Cinderella Fairy Tale
Once upon a time there lived a noble gentleman who had one dear little daughter.
Poor child! her own kind mother was dead, and her father, who loved her very
dearly, was afraid that his little girl was sometimes lonely. So he married a grand
lady who had two daughters of her own, and who, he thought, would be kind
and good to his little one. But no sooner did the stepmother enter her new home
than she began to show her true character. Her stepdaughter was so much prettier
and sweeter than her own children, that she was jealous of her, and gave her all the
hard work of the house to do, whilst the two proud sisters spent their time at
pleasant parties and entertainments.
The only pleasure the poor child had was to spend her evenings sitting in the
chimney-corner, resting her weary limbs, and for this reason her sisters mockingly
nicknamed her "Cinderella." The sisters' fine clothes made Cinderella feel very
shabby; but, in her little torn frock and ragged shoes, she was a thousand times
more lovely than they.
Now it chanced that the King's son gave a grand ball, to which he invited all the
lords and ladies in the country, and, amongst the rest, Cinderella's two sisters were
asked. How pleased and excited they were when the invitation arrived! For days
they could talk of nothing but the clothes they should wear and the grand folk
they hoped to meet.
When at last the grand day arrived, Cinderella was kept running about from early
till late, decking the sisters, and dressing their hair. "Don't you wish you were
going to the ball?" said one of them. "Indeed I do," sighed the poor little maid.
The sisters burst out laughing. "A pretty spectacle you would be," they said rudely.
"Go back to your cinders - they are fit company for rags." Then, stepping carefully
into their carriage so that they might not crush their fine clothes, they drove
away to the ball.
Cinderella went back to her chimney-corner, and tried not to feel envious, but the
tears would gather in the pretty eyes, and trickle down the sorrowful little face.
"What are you crying for, child?" cried a silvery voice. Cinderella started, and
raised her eyes. Who could it be? Then in a moment she knew - it was her fairy
godmother! "I do so want --" began Cinderella; then her sobs stopped her. "To go
to the ball," finished the godmother. Cinderella nodded. "Well, leave off crying -
232
be a good girl, and you shall go. Run quickly into the garden, and bring the largest
pumpkin you can find."
Cinderella could not imagine how a pumpkin could help her go to the ball, but her
only thought was to obey her godmother. In a few moments she was back again,
with a splendid pumpkin. Her godmother scooped out the inside - one touch of the
wand, and the pumpkin was a golden coach, lined with white satin. "Now,
godchild, quick - the mouse-trap from the pantry!" "Here it is, godmother," said
Cinderella breathlessly. One by one six fat sleek mice passed through the trap
door. As each appeared, a touch of the wand transformed it into a cream-colored
horse, fit for a queen. "Now, Cinderella, can you find a coachman?"
"There is a large gray rat in the rat-trap - would he do, godmother?" "Run and
fetch him, child, and then I can judge." So Cinderella ran to fetch the rat, and her
godmother said he was just made for a coachman; and I think you would have
agreed with her had you seen him a moment later, with his powdered wig and silk
stockings. Six lizards from behind the pumpkin-frame became six footmen in
splendid liveries - you would have thought they had been footmen all their lives.
Cinderella was so excited that she could scarcely speak. "Oh! godmother," she
cried, "it is all so lovely!" Then suddenly she thought of her shabby frock. "There
is my white muslin," she said wistfully, "if - do you think --" But before Cinderella
could realize what was happening, her godmother's wand tapped her lightly on
the shoulder, and in place of the shabby frock, there was a gleam of satin, silver,
and pearls.
Ah! who can describe a robe made by the fairies? It was white as snow, and as
dazzling; round the hem hung a fringe of diamonds, sparkling like dew-drops in
the sunshine. The lace about the throat and arms could only have been spun by
fairy spiders. Surely it was a dream! Cinderella put her daintily-gloved hand to her
throat, and softly touched the pearls that encircled her neck.
"Come, child," said the godmother, "or you will be late." As Cinderella moved, the
firelight shone upon her dainty shoes. "They are of diamonds," she said. "No,"
answered her godmother, smiling; "they are better than that - they are of glass,
made by the fairies. And now, child, go, and enjoy yourself to your hearts content.
Only remember, if you stay at the palace one instant after midnight your coach and
servants will vanish, and you will be the gray Cinderella once more!"
A few moments later, the coach dashed into the royal courtyard, the door was
flung open, and Cinderella alighted. As she walked slowly up the richly-carpeted
staircase, there was a murmur of admiration, and the King's son hastened to meet
233
her. "Never," said he to himself, "have I seen anyone so lovely!" He led her into
the ball-room, where the King, who was much taken with her sweet face and
pretty, modest manner, whispered to the Queen that she must surely be a foreign
Princess.
The evening passed away in a dream of delight, Cinderella dancing with no one
but the handsome young Prince, and being waited on by his own hands at the
supper-table. The two sisters could not recognize their ragged little sister in the
beautiful and graceful lady to whom the Prince paid so much attention, and felt
quite pleased and flattered when she addressed a few words to them.
Presently a clock chimed the three quarters past eleven, and, remembering her
godmother's warning, Cinderella at once took leave of the Prince, and, jumping
into her coach, was driven rapidly home. Here she found her godmother waiting to
hear all about the ball. "It was lovely," said Cinderella; "and oh! Godmother, there
is to be another to-morrow night, and I should so much like to go to it!"
"Then you shall," replied the kind fairy, and kissing her godchild tenderly, she
vanished. When the sisters returned from the ball, they found a sleepy little maiden
sitting in the chimney-corner, waiting for them. "How late you are!" cried
Cinderella, yawning. "Are you not very tired?" "Not in the least," they answered,
and then they told her what a delightful ball it had been, and how the loveliest
Princess in the world had been there, and had spoken to them, and admired their
pretty dresses. "Who was she?" asked Cinderella.
"That we cannot say," answered the sisters. "She would not tell her name, though
the Prince begged her to do so on bended knees. "Dear sister," said Cinderella, "I,
too, should like to see the beautiful Princess. Will you not lend me your old yellow
gown, that I may go to the ball to-morrow with you?" "What!" cried her sister
angrily; "lend one of my dresses to a little cinder-maid? Don't talk nonsense,
child!"
The next night, the sisters were more particular than ever about their attire, but at
last they were dressed, and as soon as their carriage had driven away, the
godmother appeared. Once more she touched her godchild with her wand, and in a
moment she was arrayed in a beautiful dress that seemed as though it had been
woven of moon-beams and sunshine, so radiantly did it gleam and shimmer. She
put her arms round her godmother's neck and kissed and thanked her. "Good-bye
childie; enjoy yourself, but whatever you do, remember to leave the ball before the
clock strikes twelve," the godmother said, and Cinderella promised.
But the hours flew by so happily and so swiftly that Cinderella forgot her promise,
until she happened to look at a clock and saw that it was on the stroke of twelve.
With a cry of alarm she fled from the room, dropping, in her haste, one of the little
glass slippers; but, with the sound of the clock strokes in her ears, she dared not
234
wait to pick it up. The Prince hurried after her in alarm, but when he reached the
entrance hall, the beautiful Princess had vanished, and there was no one to be seen
but a forlorn little beggar-maid creeping away into the darkness. Poor little
Cinderella! - she hurried home through the dark streets, weary, and overwhelmed
with shame.
The fire was out when she reached her home, and there was no godmother waiting
to receive her; but she sat down in the chimney-corner to wait her sister's return.
When they came in they could speak of nothing but the wonderful things that had
happened at the ball. The beautiful Princess had been there again, they said, but
had disappeared just as the clock struck twelve, and though the Prince had
searched everywhere for her, he had been unable to find her. "He was quite beside
himself with grief," said the elder sister, "for there is no doubt he hoped to make
her his bride." Cinderella listened in silence to all they had to say, and, slipping her
hand into her pocket, felt that the one remaining glass slipper was safe, for it was
the only thing of all her grand apparel that remained to her.
On the following morning there as a great noise of trumpets and drums, and a
procession passed through the town, at the head of which rode the King's son.
Behind him came a herald, bearing a velvet cushion, upon which rested a little
glass slipper. The herald blew a blast upon the trumpet, and then read a
proclamation saying that the King's son would wed any lady in the land who could
fit the slipper upon her foot, if she could produce another to match it. Of course,
the sisters tried to squeeze their feet into the slipper, but it was of no use - they
were much too large. Then Cinderella shyly begged that she might try. How the
sisters laughed with scorn when the Prince knelt to fit the slipper on the cinder-
maid's foot; but what was their surprise when it slipped on with the greatest ease,
and the next moment Cinderella produced the other from her pocket. Once more
she stood in the slippers, and once more the sisters saw before them the lovely
Princess who was to be the Prince's bride. For at the touch of the magic shoes,
the little gray flock disappeared for ever, and in place of it she wore the beautiful
robe the fairy godmother had given to her.
The sisters hung their heads with sorrow and vexation; but kind little Cinderella
put her arms around their necks, kissed them, and forgave them for all their
unkindness, so that they could not help but love her. The Prince could not bear to
part from his little love again, so he carried her back to the palace in his grand
coach, and they were married that very day. Cinderella's step sisters were present
at the feast, but in the place of honour sat the fairy godmother. So the poor little
cinder-maid married the Prince, and in time they came to be King and Queen, and
lived happily ever after.
Source:http://www.ongoing.tales.com/SERIALS/oldtime/FAIRYTALES/cinderell
a.html.
Copyright © 1998, Antelope Publishing. All rights reserved.
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COURSE

Course Team Dr. Abigail O. Ogwezzy (Developer/Writer) -

NATIONAL OPEN UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA

Module One: Names, Venue-Oriented, And Institutional Channels Of

Unit 3: Institutional Channels of Communication and The Communication

Module Two: Folkmedia: Folklore, Proverbs And Parables

Module Three: Extra-Mundane Or Exoteric Channels Of Communication

Module Four: Myths And Legends

Module Five: Africa: Publics, Popular Culture And Development

Module Six: Verbal Communication, Mass Media And Information

Recommended Texts/Further Reading/References

Appendix II: TMA and Marking Scheme

Unit 3: Institutional Channels of Communication and The Communication

Module 2: Folkmedia: Folklore, Proverbs And Parables

Module 3: Extra-Mundane or Exoteric Channels Of Communication

Module 5: Africa: Publics, Popular Culture And Development

Module 6: Verbal Communication, Mass Media And Information

Unit 1: Names in Africa: History and Types

Unit 3: Institutional Channels of Communication and The Communication

UNIT 1: NAMES IN AFRICA: HISTORY AND TYPES

3.0 MAIN CONTENT

3.2 The History of Naming (Christening)

3.3 Religious Naming

Christianinty is a religion based on the teachings of Jesus Christ. Christians,

3.4 Types of Names

Personal Name: A personal name is what belongs to a person. It is the identity of

If a woman does a change of name after marriage, the family/surname/last name

3.5 Names as Channels of Communication in Africa and the Communication

3.6 The Spiritual Implications of Names

3.7.0 Examples of Names

3.7.1 Examples of Names in Some African Countries/Nigerian Cultures and

NAMES FROM EWE (SPOKEN IN THREE WEST AFRICAN

COUNTRIES - GHANA, TOGO AND PART OF BENIN REPUBLIC)

1 Obong Ama God’s Love

KALABARI/BONNY/AHOADA NAMES IN BAYELSA &RIVERS

1. Ayenate I have got my heart’s desire

NATIVE NAMES AND MEANING (ABOH IN DELTA STATE)

5 Enebeluwa Hoping On The Future

NATIVE NAMES AND MEANING (ITSEKIRI IN DELTA STATE)

1 Ofe-oritse Gift of God

NAMES FROM THE IBO SPEAKING PARTS OF DELTA STATE

1 Nnabuokpu Father is the cap

NAMES FROM THE ISOKO SPEAKING PARTS OF DELTA STATE

1 Oghenevwigbarobo God has won the battle

NAMES FROM THE EDO STATE

1 Osatohanmwen God had pity on me

NAMES FROM ABIA/ANAMBRA/IMO STATES

1 Azu ka (Back big ) Behind is better. It is a name given to unisex; it

3 Chukwu Emeka (God God has done it well. It is a masculine name

4 Igwe bu ike (Iron is My strength is in the multitude. When a family

6 Okwu uche (talk My mind has spoken. When a father silently

7 Osade bem (answer He has answered all my critics. A mother who

YORUBA NAMES FROM EKITI/OSUN/OGUN/OYO/LAGOS STATES

1. Adekanbi It is my turn to birth to the ‘crown’

10. Ikudaisi Death preserves this person

13 Ifatomisin Ifa is enough for me to worship.

14 Osuntoke Osun is enough to pet.

15 Ogunleke ogun has triumphed.

16 Ifafumilayo ifa has given me joy