O r g a n i z a c i ó n de las Naciones Unidas Programa de Jas

Naciones Unidas Naciones Unidas

para la Educación, la Comisión Económica para el
C i e n c i a y la Cultura para A m é r i c a Latina D e s a r r o l l o

Proyecto "Desarrollo y Educación

en América Latina y el Caribe"

EDUCATION AND DEVELOPMENT

I N LATIN AMERICA (1950-1975)

Germán W. Rama
J . C . Tedesco

E l t e x t o se t r a n s c r i b e de acuerdo con l a v e r s i ó n i n g l e s a
p u b l i c a d a en e l J u b i l e e number de l a I n t e r n a t i o n a l _ R e v i e w
o f E d u c a t i o n , Unesco I n s t i t u t e o f E d u c a t i o n , Hamburg,
XXV?197§72-3 (ISSN 0020-8566) p a g s . 188-211.
Distr.
RESTRINGIDA
DEALC
F i c h a s 11
mayo 1980
8 30401 1 Originals Español
SEDE DEL PROYECTO
COMISION ECONOMICA PARA AMERICA LATINA
OFICINA BUENOS AIRES
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Dirección cablegráfica UNATIONS
Buenos Aires - República Argentina
 CONTENTS

Chapter Page

The social struct lire in Latin America 1

Literacy and primary education 3
Secondary education 6
Higher education 8
Educational expansion and conflict 13

Notes 15
Appendix. Indicators of the socio-economic and educational situation
in Latin America
Table 1. Income and urbanization 17
Table 2. Gross enrolment ratios in twenty countries of Latin America 18
Table 3. Incidence of i l l i t e r a c y 19
Table 4. Indication of educational centent 20
Table 5. Participation of women in education 21
Table 6. Occupational levels in nine countries of Latin America,
1960-1970 23

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 The Social Structure in Latin America

The guidelines which oriented Latin American development with more or

less force, depending on various epochs, until the first half of this century
approximately, formed a social and economic structure whose principal
characteristics could be summarized as follows:

a) A strong link with foreign markets based on exports of a principal

product, generally agricultural or mineral, which demanded, as counter-
part, imports of manufactured products.l/

b) A dual social structure, strongly associated with elements of

ethnical differentiation, which was less significant only in urban
centres because of the presence of middle class sectors connected with
business and the State.

c) A political system with oligarchic base, partially questioned by

urban middle class sectors which would only demand participation in the
structure of power without, however, affecting the model of growth
imposed by the exporting groups.

d) A cultural and educational system which gave symbolic legitimacy to

the differentiations contained in the social structure. The high and
middle sectors, mainly urban and racially white, controlled culture and
its means of communication. Meanwhile the rest of the population,
living under different ethnic and linguistic conditions, was outside
the channels through which knowledge was spread.2/

Obviously, not all the countries in the region shared those elements
to the same extent. The availability of natural resources for export, the
supply of labour, the degree of agreement or disagreement among the dominant
sectorss etc., led to different national conditions. Those different
conditions demand a certain caution when an attempt at generalization is made
for Latin America as a whole. In addition, the different nature of national
experiences has increased notably in the last quarter of the century because
of the different ways in which countries readjusted themselves to the
changes introduced in the centres of international power and the various
approaches which have prevailed in each one of those centres.3/

In spite of these differences, some aspects of the structural changes

produced in the last 25 years can be mentioned as characteristic of the region
as a whole' They will allow us to place in an appropriate framework the
propositions contained in this paper in connection with the educational
system.

The oligarchic and mono-exporting social structure was seriously

questioned after the crisis of 1930 and, particularly, because of the
conditions created in the context of the second World War. The breakdown of
links with foreign markets, protectionist trends in the importing countries
and internal conflicts encouraged by the mono-exporting model, led to the
exhaustion of the model and the emergence of new approaches which, in certain

-1-
casesj resulted in structural modifications of some significance. The
first consequence of this crisis was the need to resort to the internal
supply of manufactured products, especially those for direct consumption.
The process of industrialization thus created used relatively simple and
labour intensive technologies. The urban centres grew rapidly and new
social forces emerged with political weight. In those countries where the
process was stronger, the political oligarchies representing mono-exporting
sectors-were replaced by populist regimes expressing an alliance between
sectors of the industrial bourgeoisie, labour unions and, in some cases,
the armed forces. However, the conditions that made possible that process
of substitutive industrialization within the framework of populist regimes
changed substantially around 1950. On one hand, the prices of exports
-•which had assured remuneration for agricultural sectors without seriously
affecting their interests and, at the same time, provided the financing for
the process of industrialization- decreased significantly in the international
markets. On the other hand, substitutive industrialization had already
passed the first phases of development and was confronted with difficulties,
usually found .in advanced stages, such as the impossibility of further
substitution of consumption goods and the increasing need for capital goods.
Under these conditions, it was indispensable to invest more than what was
usually devoted to the replacement of equipment and machinery in use.
Such additional investment could only be obtained in a dependent capitalist
economy at the expense of the usual investment or by resorting to some
form of external financing. Furthermore, it should be taken into account
that, both in the international situation and in the development of capitalism
there had been some important changes which led the central countries to
increase significantly their pressure on peripheral countries to place
capital and industries in those countries. Economic penetration appeared
basically through investments in industry by means of local subsidiaries of
foreign companies or by partnerships of foreign capital with national
companies. Economic activity concentrated gradually in a few monopolistic
units which incorporated modern technology. The consequences of this
process have already been discussed on many occasions and a general consensus
exists that they played an important role in the inability of industry to
produce employment as fast as the active population expanded.

Together with the new industrial model, the distribution of income

also concentrated gradually and the aspirations and programmes of agrarian
reform, which had started slowly in the previous stage, suffered seriously
in most countries. In some of them, the situation has even worsened and in
others the capitalistic modernization of agriculture for industrial or
exporting purposes has accelerated the process of decomposition of rural
labour without providing for alternative employment.

In spite of these limitations, the social structure of the region has

gone through important changes as compared to that existing before the
beginning of industrialization. The significant growth of urban population
was accompanied by the increase dn tertiary activities, in which the State 1
played the most dynamic role. The dual social differentiation of the
preindustrial phase is also undergoing noticeable changes. The medium level
groups linked with tertiary occupations have increased constantly, while

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in the low level groups there are clear indications-of differentiation between
those working in the modern sectors of the economy and those outside them.
i
Urbanization has also raised the need to ensure certain basic social
services (education, health, etc.) under State administration, and, as such
subject to pressures from the various, social sectors.

The consequences of these changes in the educational system are many

and different. An attempt-- will be made in the following discussion to
summarize the main trends, through the analysis of fundamental problems
existing in each of the levels of the system. Obviously, the brevity of this
paper requires a summarized presentation, in which only the most noticeable
characteristics of the process will be reflected.

Literacy and Primary Education

Latin America has made notable progress in the last quarter of a

century in the areas of literacy and primary school attendance. That progress
is observed in the adult population as a whole, but it is more significant
among youth. If the population between 15 and 19 years is considered, it
may be noted that, while in 1960 one out of four was illiterate, in 1970
the rate had decreased to one out of six. By the same token, while in 1960
the average rate for primary education in the whole region was 70.7%, ten
years later it had increased to 86.5%. *

However, averages for the region show a homogeneity that is far from
real. Internal dissimilarities continue to be very high in the area of
illiteracy and primary education, much higher than those obtained from data
of secondary and higher education. While some countries have been practically
able to eliminate illiteracy among youth, others still have rates of more
than 40%. Similar differences are noticed in the implementation of compulsory
primary education, which is far from being achieved although it has been a
stated goal since the last century.

Although the rates of compulsory primary education show a significant

growth in the last 25 years, various factors which make that expansion relative
could be mentioned. The most important -and the only one discussed in this
paper because of lack of space- concerns the results achieved by that system.
Even in the countries of higher educational development, the percentages of
students enrolled who are not able to complete the cycle of compulsory
schooling continue to be very high. Data on drop-outs among recent cohorts
show, for instance, that out of students enrolled in first grade only the
following reached the 6th grade of primary education: 14 in Brazil, 19 in
Nicaragua, 21 in the Dominican Republic, Honduras and Guatemala, 30 in
Paraguay, 32 in Colombia, 38 in Peru, 42 in Ecuador, 53 in Argentina, 54 in
Venezuela, 60 in Panama, 61 in Bolivia, 64 in Uruguay and 76 in Costa Rica.4/
In most of the countries, the highest drop out rates occur during the three
first years of school. For this reason, learning of the basic skills of

« For all statistical references, see the tables-in the apendix.

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reading and writing is not duly achieved and It is lost in a few years due
to l^ck of rvractice.

What is the reason for the significant progress achieved by some

countries and continuing backwardness and slow advance registered in others?
In order to answer this question, it may be interesting to provide a short
historical description of the various factors involved in the elimination of
illiteracy in the industrially advanced countries, as well as in the countries
of the region.

As is known, the reasons which historically promoted the process of

achieving universal literacy in Europe and the United States were essentially
political and not merely of an economic nature. That is why the process was
mainly in the hands of various social agents not linked with the State
(religious institutions, political parties, labour unions, etc.) and
developed in a way relatively independent of compulsory education.5/ On the
other hand, the situation in Latin America was entirely different. Literacy
was almost exclusively the result of an increase in the number of schools,
which was promoted specially by the State.6/ These factors seem to explain
both the significant expansion observed in some cases and the slow progress
noted in others.

The process of expansion of compulsory education being tied to State

initiative, was subject to budgetary limitations as well as to the ability
of the various social sectors to exert political pressure. In this regard,
there have been cases where groups able to use political pressure promoted
education beyond the limits required by productive development; while in
other cases, high and middle sectors used their superior capabilities to
influence the State to orient the scarce available resources for their own
benefit.

Examples of the first cases are those countries which started the
process of elimination of illiteracy in the second half of the last century
(Argentina, Uruguay and Costa Rica) by virtue of needs of national integration
and formal political participation. In more recent times, the same needs
were behind the progress achieved by countries such as Peru or some of the
small nations in the Caribbean, with serious problema of national integration
emerging from ethnic as well as linguistic factors.

At the other end of the spectrum are the countries where the expansion
o f literacy and compulsory education was adjusted to the requirements of
production. In these cases, the rate of expansion has been notoriously
slower than ¿ n the others and it has not been able to change the situation
o f important sectors of the population, mainly those living in rural areas,
which are kept marginal by the economic system.

In this respect, statistical data show that the higher rates of

illiteracy and low primary school ratios are linked with weak indicators
of urbanization. Among the many aspects involved, the fact that a very high
percentage of the rural population has diverse cultural origins is of
particular relevance in Latin America. In addition to the difficulties
typical of thé rural environment to solve the problems of expanding education
(population dispersion, temporary migrations, low levels of income, malnutri-
tion, etc.) there are those resulting from the barriers imposed by the presence
of communities with their own linguistic and cultural standards. 7/

Historically, those linguistic and cultural standards served to

strenghen the marginal situation of indian communities in the socio-economic
system. In short, the isolation of these communities during four centuries
shows clearly the limitations of the process of development, unable to
incorporate the whole population into the labour force.

In this respect, the problems involved in overcoming that isolation are

of a very different nature. This is not the context for a detailed discussion
of questions relating to ethnic discrimination, but the fact is that there are
two problems of special relevance. The first relates to the characteristics
of the process leading to literacy. In this case, literacy appears as a
svnomym of learning Spanish. Thus, requirements imposed on methods and
policies for eradicating illiteracy are qualitatively different from'those
already known and tested in more homogeneous linguistic and cultural contexts.
The second problem refers to the productivity of schooling in its widest
sense. Various studies conducted in bilingual and monolingual conditions have
stressed the importance of linguistic interaction to insure the effectiveness
of training.BJ Although little is known about this problem in the critical
rural areas of the region, available evidence shows that, in addition to the
low results obtained in educational coverage, there are also low results in
terms of the quality of learning.

While an explanation of the low level of the quality of learning can

be found mainly in the use of a language different from that known to
students, this does not account for the whole problem. All the dynamics and
organization of rural education in Latin America reflect standards that do
not fit the users conditions. With the exception of some isolated experiences,
the reality of rural school shows that it uses the same educational programmes,
training techniques and teachers as those existing in urban centres.
Therefore, not only are results obviously poor but also the devaluation of the
culture of rural groups, be they indian or not, is strengthened.9/

This factor favours trends towards migration which rural conditions as

a whole show in most of the region. Migrations towards urban centres have
been constant in Latin America for several decades. Nevertheless, the options
which immigrants find in the city have changed substantially in recent years.
During the first stages of industrialization by import substitution a strong
demand existed for barely qualified labour. This allowed high percentages of
the migrant rural population to join the urban environment through productive
employment. The countries developing this phase of industrialization more
intensively show clear indicators of this fact. As expressed at the begin-
ning of this paper, however, around the middle of the decade 1950-60,
substitutive industrialization could not develop further and, since then,
the process of industrial expansion became characterized by capital intensity
and low demand for labour. In view of the new situation, it has been held,
that the alternatives open for employment among the educationally backward

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sectors have been reduced practically to selfemployment in activities of low
productivity which guarantee, in the best of cases, income for mere subsistence.

SecondarY_Education

Secondary education has experienced, from the quantitative point of view,

a proportional increase in the rates existing in the various countries at the
beginning of the period under discussion. On the basis of these data, a
number of elements explaining the growth of the educational system ¿ n the
region can be identified. In the first place, those countries with higher
educational coverage do not show symptoms of saturation. They continue to
increase their rates in such a way that relative differences among countries
have not changed.

The counterpart of this fact, however, is that the countries less

developed in primary education are making efforts to expand secondary education
similar to those which have already solved that problem. In short, there exists
a stratified educational system which, while it cannot provide for the
population as a whole at a basic educational level, offers possibilities of a
long education to those who overcome the barrier of primary school.

The expansion of secondary education cannot be explained only by the

demands of production. At least, it may be noted that these demand
are not of the came nature as those recognized by the traditional
hypothesis of approaches based on human resources. By exaggerating
the terms of the problem, it could be stated that the limitation and
deformities of productive development are generating a social demand
for education of such high levels.

The first point to be mentioned, following this line of thought, concerns

the limitations and characteristics of the labour market. In the first stages
of substitutive industrialization, the significant creation of jobs notably
increased the opportunity cost of education. Access to productive employment
and the chances of social mobility without education discouraged the
continuation of studies. But the stagnation in labour demand and the
fragmentation of the labour market, by virtue of the emergence of both the
sector of modern monopolistic enterprises and the sector where self employment
predominates, had important effects on the link between education and work.

The opportunity cost of education tended to decrease. For many among

youth the present alternatives consist of continuing their studies, remaining
inactive or obtaining employment in positions of very low remuneration. In
this respect, educational expansion operates as a factor avoiding, or at least
postponing, excessive pressures on the labour market.

Precisely because of this function, official policies favoured the process

of educational expansion, seeking through this means to achieve several
objectives at the same time: to diminish pressures on employment, to create
illusions of social mobility through educational mobility and to satisfy
educational demands coming from middle sectors without having to satisfy others.

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In other words, education became the "weak15 variable of the social system: its
distribution could be democratized without being necessarily followed by similar
processes as regards the distribution of income and power.

But the quantitative changes in secondary education deeply affected its

qualitative aspects, particularly those which refer to the social functions
assigned to this level of the educational system.

In the traditional structure, secondary school was opened to an élite and

its function was precisely to provide a cultural education enabling candidates
to enter college and to share in the values and symbols differentiating the
élite from the rest of the population. For those purposes, an encyclopedic
curricular structure was the most appropriate, with predominance of humanities
and especially of classical and modern languages. As regards methods, the
relationship between teacher and student was characterized by an authoritarian
link which could be explained by the fact that the same link was predominant
in the social relations of the oligarchical structure.

Mass education and the emergence of new roles for which secondary school
had to prepare candidates, intensified criticism of this traditional structure.
That criticism achieved general consensus and widespread diffusion. Numerous
projects for reform have been planned in almost all countries of the region,
yet the results achieved by those projects are not proportionate to the level
of criticism 11/.

Teaching plans continued to follow preferably classical modalities and the

contents of the new cultural model, both the scientific and technical as well
as the values associated with them, were introduced fragmentarily and with
many difficulties. The consequence was that all the negative aspects of the
traditional secondary education were accentuated without maintaining its positive
values. Classical culture became exclusively a school product without any
standing in real society, where, on the other hand, the values and cultural
expressions of industrial capitalism were beginning to spread. The deep breach
between school and real culture led to an internal re-affirmation of the
authoritarian relationship between teacher and student, since this was the only
possible rTay to impose a type of learning detached from reality.

In general, some of the criticism of the traditional structure of secondary

education emphasized the need to increase vocational and technical training, in
order to achieve more correspondance between education and the requirements of
the labour market.

Two different assumptions were at the root of that criticism. The first, of
a quantitative nature, maintained that industial expansion would produce an
increasing demand for human resources trained at the technical level. The second,
on the other hand, was essentially qualitative and held that a specialized
schooling and training were necessary to accede to new positions in the labour
market.

In view of the rigidity of the traditional structure and the need to ensure
that the new forms of education should not be used as alternative channels to

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college instruction, the new secondary technical education tended to be organized
in many countries outside the existing system and its streams acquired a terminal
character 12/.

However, the assumptions of this strategy were far from being achieved. On
the one .hand, while the creation of technical occupations was intense, it was
below the growth of enrolment. On the other hand, trends in technological
innovation and their effects on job qualification were not uniform. While some
occupations became more complex, others were simplified and what appears clearly
is that there is no relatively strong correlation between occupation and type
of studies 13/.

In addition, it should be taken into account that since secondary education

still operates as a strong social filter, individuals in a position to accede
to it belong, in general, to the high and middle levels of the population. The
opening of new technical options is not so attractive to those sectors, which
aspire not only to complete their education but also to work in activities
generally considered as non-manual. The social composition of the enrolment in
those technical options helps to explain the process of gradual assimilation
observed between them and traditional education. The pressure to abolish the
terminal character of technical studies is strong and reflects the interests of
students as well as the rigidity of the labour market, which were discussed
above.

In this context, the technical trends in secondary education seem to be

fulfilling very different functions to those which justified their development.
From the point of view of the educational system, they would be acting as a
check, not very efficient, to aspirations and demands for higher education. As
regards the labour market, they would be promoting symbolic elements for the
internal differentiation of manpower between thé sectors linked respectively to
modern and traditional enterprises.

Higher Education

In recent years, the expansion of university coverage has been highly

significant in terms of enrolment as well as in the ratio of the corresponding
age group that is enrolled. However, some characteristics of that expansion
lead one to conclude that it does not lend itself to simple interpretation nor
should it be considered as an indicator of democratization or an expression
of modernization.

One of the factors supporting this conclusion is that a significant part of

the growth in enrolment reflects the increasing presence of women among university
students. On the basis of data for the decade 1960-70, it may be observed that
in most Latin American countries, the participation of sexes tended to become
even 1U/. As is known, the increasing participation of women starts in the high
and middle groups. The enrolment of women, therefore, does not imply any
modification in the social origin of students.

In addition, that growth in the enrolment is mainly channelled towards

careers reflecting the social image of the role of women. Some are related to
- 8 -
the process of socialization and others to social assistance, but none of them
are usual channels to accede to elite groups or provide for either new
approaches or social change. Thus, one of the careers of predominantly
feminine enrolment and which has shown a remarkable dynamism in recent years,
is the education of teachers, where the will to maintain the existing system
is clearly reflected. That will has been expressed by raising the level of
teacher training to higher education, but detaching it from university centres.
Thus, the socialization of teachers by ideologies opposed to the status quo is
avoided and they are kept at a cultural level characterized by a relatively low
standard of scientific analysis and judgement.

In spite of those limitations, college enrolment has been so large that a

crisis developed in the functions traditionally assigned to the university by
the social system. This crisis arises from the fact that quantitative expansion
was not simply the consequence of a policy outlined for the university itself,
but the result of a particular social process influenced by factors emerging
from economic growth and the structure of power, as wall as from ideological
beliefs operating in the different social levels.

Therefore, the crisis appears as a product of the lack of correspondence

between the various social factors influencing expansion and the way in which
the university attempts to cope with them. That is how some policies outlined
with the needs of economic activities in mind were inadequate or contrary to
the requirements of political or social demands and, on the other hand, policies
attempting to satisfy social demands clashed with existing standards of
economic growth. In short, the implementation of policies of one kind or
another has been the result of concrete historic circumstances, meaning the
correlation of force in society at a particular moment. Consequently, policies
have mainly been a response to specific situations and, for that reason, the
Latin American university goes through permanent oscillations, even through
those which are most extreme.

This framework makes it difficult to point out in a few pages the most
noticeable trends of the university situation. Nevertheless, an attempt will
be made to summarize the essential elements of the problem by three central
hypotheses: the internal segmentation of the college system, the increasing
depreciation of higher education and the deterioration of the academic and
scientific quality of studies. The common link uniting these hypotheses is
given by the fact that they are different answers to the problem of massive
enrolment and all seek to neutralize, in different ways, the de-stabilizing
consequences which massive college enrolment has in the social system.

a) Internal segmentation. The increase in enrolment was linked to a

significant growth in the number of institutions of higher education. In
general, the oldest universities located in the most important urban centres
concentrate a very high part of the enrolment. However, in the last few
decades, colleges have appeared in smaller urban centres. Another factor
accounting for the increasing number of colleges was private initiative, also
very active at the level of secondary education.

The establishment of colleges in small cities has been the consequence

of pressures exerted by local middle classes unable to send their children to
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the capital cities. Those pressures generally find political support among
regional groups, which perceive the university as an element of prestige for
the area and also a new instrument to exercise power. '

As regards private initiative,its expansion has been connected with a

number of goals: to legitimize the superiority of some groups in the context
of an apparently equal opportunity of access, to ensure for upper and upper
middle class groups a certain quality of training, to separate students from
centres of socialization in which values contrary to the status quo were
beginning to spread or even to offer some sectors of low cultural levels
educational opportunities with less requirements and more flexible grading
through'short courses on apparently new and poorly organized subjects.

The result of this proliferations of establishments is that the

university is losing homogeneity and instead a stratified system is being
strengthened by the differentiation of educational institutions according to
both the social origin of students and the academic quality of colleges
participating in the system 15/.

b) The depreciation of higher education. One of the aspects mostly

affected by the quantitative expansion of higher education has been,
undoubtedly, its relationship with the labour market. In fact, this is a
problem affecting the whole educational system and not only the university.
Therefore, the general lines of the following analysis may also be valid for
the other educational levels.

Global data on the dynamics of the labour market show that the area
which has been most active and most expanding has been that of non-manual jobs.
If the professional and semi-professional categories are considered - the
composition of which includes persons with high educational standards - it is
possible to verify that in the decade 1960-70 they achieved the highest
percentage of increases among all occupational categories 16/. This means
that, for the moment, higher education has been the channel for access to the
sector of the labour market of more relative expansion and better income.
Nevertheless, there are sufficient indications that this situation is
undergoing rapid deterioration. On the one hand it seems unlikely that the
growth achieved in the decade could be maintained. If that were to happen,
there would be cases like Venezuela, for ¿xample, where projecting the increase
recorded up to the present through 1980 and 1990, would bring the professional
and semi-professional category to 15% and 25% of the economically active
population respectively. On the other hand, in view of the increase of
available labour in a market of restricted employment, it is possible to
foresee that income levels for these categories would tend to decrease and to
express important disparities which would make the averages misleading.

This situation supports the hypothesis of educational depreciation which,

schematically, may be subject to two possible interpretations.

The first of these would explain the depreciation as the result of an

arbitrary process, through which employers demand more and more years of study
for access to. certain positions, independently of real job requirements 17/.

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This constant increase frustrates the efforts of wide sectors of the population
which are able to give to their children higher educational levels than those
achieved by their parents. It also maintains, through that process, the
structure of social differentiation of a stratified society.

As is known, in a stratified society the labour market becomes the

instance for maintaining the hierarchic structure of inequalities. The
positions being offered (each with its own characteristics in terms of
remuneration, prestige, etc.) materialize the scale of inequalities. Now, if
in that society there are instances charged with the task of fulfilling the
preliminary function of securing the stratification of individuals before they
reach the labour market, so that competition for each kind of position takes
place among the "legitimate" competitors from the system's point of view, then
the labour market does not develop its own machinery to achieve the
stratification of competition. In this regard, education was always one of
the key structural elements to ensure that access to the labour market should
have basic differential characteristics. A university degree, for example,
was by itself a solid guarantee of being a member of the social levels entitled
to aspire to certain positions. The same may be noted in connection with the
other educational "credentials". However, massive growth of education has
produced some sort of crisis in that concept, since a certain educational level
no longer guarantees that the candidate has the requirements which the system
demands to maintain existing inequalities. Thus, a number of the selective
functions which previously were in the hands of the educational system are now
being performed by the labour market, which must develop its own machinery to
choose candidates, acting at the same time as a "filter". In that sense, it
may be held that, in fact, as certain educational levels spread, they
guarantee less and less access to positions which were traditionally open for
those levels. That is why the depreciation arises, and why additional
qualifications to compete for a position are needed.

The "artificial" increase in the number of years in college required for

access to certain positions poses a series of problems of different nature. On
the one hand, those requirements, in the context of a not very expansive labour
market, open the possibility that highly educated individuals will have to
accept low positions in the occupational scale. This lack of adjustment is
the basis of a number of specific problems: rapid changes of employment to
seek better prospects; insatisfaction with the work being done, etc. On the
other hand is the situation where the abilities of individuals are not fully
used, a subject to which the literature is paying more and more attention.

But this is only an interpretation of the situation of higher education.

An alternative hypothesis could be held, according to which the depreciation
does not result solely form arbitrary elements. In other words, the question
is not that the same curriculum and knowledge are being valued in different
ways at two different historical moments. The educational system itself, in
its curriculum and organization, is undergoing changes which tend to favour
the process of depreciation. These changes may be summarized as follows:

a) The same curriculum is distributed in more years of studies. The

: ir t years of each cycle lose significance and are devoted to non-cognitive
i c. I—', as or else compensate for aspects not sufficiently developed at the
pre i:-is level.
-11-
 b) The introduction of new curricular elements in the educational system,
as a consequence of s c i e n t i f i c and technological progress, is d i f f i c u l t . They
join the existing elements and therefore the number 0 f obsolete parts of the
curriculum increases more and more, and promote the extension of studies needed
to achieve appropriate qualifications. In addition, new elements are introduced
from the high to the low levels of the system. This may explain why the
depreciation is not the result of a real increase in the time requirements of
education, but the product of an increase in the volume of information within
the system, regardless of i t s value.

I t could be held, following this line of argument, that the new contents
of the curriculum appear f i r s t not only at the higher levels of the educational
system, but they are also concentrated in those institutions recruiting
students from given social sectors. As examples of this situation, the
stratification of colleges and the curricular differences emerging from i t
could be mentioned.

The hypothesis of educational depreciation in terms of the decreasing

quality of training i s confirmed empirically by the reduction in the financial
resources devoted to educational services. Some recent studies show that,
towards the end of the decade 1950-60, the rate of increase of educational
expenditures in the region began to deteriorate. This f a l l continued
constantly and, although there are different national situations, most of the
countries show signs of weakening financial e f f o r t s in the f i e l d of education 18/.

The true hypotheses on the problem of educational depreciation are, to

some extent, contradictory. I f the loss in value of the years of study i s
due essentially to an objective f a l l in the quality of training, this would
mean that selection continues to operate from the educational system i t s e l f .
I f , on the other hand, the contents of education are kept relatively stable
and what has changed is i t s distribution, then i t could be argued that the
machinery for discrimination i s being transferred to the labour market. The
question of determining how both factors operate is an empirical problem to be
explained in each specific social context.

c) Deterioration in the quality of studies. The preceding discussion

suggested, as a working hypothesis, the possibility that the qualitative
deterioration of studies might be considered as an important factor for
explaining the process of educational depreciation. A number of elements
pointing in the direction were mentioned, to which at least two more must be
added.

The f i r s t is the type of student admitted to the university. The problem

of secondary education was considered above and an attempt was made to show to
what extent massive enrolment had been followed by a "ritualism ' in the
pedagogical process based both on authoritarian methods and obsolete
instructional programmes. The assumption can be drawn that most candidates
for college instruction lack adequate levels of knowledge and have not
sufficiently developed their analytical a b i l i t i e s , at least in so far as
school input are concerned.

-12-
 The second element to be considered refers to the fact that massive
enrolment in the university has led to a crisis in its role as the agent for
the preparation and diffusion of the cultural model of Obx,iaaat sjovps cf tl.o
ruling e l i t e . Obviously, this is not an exclusive problem of the university,
It reflects, in fact, the ideological crisis of dominant groups in the last
quarter of a century. This crisis emerges because, once the hegemony of
agro-exporting sectors ended, the new groups could not strengthen their
position, to an extent enabling them to produce cultural models which could
represent them organically.

Educational Expansion and Conflict

The balance sheet of the last twenty-five years in the relationship

between development and education in Latin America must recognize that a
considerable part of the population has overcome illiteracy and that important
numbers of young people are acceding to the various levels of the system.
Leaving aside any other consideration, this fact has great significance
because of the imbalances which i t produces in the different levels of the
social structure.

An attempt will be made below to discuss very briefly the consequences

of educational expansion on the political and cultural system of the region 19/.

Literature on this subject has insisted in recent years on a hypothesis

describing the educational system as a mechanism reproducing the dominant
cultural models and ideologies. The generalization of these ideas has brought
up a concept which perceives educational activities as being deeply
conservative. A detailed discussion of this question is not relevant for this
paper, but some considerations leading to a critical review of that hypothesis
are necessary.

For the purpose of clarity, three principal elements of the process of

ideological diffusion in the educational system may be identified: the content
of the cultural model being transmitted, those responsible for diffusing i t and
those receiving i t .

As regards the cultural model being transmitted by educational institutions,

the crisis which i t is suffering and the need to resort to clearly
authoritarian methods to maintain i t , have been discussed above. It may also
be added that the extent of the contradiction between values being professed and
those in force in society, create a framework in which the educational process
loses more and more significance. With regard to the agents responsible for
the diffusion of the model, i t is known that they are one of the social
sectors which has most suffered, throughout history, the consequences of the
policies of concentration of income. In addition, in the latest years, the
lack of f i t between training and socially recognized status has visibly sharpened.
Finally, the expansion of the system has placed them in daily contact with the
social conditions in which the poorest sectors of society are living. These
factors have promoted among teachers new attitudes towards a social system which
does not recognize them, whether by adequate material benefits or by valuing
their social function.
-13-
 As f a r as students are concerned, i t can be held that massive enrolment in
secondary and higher education has produced a c r i s i s for the belief that
society o f f e r s social mobility through education. On the contrary, many of
thise leaving such levels are drawn into different kinds of under-employment
or towards occupations offering very few opportunities to use their personal
talents or the training received. The lack of satisfaction among students
explains the c r i t i c a l concepts being spread with respect to the social system.
Under present conditions, educational expansion may become the basic point
of departure from which the rejection of structures which go with the present
model of development and of their ideological connotations may be developed.

-14-
 Notes

1 / The implicationsof this l i n k - f o r economic-development in Latin America

have been discussed many times. A summary of the most relevant processes may
be found in: F.H. Cardoso and E. Faletto, Dependençia_y_desarrollo_en_America
Latina, S i g l o XXI, 1969. 0 . Sunk el and P~ P a z " El" dêsàrr^îïô~ lâtlnôâmer i -
5^o_y_las_teorîas_del_desai^llo, S i g l o XXI, 197Ô~

2/ An historical summary explaining the consolidation of these characteristics

may be found in Barbara and J. Stein, La_herencia colonial en America Latina,
S i g l o XXI, Mexico 1975.

3/ On the concept of styles of development and its application to the various

aspects of the social structure in Latin America, see: Informe_sobre_un enfogue
unifieado_gara_el_análisis^ Naciones Unidas,
Consejo'Ëconômico y Social, Comisión de Desarrollo Social"(E/CN.5/477), 1972;
Marshall Wolfe , Approaches..to_Development^ Who_ is_Approaching_What?
ECLA/DS/DRAFT/105/Re f7 ï,~sântiâgô~~ChïIë"l974~ând~Germin~W~ Rama", Educación»
¿!Pifenes_y_ estilos_de_desar^llo, DEALC/6, Proyecto Educación y Desarrollo en
Am!r!câ~Latînâ~y~ëï~Carïbë~~Ï977.

4 / See UNESCO, lyolyÇ ion_ y_ s i î U & Ç Î 9 I L l a _ ei?yçaci°n ®n América

Latina. Santiago, C h i î ë " Ï 9 7 6 .

5/ See Carlos Cipolla, Educacion_y_desa^ollo_en_Occidente, Barcelona,

1970. François Furet and Jacques Ôzouf, Lire et_eçrire_. a lp habj§ t i z a tion_ de s
Paris, Les Editions de Minuit, 1977.

6/ See CEPAL, Enseñanza mediai_estructura social y desarrollo en America

Latina, E/CN. 12/924, November, Î 9 7 Ï . " Germán w7~Ramâ~-ËdûçâçIon~y^
Paper submitted to the CLACSO "Seminary, "Condiciones sociales de la democracia
en América Latina", San José, 15th to 20th October, 1978.

7/ In Paraguay, for example, 70% of the rural population speaks only

Guara n i . In Guatemala^sstimates of the Instituto Indigenista Nacional showed
that the percentage of monolinguism in native tongues in areas of ¿ ndian ,
population runs between 50% and 95%, according to the zones v:,; jp Peru, thç
1972 census also showed that 31% of the population above 5 years old was Indian
monolinguistic, whilst this percentage reached 78% in areas called "tnarjc^a .
india". See CEA, Algunos aspectos del_rendimiento_escolar relacionados çon el
bilingüismo. Paraguay" i 97 6-197 7 B u e n o s - A i r e s " 1978". Nelson" Amaro' añd 3r-T~"
M. A. Letona, Estrategias y modalidades_de_la_enseñanza_bilingüe en_Guatemala
'en la ultima_decada. Proyecto Educación y Desarrollo en América Latina y el
Caribe, versión preliminar, abril de 1978, (mimeo) J. Matos Mar, Educación,
DEALC/10, Buenos Aires, 1978.

8/ See Basil Bernstein, "Social class and linguistic development: A

theory of social learning", in A. H. Halsey, S. Floud and C. .A. Anderson,
Education, Economy and_Society. N.Y., The Free Press, 1965. For Latin America,
see" 'OSA; Algunos aspectos del rendimiento_escolar_relacionados_con_el
bilingüismoT" Parâgûay~1976-Ï977"Buënos Âlrës"Î978T"~Âïsô~sëë~thê""rësults of
r e s e a r c h conducted in Buenos Aires by Celia A. de Cársico and M. M. ás P-sci-f..
In t er a c c ion _ 1 ingfJí;s •t ic a _entr e jiiae s tros j¿ _aluiTinos j¿ _su _influen e ia _en _e 1
rí¿ndIt..iento escolar. Buenos Aires, CICE, 1974.

9/ In connection with this problem see Abner Prada, Educaciónjgara_el

desarrollo rural en América Latina, DEALC/11» 1978, and Jose P. Nuñez, La
escuela en_ársas rurales modernas. . DEALC/12. (in press).

10/ See various papers by PREALC, particularly El groblema del empleo en

America Latina:_ situación, perspectivas_yjp£líticas, San tiago7~Ch i i e 7 0 1 f , 1976.

11/ See Rodrigo Vera Godoy, Disyuntivas de la_educacion inedia en America

Latina, Proyecto "Desarrollo y Educación en América Latina y eí Caribe", (in
press).

12/ An eloquent indication is the fact that institute« created with the
objective of -training technical personnel of medium level were established under
the ministries of labour and not under the ministries of education.

13/ In the case of the Argentine industrial sector, see Juan C. Tedesco,
Indvs^iali&acionj^ educación en Argentina, DEALC/1, 1S77. Also see J. Hallak
and P. Caillods, Educationtravail_et envploi a Panama* Document de Travail,
HEP/544 , 75', París ri5\€sC0, "19777

34/ In 1970, famenine participation in enrolment in higher education was

above 40% in Argentina,. Brazil, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, Panama,
Paraguay, and Uruguay. I t reached between 30 end 40% in Cuba, Chile, Ecuador,
El Salvadors Honduras, Nicaragua» Perú and Venezuela. Only Colombia, Guatemala
and Mexico were below 30%.

15/ A very good example of this process is the case of Colombia. In that
connection seal Germán W. Rama, ''Educación universitaria v movilidad social.
Reclutamiento de elites en Colombia", en EevistaJjajtino^
Buenos Airas, vol. VI, julio 1970. N° 2.

16/ In i960 ana 1970, the professional and semiprofessional categories

represented the following percentages of the economically active population:
Argentina 5,4% and 6,7%; Brasil, 3,3% and 4,3%; Chile9 4,6" and 6,8%; Panama
4,6% and 5,7%; Paraguay 3,2% and 3,7%; Venezuela, 5,2% and 8,8%. In the case
of urban economically active populations, those categories achieved the
following percentages: Costa Rica 9,9% and 11,3%; Ecuador 6,0% and 8,5% and
Uruguay 10,0% and 8,8%.

17/ The working paper by J. Hallak and F. Caillods referred to in footnote

13 provides some empirical support to this hypothesis.

1-J Sss Hector Gertel, £inanciamie^^ America_Latina;

19/ For a iroro detailed discussion of this question' 3oe: German W. Rama;,
Educ-cicn y I'jük.'T'v;::!^ cp. ext.
 APPENDIX

Indicators of the socio-economic^and^educational^

Table 1. Income and Urbanization

GNP/INHAB (US$ 1970) Urban Population

Percentages a
1950 1960 1975 1950 1960 1975

Argentina 817,.3 912 1,320 51,.7 59,,0 69,.8

Bolivia 213,.3 192 299 19,.7 22 .9 29,.4
Brasil 231,.6 331 603 21,.1 28,.2 45,.0
Colombia 370,.0 425 587 21,.0 32,,5 47,.8
Costa Rica 343,.6 474 764 21,,2 23,.0 27,.6
Cuba • » • • » • • • • 35,.2 38..9 43,.4
Chile 576,.4 679 717 38,.7 50,.6 66,.1
Ecuador 246,.9 297 447 17,.7 25,.9 35,.9
El Salvador 265,.1 319 430 12,.5 17,.3 21,.6
Guatemala 292,.7 322 471 10..3 14,.3 16,.3
Haiti 118,.6 118 109 4,.7 7,.5 14,.5
Honduras 232.,2 250 275 6.,8 11..2 21.,1
Mexico 485..8 627 997 24..9 28.,9 38..7
Nicaragua 215.,2 289 453 14..2 21.,2 35,.2
Panama 458.,5 549 967 23..5 33,.1 42,.9
Paraguay 305,.3 294 425 15..5 15,,8 23,.2
Peru 312,.8 407 587 18..2 28,.3 44,.6
Dominican Republic 230.,4 294 476 10,.3 18,.7 36,.9
Uruguay 829..0 875 877 45.,5 59..4 64..7
Venezuela 653..0 918 1,276 30..9 46..1 63,.7

Souree: CEPAL, Indicadores del desarrollo económico y social en America

Latina, 1976.
a) Cities of 20,000 inhabitants or more.

-17-
 Table 2. Gross Enrolment Ratios in Twenty Countries of Lit in Vü.>vic*.

Primary Secondary Higher

education education education
1950 I960 3 1975a 1950 I960 3 1975 a 1950 1960 1975

Argentina 94.1 98.3 98.1 10.4 27.0 50.5 5.2 11.3 28.0
Bolivia 35.0 53.8 92.9 4.9 9.9 18.0 1.6 3.6 5.9
Brasil 39.3 59.7 85,5 5.7 9.5 19.6 0.9 1.5 9.4
Colombia 36.0 54.8 88.5 3.9 10.2 20.1 0.9 1.7 8.4
Costa Rica 61.4 81.9 91.7 5.9 16.2 39.5 1.3 4.8 18.5
Cuba 66.2 94.5 107.0 4.7 12.3 27.4 • • • 3.3 9.0
Chile 74.0 88.7 90.0 10.7 21.5 47.2 1.6 4.0 16.2
Dominican Rep. 53.5 82.0 94.4 1.7 11.6 25.5 0.9 1.5 5.7
Ecuador 56.7 72.6 93.7 4.4 10.6 27.5 1.3 2.6 8.3
El Salvador 61.1 66.7 93.4 2.9 9.6 19.1 0.6 1.1 • • •

Guatemala 27.7 39.9 53.3 2.4 4.8 10.1 0.7 1.6 4.1
Haiti 19.0 30.8 35.2 1.0 3.8b 5.0 b 0.2 0.5 0.5
Honduras 28.1 56.9 73.4 0.6 5.7 11.9 0.6 1.1 4.4
Mexico 53.0 70.1 98.5 2.7 10.0 30.2 1.6 2.6 9.6
Nicaragua 38.5 48.7 71.4 2.7 5.4 19.3 0.7 1.2 6.7
Panama 76.0 80.5 106.9 9.2 25.0 48.4 1.9 4.6 18.3
Paraguay 74.3 84.7 86.4 1.5 9.4 17.7 1.2 2.3 4.8
Peru 66.8 72.5 95.2 6.4 13.5 33.9 2.1 3.6 22.8
Urugicy 89.8 93.8 90.6 17.0 30.5 62.4 5.7 7.7 15.0
Venezuela 51.1 83.5 84.5 3.0 17.7 31.9 1.3 4.3 19.8

Source: For 1950 UNESCO, Statistical_Yearbook 1963, (Ages: 7-13 primary

education, 14-19 secondary education)~ ~~ For"196 (fand 1975: OREU, UNESCO and
StatisticalYearbook 1976, for enrolment data. CELADE, Estimaciones_de Población,
para l o i tramos de~edad~~ (Ages 6-12 primary education, 13-19 secondary"education
and 20-24 higher education).

a) Courses from 1st to 6th are considered as primary education and from 7th
to 12th as secondary education.

b) Data from UNESCO . . . source quoted for 1950.

-18-
 Table 3. Incidence of I l l i t e r a c y

I l l i t e r a c y 15 years and above I l l i t e r a c y 15-19 years

1950 1960 1970 1950 1960 1970

Argentina 14.0 8.6 7.4 8.3 5.0 4.1

Bolivia • • « ••» • • • 57.3 » • » • •••

Brasil 51.0 39.4 33.6 47.2 33.4 24.3

Colombia 38.0 27.1 19.1 ' 31.4 17.4 11.0

Costa Rica 21.0 15.6 11.6 18.4 8.6 4.0

Cuba ••• •»• »t» 22,5 ••• •••

Chile 20.0 16.4 15.2 13.9 9.4 4.0

Dominican Republic 57.0 35.5 32.8 46.7 17.4 22.1

Ecuador 44.0 32.5 • •• 34.7 20.2 12.7

El Salvador 61.0 51.0 43.1 55.6 39.3 26.6

Guatemala 71.0 62.0 53.8 68.0 56.7 43.6

Haiti ••• • t» ••• « • • ••• «••

Honduras 65.0 55.0 ••• 64.8 45.7 25.0

Mexico 43.0 34.6 25.8 ••• 25.9 15.0

Nicaragua 9•• •i » ••• 61.4 44.9 33.4

Panama 30.0 23.3 20.6 20.4 12.7 10.8

Paraguay 34.0 25.4 19.8 22.7 13.2 8.8

Peru •• « 38.9 27.2 42.5 26.2 11.5

Uruguay •«• 9.5 6.1 2.3 1.4

Venezuela • • • ••• • • • 42.6 25.3 •••

Source: National census and 0REALC, UNESCO for i l l i t e r a c y data CELADE,

Estimaciones de población,para los tramos de edad.

-19-
 Table 4 . Indication of Educational Content

Enrolment 6th grade General education Technical enrolment

as %.population as % total enrolment as % of total
aged 12 years in secondary education university enrolment
1/ ' • 2/ a / 3/ b/
1960 1970 1975 1960 1970 1975 1960 1970 1975

Argentina 71. § 80.6 89.7 25.6 41.1 36.8 20.1 25.8 24.5^/
Bolivia 34.9 34.7 . 53.5 83.4 84.7 87.1 20.2 20.8 15.2
Brazil 13.5 34.3 52.0 73.7 74.8 75.9 18.1 20.5 23.
Colombia 27.4 35.8 64.9 57.6 71.4 80.1 37.4 27.5 25.1
Costa Rica 40.7 79.4 92.6 74.1 92.2 95.9 5.4 7.6 7.6Î/
Cuba 51.9 • • • 83.0 73.4 74.0 77.0 27.9 43.1 39.3-/
Chile 80.2 88.0 101.3 70.9 67.0 63.5 29.3 36.2 30.8
Ecuador 36.3 60.4 51.9 60.0 63.1 84.2 28.7 27.3 17.6*/
El Salvador 30.5 48.5 52.5 60.7 80.9 69.6 29.5 14.3 27.65-/
Guatemala 1
• • 22.6 27.6 81.2 75.0 75.0 26.3 21.8 23.8
Honduras 20.9 40.2 40.8 63.8 73.9 75.8 11.4 24.0 26.4£/
Mexico 37.2 63.7 91.9 54.6 71.7 70.3 32.2 33.9 24.3—/
Nicaragua 17.1 34.3 40.6 60.2 87.9 91.4 29.3 19.8 14.5—/
Panama 66.4 73.0 80.5 68.8 65.0 66.7 25.4 10.5 21.4Î/
Paraguay 32.4 Vf V CK
J 4
• u. O . \J 87.4 oo p 1 Q• Q
J.V V 18.9 21.51/
Peru • • • 65.9 72.6 67.8 81.2 74.3 23.6 16.2 27.5
Dominican
Republic • • • • 35.8 51.9 55.5 95.9 96.3 21.7 14.3 14.8Ì/
Uruguay 68.6 82.9 97.9 65.5 75.8 76.7 8.6 15.0 18.0
Venezuela 46.1 63.7 69.6 58.1 63.9 63.9 . 23.5 23.8 25.9

Source:
1) OREU, UNESCO and Statistical_Yearbook 1976, for data on enrolment.
CELADE, Estimaciones_de_gublaci6n, para datos de población por edad.
2) Prepared on the basis of data from UNESCO, Evolucion y_Situacion_actual
de la_educacion_en_America J^atina, OREU, Ed. Santillana, Santiago, Chile, 1976.
~ 3) Stat1stical^Yearbook~1976, UNESCO.

a) General education covers teacher education-as-well as commercial and

technical..'.
b) Technical enrolment covers Engineering, Natural and Exact Sciences and
Agrcicmy. ' • .' .
c)~ 1974
-"> 1973
:) 1"72
-20-
 Table 5. Participation of Women in Education

Percentage Women Percentage Women

Secondary education Higher education

1960 1970 1975 1960 1970 1975

Argentina 51.4 52.6 52.0 32.1 45.1 45.1

Bolivia 40.2 42.1 43.6 * * • * • » » • •

Brazil 47.1 50.5 • • * 28.1 47.3 45.6

Colombia 65.9 48.8 48.2 18.8 24.5
Costa Rica 46.0 49.0 51.6 44.1 43.5 • • •

Cuba 52.6 51.4 46.1 38.4 39.3 35.9

Chile 51.6 53.1 53.2 38.5 38.4 35.2
Ecuador 42.3 48.5 46.0 18.6 31.8 31.2
El Salvador 46.5 48.7 44.7 20.3 29.9 30.0
Guatemala 43.9 41.3 41.6 • • • 23.1 22.8
Honduras 43.0 44.9 14.5 32.8 33.0
Mexico 37.8 39.7 38.0 17.5 18.5 • • •

Nicaragua 38.8 47.4 48.1 21.9 33.9 33.6

Panama 53.0 52.2 51.2 41.5 46.0 51.2
Paraguay 50.0 50.0 49.8 30.8 42.1 • • »

Peru 38.0 41.2 42.5 20.5 32.6 32.1

Dominican Republic 56.9 50.0 43.8 24.4 42.4 46.0
Uruguay 42.1 54.5 54.0 45.2 43.8
Venezuela 46.3 48.8 52.5 31.0 39.7

Source: Prepared on the basis of data from UNESCO, Evolucidn_y_Situación

actual de_la_Edu£acion_en_América_Latina, OREU, Ed. Santillana, Santiago, Chile,
1976^

-21-
 Table 6. Occupational levels in nine countries of Latin America, 1960-1970
(Percentage^

„jrm «stir. ^ n „ M . .¿rra,

,. MtaW^M,^ 31.4 »J ISO 23.3 33.6 46.3 20J 27.8 23.0 39.8 lt.4 2,
'» t T ^ - ^ e n ^ d ^ - n 2.4 M M U M 3.. 3.7 4.9 ,., .2,. 0.9 ..3 3.7 3.. 3.0 3.» 5.4 7.0
„ hSSSS&b.* 0.7 ..2 0.7 0.5 0.5 0.3 0.» 0.6 0.7 ,.3 0.3 0.3 0* 0.6 U ..5 0.4 0.6
d, 4.7 M 2.6 4.3 9.4 ,,.0 4.0 6.2 3.3 7.2 4.3 54 ,6 3 . U ¿.3 4, ..2

, ^ ^ ^ ^ 30, 34.0 2fl 20 , 32.4 31.3 3,4 3,9 3,2 34, 23.7 jg jg ft
H O 6.6 7.5 5.5 7.3 5.2 6.3 6.1 19.0 IU 4.1 5.3 .0.» MU 5.» 6.6 6.7
remunerated «orken is family
m. I* J, 7.1 >9 ,6 9 IS 7 U.4 ,¿0 MS ,7.7 ,0 9 £7 U V 14» 1
remonentod members of the
family wfro worktatervicet OJ 0.6 0.» 1.0
IV. Ufdktm end ktgkk^lt 1.3
3.4of 0.10,1 IJ
tkeprtmary I.I0.3 0.8 1.2 1.00.6 0.2 1.30.«
3r
.4 1.3 0.1 0.1 1.3 1.1 0.5 0.8 1.2 1.0 0.6 0.2 1.3 0.6 0.3 0J 0.9 1.0
•I Employe* of Qw agricultural mete
aad to the eitnctiwe mduitry 19.1
13.1SO.9
14.9
V. Ltm*r Igptb of tilt 40.2 12,6 4.829.9 24.4 18,9 6.1.43,}36.9 Sl.0 48.» O.S 1.4
9Jprimary ttetor
7.8 14.2 11.8 8.3
a) Salaried nasi worfcert 21.7 16.5 10.6 3.9 6.3 6.8 '11.0 9.3 0.4 0.5 <1.6 7.1
b) Self employed workers a»d nun-5.4 5,3 36.7 28.4 4.3 0.9 8.2 7.9 8.3 2.2 37.2 30.1 40.0 39.6 0.1 0.9 21.1 120
remunerated worker» is family
enteipaaaa .. *,
VI. ( M m M M M .h.pmk«n(- 10.6 9.3 4.3 ¡.4 3.6 0.9 3.2 3.7 1.3 0.7 ,2.0 4.7 t.8 S.4 3J 1.8 S.I 0.
M* probably la d» pruaary sector)
TotM ,00,0 ,00.0 100.0 100.0 100,0 100.0 100.0 100,0 100.0 100.0
CWAL. flikmlb««»co ysoc»!,*, «x«m« i.An*icU,H*. Report ofIT* -«Km. Guattmala. 25 April - 51Kay. 1977 I u e ^ ( ¡
I960 aad 1970 «»in tS MOOMl cea»s: &ruil I960, »suit of > Mttaiul cemut; 1972. «iiwys from a population sample of six retkxi. (a nWete may aut
fe "¿»dZi»* lewh Of the primary Costa Rica: 1963 and 1970. sur«y. from a populate «tan «ea,:q.B* 1960 ^
outfoml cJuTtetalkcmtZ Ecuador 1962 and 1968. survey,froma population sample co..rin, urban .re«: Panama. I960 and 1970 . >e»il..fro« aat.o^c^^.r*uay. 962and
JEw-nT* "«JwriSis!TmHtfro» the census. 1970. survey. from a population ample. Only Montevutoo » both c.«,: Veneaoetar I960, census. 197}. «my. from a p
cenaaa la both cases).

-23-
 Libro de edición argentina
Impreso en la Oficina de Cepal en Buenos Aires
Callao 67 - 3 o B - Buenos- Aires - Argentina
mayo 1980