Augustus, Apollo, and Athens

Author(s): Michael C. Hoff

Source: Museum Helveticum , 1992, Vol. 49, No. 4 (1992), pp. 223-232
Published by: Schwabe Verlagsgruppe AG

Stable URL: http://www.jstor.com/stable/24817902

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 Augustus, Apollo, and Athens

By Michael C. Hoff, Lincoln, Nebraska

Although the study of the monuments of Augustan Athens has rarely

excited students of classical antiquity, few scholars are unfamiliar with the
magnitude of Augustus' patronage of the city. The transformation of the classi
cal Agora, the Augustan Market, and the Temple of Roma and Augustus on the
Akropolis offer imposing testimony of Augustus' stamp on the topography of
Athens'. Yet other less substantial benefactions of the Augustan period have
gone relatively unnoticed. Such is the case for a small lead token now in the
Numismatic Museum in Athens.
The token (Plate 1), crudely stamped on one side only, depicts the head of
a youthful male facing right2. The hair is hunched in tresses behind the head;
crowning the head are slight indications of a laurel wreath. In front of the
forehead is a six-rayed star. Around the head is the inscription ΚΑΙ/ΣΑΡ.
The laurel-crowned figure should be recognized as a representation of a
youthful Apollo as first identified by Postolacca, and reiterated by Benndorf
and Rostovtzeff3. The six-rayed star presumably represents the Iulium sidus,

* The remarks of this article first found fruition as a paper read at the annual meeting of the
Classical Association of the Middle West and South, held at Hamilton, Ontario (Canada), in
April 1991. I would like to acknowledge with thanks colleagues and friends: Marleen Flory,
Daniel J. Geagan, Fred S. Kleiner, William M. Murray, and John Pollini, who read drafts of
this paper and provided helpful criticisms and welcome insights.
1 Athenian Agora: H. A. Thompson/R. E. Wycherley, The Athenian Agora. XIV. The Agora at
Athens (Princeton 1972); T. Leslie Shear, Jr., Athens from City-State to Provincial Town,
Hesperia 50 (1981) 356-377; and J. Camp, The Athenian Agora (London 1986) 181-214.
Augustan Market: M. Hoff, The Early History of the Roman Agora at Athens, in: S. Walker/
A. Cameron (edd.), The Greek Renaissance in the Roman Empire. Papers from the Tenth
British Museum Classical Colloquium. BICS Suppl. 55 (London 1989) 1-8; Roma-Augustus
Temple: W. Binder, Der Roma-Augustus Monopteros auf der Akropolis in Athen und sein
typologischer Ort (Stuttgart 1969); J. Travlos, Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Athens (New
York 1971) 494-496.
2 NM 7485; D 0,017 m; provenance: said to be from Athens. I would like to thank M. Oikono
mides, Director of the Greek National Numismatic Museum, for permission to publish the
Augustan lead tokens in the collection. I am also grateful to I. Touratsoglou for his assistance
and advice.
3 A. Postolacca, Piombi inediti del nazionale museo numismatico di Atene, Annali dell'Inst. di
corr. archeol. 40 (1868) 306 no. 174; O. Benndorf, Beitràge zur Kenntnis des attischen Thea
ters, ZÔstG 26 (1875) 605-606 no. 1 ; M. Rostovtzeff, Augustus und Athen, in: Festschrift Otto
Hirschfeld (Berlin 1903) 306 no. 5. Rostovtzeff in the above article published five Athenian
lead tokens which he identifies as belonging to the Augustan period; two are preserved in the
Greek National Numismatic Museum; two were in the Berlin Miinzkabinett and are now lost;
one other was in a private collection (Rhussopoulos) and subsequently dispersed.

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 224 Michael C. Hoff

the cornet or star that heral

used in Augustan symbolic ima
The combination of the Apol
σαρ refers not to Julius Caes
name shortly after the dicta
instead of Σεβαστός, which i
received from the Senate in 2
between 44 and 275.
Lead tokens, or tesserae (σύμβολα) such as this, were usually issued on an
irregulär basis and, unlike coins, served a variety of purposes other than legal
tender. In the Hellenistic and earlier periods certain types of Athenian tesserae
could be used as entry tokens to political assemblies and law courts where they
could be exchanged for money owed to the bearer for his public duty, and
others could serve as admission tickets to theater events6. In the Roman
period, however, public duty in civic affairs was no longer compensated by
payment. The most common use of the tokens, therefore, was either for entry
to theater events or religious festivals, or for exchange for free gifts. Tokens
made for specific theater events of festivals were usually provided with an
inscription or mark that designate its use, such as the name of the play or
festival7. As these désignations are missing on our token we may assume,
unless there are other unknown usages, that a more likely rôle for the token was
in exchange for free gifts, a benefit that was usually distributed by Roman
officiais and often in the form of grain8.
One such distribution of free grain occurred in 31 B.C. after Octavian's
victory over Antonius at Actium. Plutarch reports that following the battle
Octavian sailed to Athens where he brought together représentatives of the
Greek states in order to seek reconciliation with them for their participation
on Antonius' side. While in Athens Octavian ordered that the remaining grain
requisitioned by Antonius for his troops be distributed to the Greek cities9.
4 Suet. Caes. 58; Pliny NH 2, 94; Verg. Ecl. 9, 47; also see L. R. Taylor, The Divinity of the
Roman Emperor (Middletown 1931) 90-92. 112; S. Weinstock, Divus Julius (Oxford 1971)
370-384; P. Zanker, The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus (Ann Arbor 1988) 34-36.
5 But see Rostovtzeff (supra n. 3) 310-311, who assigns the date of the token to 19 without
taking into considération the significance of the inscription. On the use of formulaic nomen
clature in imperial titles see M. Hammond, Imperial Elements in the Formula of the Roman
Emperors Düring the First Two and a Half Centuries of the Empire, MAAR 25 (1957) 19-64.
6 For the many uses of tokens see M. Lang/M. Crosby, The Athenian Agora. X. Weights,
Measures and Tokens (Princeton 1964) 76-78.
7 Lang/Crosby (supra n. 6) 82-83.
8 M. Rostovtzeff, Römische Bleitesserae. Klio Beiheft 3 (1905) 1-131; Lang/Crosby (supra n. 6)
78. Also, see C. Nicolet, Tessères frumentaires et tessères de vote, in: Mélanges J. Heurgon 2
(Rome 1976) 695-716; and G. Rickman, The Com Supply of Ancient Rome (Oxford 1980)
244-249.

9 Plut. Am. 68, 6: Έκ τούτου Καίσαρ μέν έπ 'Αθήνας έπλευσε, και δναλλαγεΐς τοίς'Έλλησι τόν
περίοντα σΐτον έκ του πολέμου διένειμε ταΐς πόλεσι πραττούσαις άύλίως και περικεκομμέ
ναις χρημάτων.

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 Augustus, Apollo, and Athens 225

There is no reason to believe that Athens did not als

tribution of grain. As it is likely that the syste
allocation of tokens, it is possible, as Graindor re
that the Apollo-head token may have been assoc
distribution to the Athenians in 3110.
Further evidence that may support a date of 31 for the token is the depic
tion of Apollo. For students of Augustan history the image of Apollo in associa
tion with the emperor is certainly not new, as the extensive bibliography at
teste11. In order to demonstrate divine sanction and to add legitimacy to their
rule Hellenistic monarchs often portrayed themselves as descendants of divini
ties - thus, Alexander from Zeus. This tendency can also be traced into the late
Roman Republic with Julius Caesar's claim that his gens Iulia was descended
from Venus12. The Iulii were also connected historically to Apollo, as one of
Caesar's ancestors paid for the construction of the first temple of Apollo in
Rome in 431 B.C.13. Caesar himself was born during the ludi Apollinares of
10014, and paid for the ludi of 4515. But these few known instances of Caesarian
connections to Apollo cannot fully explain Augustus' later close association
with the god. Another piece of evidence, however, appears crucial in this light.
Dio reports that Caesar adopted his grand-nephew, the young Octavian, and
declared him his heir after he heard his niece Atia proclaim that she had been
visited by Apollo and had conceived Octavian by him16. Dio's anecdote may

10 See P. Graindor, Athènes sous Auguste (Cairo 1927) 37-38 note 2, and 118. As in many cases
concerning the study of Roman Athens, Graindor repeatedly showed himself to be remarka
bly prescient. His pioneering tetralogy - the other three works are Athènes de Tibère à Trajan
(1931), Athènes sous Hadrien (1934), and Un milliardaire antique. Hérode Atticus et sa famille
(1930) - continue to be the standard reference in the study of Roman Athens.
11 See especially P. Lambrechts, La politique apollinienne d'Auguste et le culte impérial, Nouv.
Clio 5 (1953) 65-82; J. Gagé, Apollon romain (BEFAR 182, Paris 1955) 570-581; E. Simon,
Die Portlandvase (Mainz 1957) 30-44; A. Alfoldi, Die zwei Lorbeerbäume des Augustus (Bonn
1973) 50-54; Gagé, Apollon impérial, ANRW II 17, 2 (Berlin 1981) 562-580; D. Fishwick, The
Imperial Cult in the West 1, 1 (Leiden 1987) 80-82; and Zanker (supra n. 4) 47-71. Also, see
F. Kleiner, The Arch of C. Octavius and the Fathers of Augustus, Historia 37 ( 1988) 356 note
35.
12 Serv. Aen. 10, 316; Cass. Dio 43,43, 3. Weinstock (supra n. 4) 15-18. For further discussion of
emperors' Claims of divine descendency see P. Riewald, De Imperatorum cum certis dis et
comparatione et aequatione (Halle 1912).
13 Cn. Iulius, as consul of 431, dedicated the temple; see Livy 4, 29, 7. The Iulii considered
themselves under the special patronage of Apollo because, as the god of medicine, he pro
tected the life of Sex. Iulius Caesar when he was born by Caesarian section; see Serv. Aen. 10,
316. On the connection of the Iulii and Apollo, see Weinstock (supra n. 4) 12-15, and J. F.
Hall, The 'Saeculum Novum' of Augustus, ANRW II 16, 3 (Berlin 1985) 2584-2586.
14 Cass. Dio 47, 18, 6.
15 Cass. Dio 43, 48, 3.
16 Cass. Dio 45, 1, 2-3. The story is repeated in an expanded version by Suetonius, Aug. 94, 4,
who also names Asklepiades of Mende as his source, FGrHist 617 F 2; also, see Kleiner (supra
n. 11) 353-356.

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226 Michael C. Hoff

reflect what Augustus himself

borative support in the form
Bobiensia written before 31 t
been suggested that Caesar c
with divine legitimacy separa
ever, that the Störy of Octa
sar's death by Octavian hims
tification with the god Dionys
Although the Propaganda c
covered ground, nevertheless
tion of their respective gods
tiny. Already by 41 B.C. whe
preceded by men and women
Citizens hailed him as Dionys
Tarsus, rumors were spread t
choice of Dionysos as Antoni
because of his penchant for
following a long-standing tra
selves to Dionysos' cuit which
and a hope for a happy future
Dionysos as a political gestur
allegiances, with the Greek E
The Athenians also participated in Antonius' Dionysiac program, al
though an argument can be made that it was not to their benefit. While he was
residing in Athens during the winters 39/38 and 38/37, Antonius declared that

17 Imperatoris Caesaris Augusti de vita sua, in: H. Peter, HRR 2 (Leipzig 1906) 54-64; H. Malco
vati, Imperatoris Caesaris Augusti Operum Fragmenta5 (Turin 1969) 84-97; F. Blumenthal,
Die Autobiographie des Augustus, WS 35 (1913) 122-123; H. Hahn, Neue Untersuchungen zur
Autobiographie des Kaisers Augustus, NouvClio 10-12 (1958-1962) 137-148; H. Bengtson,
Kaiser Augustus (Munich 1981) 177-178; Kleiner (supra η. 11) 354.
18 Epig. Bobiensia 39: Domitii Marsi de Atia matre Augusti: / ante omnes alias felix tarnen hoc
ego dicor / sive hominem peperi femina sive deum. F. Munari, Epigrammata Bobiensia 2
(Rome 1955) 28. 97-98; H. Dahlmann, Gymnasium 63 (1956) 561-562; A. Barigazzi, Su due
epigrammi di Domizio Marso, Athenaeum 42 (1964) 261-265; Weinstock (supra n. 4) 14;
Kleiner (supra n. 11) 355. Allöldi (supra n. 11) 51 note 204, believes that the epigram dates
after 43, the year in which Atia died.
19 Weinstock (supra n. 4) 14; cf. Simon (supra η. 11) 32-33.
20 Cf. Alföldi (supra n. 11) 51 note 204.
21 Plut. Ant. 24, 4. For recent discussion see C. B. R. Pelling (ed.), Plutarch: Life of Antony
(Cambridge 1988) 179-180.
22 Plut. Ant. 26, 5. Also Velleius (2, 82, 4) describes Antonius' entry into Alexandria in füll
Dionysiac regalia.
23 Plut. Ant. 60, 5.
24 See K. Scott, Octavian's Propaganda and Antony's 'De Sua Ebrietate', CP 24 (1929) 133-134;
also see Zanker (supra n. 4) 46-47.

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 Augustus, Apollo, and Athens 227

he was to be addressed as Νέος θεός Διόνυσος25. He the

"marriage" between himself as Dionysos and the city's pa
which may have been celebrated with the same festive p
entered Ephesos in epiphany26. This marriage evidently cost
drachmas or more as "dowry"27. Perhaps the supposed r
major festival as the Antonian Panathenaia may be con
between Antonius/Dionysos and Athena28. Athenian bro
this period which include issues depicting Dionysos sho
associated with these events29.
As for Octavian, there appears to be no evidence to
vian's association with Apollo antedates Antonius' bacch
Ephesos in 41. One could argue that Brutus' prophecy tha
by the "hand of Leto's son", which he made on Samos in 42,
Apolline association30. Yet the anecdotal nature of the
seem likely that the Störy was an afterthought generated b
ganda machine. "Apollo" was also used as the password
Octavian's camp at Philippi31. Although the use of Apoll
sometimes suggested as a reference to Octavian's early a
god32, it is more likely that the password was a propagandi
part of the triumvirs to the symbolic imagery program of
which Apollo and his attributes appear on their coins iss

25 Cass. Dio 48, 39, 2; cf. 50, 5, 3. Also, see Sen. Suas. 1, 6. Plut. Ant.
22-23; L. Cerfaux/J. Tondriau, Le culte des souverains dans la civi
(Tournai 1957) 300-301; D. J. Geagan, Roman Athens: Some Aspects of
B.C.-A.D. 267, ANRW II 7, 1 (Berlin 1979) 377; Hoff, Civil Disob
Augustan Athens, Hesperia 58 (1989) 273.
26 Sen. Suas. 1, 6-7. A. E. Raubitschek, Octavia's Déification at Athe
150, suggests that the problem of "bigamy" (Antonius was already m
time of his "marriage" to Athena) was not an issue because Octavia
Athena Polias.
27 Hoff (supra n. 25) 273. Concerning the marriage and the exorbitant dowry, Seneca, Suas. 1,
6-7, records a grafitto inscribed on a statue of Antonius in Athens that parodies the legal
divorce formula between Octavia and Athena against Antonius: Όκταουία και ΆΟηνά Άν
τωνΐω· res tuas tibi habe. On the Roman divorce formula, preserved by Gaius, see Dig. 24, 2,
2,1.
28 IG II2, 1043 lines 22-23; όμοί]ως δέ και έν τοις Άντωνιήοις τοις Πανα[ι)ηναϊκοΐς Άντω]νίου
Όεοΰ νέου Διονύσο[υ ...
29 I would like to thank John Kroll for allowing me to read the section on Antonius in his
unpublished manuscript on the coins of the Athenian Agora. Kroll no longer believes that the
Antonian issues had been debased in relation to the previous sériés as he reported in Two
Hoards of Athenian Bronze Coins, ArchDelt 27, Β' 1 (1972) 86-120.
30 App. BC 4, 134, 564; cf. Kienast 193. Brutus' quote is from Homer, II. 16, 849: άλλά με μοΐρ'
όλοή και Λητούς έκτανεν υιός.
31 Val. Max. 1, 5, 7.
32 E.g., Taylor (supra n. 4) 118-119; Weinstock (supra n. 4) 15.
33 See Ε. A. Sydenham, The Coinage of the Roman Republic (London 1952); head of Apollo: nos.
1293-1296; lyre and laurel: no. 1287.

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228 Michael C. Hoff

Besides the reference to Oct

Bobiensia dated before 3134,
ciation with Apollo occurred
Octavian was reported by Su
δωδεκάΰεος) in which the pa
gods and he as Apollo35. By 3
on the Palatine, the close asso
It appears then that Octavian
most likely a response to An
nized in his rival's orientaliz
tonian feelings among the I
vealed as reveling in foreign
man and thus traitorous. Symb
to Dionysos/Antonius: Italia
reason vs. irrationality37.
The victory of Octavian over
as a victory of Apollo over D
on the promontory of Actium
Apollo provided an extraordi
of Apollo on the token certai

34 Supra note 18.

35 Suet. Aug. 70. Suetonius' admitted
which was meant to hold Octavian
perhaps meant as a countercharge t
sos; see Scott, The PoliticalPropaga
(supra n. 24) 140-141; Taylor (supr
Simon (supra η. 11 ) 33-34; Kleiner
(Bristol 1982) 191, suggests the w
Abducta Neroni Uxor: The Historiog
TAPA 118 (1988) 357, is correct in a
fication of Octavian with Apollo as
tion. The historicity of this dinner-
it more likely to have been a piece
Assimilation and Imitation in the L
Toher (edd.), Between Republic and
(Berkeley 1990) 345. Whether the di
fiction created by Antonius, an ass
have been known to Antonius or eis
the god in his Propaganda campaign
36 Suet. Aug. 29, 3: Cass. Dio 49, 15,
Aedes.
37 For more discussion see D. Man
381-404.

38 Prop. 4, 6; Suet. Aug. 18, 2; cf. Murray/Petsas (infra n. 39) 11 note 8. On the sanctuary of
Apollo Aktios see W. M. Murray, The Coastal Sites of Western Akarnia: A Topographical-His
torical Survey (Diss. Univ. of Pennsylvania 1982) 266-271.

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 Augustus, Apollo, and Athens 229

aid provided to the war's victor39. There is also the ré

sidus to Octavian's newly divine father, Julius Caesar,
Propertius, watched the battle of Actium from his place a
The token, if it indeed dates to 31, possibly marks the
Apollo in Octavian's Propaganda program. The most pr
imagery is the sanctuary of Apollo on the Palatine whi
in 28. In front of the Temple the statue of Actian Apo
adorned with ships' prows from Antonius' fleet41. As dep
Augustan period, Actian Apollo is represented as holdin
libation. This représentation portrays the god, and by
bringer of peace not vengeance. Surely peace and reconcili
alluded to in the depiction of Actian Apollo on the At
tarch implied, Octavian's chief concern following Acti
tion of the Greek states for their participation in the Civ
Antonius. Octavian chose Athens as the site for his rap
Greeks because he recognized that Athens was the pr
Greek East, and thus required special patronage42. In a
grain, Octavian tarried in Athens in order to be initiat
Mysteries43. His initiation underscores his respect fo
Athenian festivals, and also emphasizes his rôle as fr
Triptolemos, pro vides for the welfare of the city thr
erain.
The final question left to be resolved, if possible, co
the représentation of Apollo on the token. On one lev
interpreted as representing Actian Apollo who came to th
Octavian, or it may simply refer to Apollo's général
emperor. Yet the ΚΑΙΣΑΡ legend, without other notations
viewer an ambiguous relationship in which the empero

39 The bibliography on the Actian War is quite extensive; see now W

Octavian's Campsite Memorial for the Actian War, TAPS 79, 4 (P
40 Prop. 4, 6, 59.
41 H. Jucker, Apollo Palatinus und Apollo Actius auf augusteischen M
82-100; P. Zanker, Der Apollon auf dem Palatin, in: Città e Arc
periale, AnalRom Suppl. 10 (1983) 21-36; B. Kellum, Sculptural Prog
Augustan Rome: The Temple of Apollo on the Palatine, in: R. W
Augustus (Providence 1986) 169-176; Zanker (supra n. 4) 85-86.
42 Hoff, The Roman Agora at Athens (Diss. Boston University 1988)
well established Hellenistic practice of patronizing Athens; see J.
of Athens under Roman Domination (New York 1942) 37-46, esp
43 Cass. Dio 51,4, 1. Augustus was initiated a second time in 19 (Ca
(supra η. 1) 4 note 21; R. Bernhardt, Athen, Augustus, und die Eleusin
(1975) 233-237; and K. Clinton, The Eleusinian Mysteries: Roman In
Second Century B.C. to A.D. 267, ANRW II 18, 2 (Berlin/New Yo

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230 Michael C. Hoff

the god44. This assimilation

Athens, because of an undated
Augustus, which has been recen
peror as the "New Apollo"45. As
Augustus with Apolline charac
planting the "New Dionysos" w
Athenians.
Probably associated with the statue of Augustus is a fragmentary decree
which pro vides for the célébration of Augustus' dies natalis which falls on 12
Boedromion and joins that célébration with the birthday of Apollo originally
celebrated on 7 Boedromion47. A reference is also made to Pythian Apollo
although in what context is not known. The latest editor dates the inscription
circa 21 B.C. in association with Athenian efforts to placate Augustus follow
ing démonstrations of civil unrest48.

44 On several coin types minted by Octavian which show Apollo without legend on the obverse,
and which may have been purposely designed to foster this ambiguity on the Apollo-Octavian
association, see Alfoldi (supra n. 11) 51, pl. 28, 1-4.
45 D. Peppas-Delmousou, A Statue Base for Augustus IG II2 3262 + IG II2 4725, AJP 100 (1979)
125-132. The text, as restored by Peppas-Delmousou, reads: [Σεβαστό]ν Καίσ[αρα Νέον
Α]πόλλωνα / Ποσ[ειδώνι]ος Δημη[τρίου] Φλυεύς / άγωνοϋέτης έν έ<ρήβ[οι]ς αύτοΰ / γενό
μενος. A similar example to this formula is seen on an inscribed statue base (IG II2, 3250) in
which Gaius Caesar, the son of Agrippa and adopted son of Augustus, was honored as the
"New Ares"; see M. and E. Levensohn, Inscriptions on the South Slope of the Acropolis,
Hesperia 16 (1947) 68-69. For two Athenian altars of Nero, in which the emperor is also
provided with the epithet "New Apollo", see IG II2, 3278; and E. Mastrokostas, AAA 3 (1970)
426-427; cf. SEG (1982) 252. As a natural pendant to the Augustus/"New Apollo" statue,
Livia apparently was identifïed with Artemis Boulaia on a statue base from the Athenian
Agora that dates to the reign of Tiberius; see J. H. Oliver, Livia as Artemis Boulaia at Athens,
CP 60(1965) 179.
46 Peppas-Delmousou (supra n. 45) 128. A statue of Augustus placed within the porticoes of the
Temple of Apollo on the Palatine showed the emperor habitu ac statu Apollinis\ see Pseudo
Acron ad Horace, Ep. 1, 3, 17; also, Servius, ad Vergil, Ecl. 4, 10, mentions a statue of
Augustus cum Apollinis cunctis insignibus. On the function and meaning of divine assimila
tion in Augustan art, see Pollini (supra n. 35) 334-357.
47 IG II2, 1071; see Graindor, Auguste et Athènes, RBPhil 2 (1922) 434-440; Graindor (supra
n. 10) 25-31; G. A. Stamires, Hesperia 26 (1957) 260-265 (füll bibliography on pages 261—
262); A. Benjamin/A. E. Raubitschek, Arae Augusti, Hesperia 28 (1959) 74-75. Graindor
suggests that the 7 Boedromion was also the anniversary of Augustus' arrivai in Athens from
Actium. This is indeed possible as the battle occurred on September 2 and 7 Boedromion feil
on September 25; three weeks would have been sufïïcient time for mopping up opérations in
Macedonia and Central Greece (Cass. Dio 51, 1, 4) before arriving in Athens; cf. Murray
(supra n. 39) 125.
48 Stamires (supra n. 47) 263. Literary and epigraphical evidence suggest that there were public
displays of dissatisfaction with Roman authorities which eventually led to economic sanction
upon the city levied by Augustus. I argue elsewhere that in the subséquent reconciliation
Augustus may have donated funds for the construction of the Roman Market; see Hoff (supra
n. 25) 267-276, and idem (supra n. 1) 4-6; also, cf. G. W. Bowersock, Augustus and the Greek
World (Oxford 1965) 106.

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 Augustus, Apollo, and Athens 231

Both the statue and the birthday decree demonstrate the

to exploit obsequiously Augustus' self-identification as A
within this context that the Athenians renewed their sacred embassies to Del
phi. Prior to the middle of the first Century B.C. lavish embassies called Pytha
ides were periodically dispatched to demonstrate Athenian piety to Apollo49.
But the toll of the civil wars and the weakened State of the Athenian economy,
combined with a général malaise towards old institutions, led to an abandon
ment of the costly procession. The last recorded Pythais occurred in 58/7 and
was, relative to past embassies, quite modest50. Under Augustus, however, the
Athenians re-instituted the embassy, although in a more moderate form and
renamed it the Dodekais51. There were five known Dodekaides dispatched
during the principate of Augustus, and the cost was apparently borne by the
wealthiest members of the Athenian elite.
1t is signmcant to note that the Dodekais was headed by the Athenian
priest of Apollo Pythios, who during the flve Augustan-period Dodekaides was
Eukles of Marathon, the ancestor of the second-century A.C. philanthropist
Herodes Atticus52. Eukles was a well known and important figure in Augustan
Athens. It was due to his efforts that Augustus donated the funds necessary to
complété the Roman Market, perhaps shortly after 21, as the dedicatory in
scription of the Roman Market indicates53. His office of priest of Apollo must
surely have placed him in an advantageous position to approach the emperor
to request the building funds.
Around the same time of the construction of the Roman Market, the small
monopteral temple of Roma and Augustus was erected on the Akropolis54.
From the surviving dedicatory inscription, one may infer that Pammenes of
Marathon, who is named as hoplite général and priest of Roma and Augustus
Soter, was instrumental in the construction of the temple55. While Apollo does
49 See A. Boethius, Die Pythais: Studien zur Geschichte der Verbindungen zwischen Athen und
Delphi (Uppsala 1918); see now S. V. Tracy, I.G. II2 2336. Contributors of First Fruits for the
Pythais. Beitr. z. Klass. Phil. 139 (Meisenheim am Glan 1982) esp. 150-153.
50 FdD III 2, no. 56; Boethius (supra n. 49) 125; Day (supra n. 42) 175.
51 For the Dodekais see G. Colin, Le culte d'Apollon pythien à Athènes (Paris 1905) 146-147;
Graindor (supra n. 10) 139-147, esp. 141; Day (supra n. 42) 175. The re-institution of sacred
embassies to Delphi signais the renewal of ties between Athens and Apollo's sanctuary. A
possible reason, in addition to Athenian patronage of Augustus/Apollo, may relate to the
revival and reorganization of the Amphiktyonic Council under Augustus; see Paus. 10, 8, 3;
also, RE 4 (1901) 2578, s.v. Delphoi (H. Pomtow). But see J. H. Oliver, The Athenian Ex
pounders of the Sacred and Ancestral Law (Baltimore 1950) 52, for more traditional reasons
other than special patronage of Augustus' god.
52 On Eukles see KirchPA n. 5726; also, see Graindor (supra n. 10) 142-143; Hoff (supra n. 1)3.
53 Julius Caesar provided initial funding for the Market's construction around 50 B.C., but the
Project apparently was halted as a resuit of the civil war against Pompey; see Hoff (supra η. 1 )
3-5. Dedicatory inscription on the Market's West Gate: IG II2, 3175.
54 On the Temple of Roma and Augustus see supra note 1.
55 IG II2, 3173. On Pammenes see KirchPA η. 11520; J. Sundwall, Nachträge zur Prosopographia
Attica (Helsinki 1910) 85 and 140; and RE 18 (1949) 299-303, s.v. Pammenes (Treves).

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232 Michael C. Hoff: Augustus, Apollo, and Athens

not figure directly with the circumstances surrounding the construction

Temple, it is known that Pammenes was also a priest of Delian Apol
office which he held throughout the greater part of Augustus' principate
seems likely that given the importance of Apollo's priesthoods in Ath
account of the emperor's special association with the god, there is a conne
between the construction of the buildings and the priesthoods of Euk
Pammenes.
Augustus patronage οι Atnens, seen in tne new constructions reierrea to
above and in the transformation of the Agora, may have been the reas
behind the dedication by the Athenians of statues to him at Apollo's san
ries of Delphi and Delos in which the emperor is honored as ύεός57.
The above references serve to demonstrate the scope of Augustus' ass
tion with Apollo at Athens. At fïrst, in the period immediately following Oc
vian's victory at Actium, Apolline symbolism, as on the token, was designed
counter Antonius' self-identification as Dionysos and to promote Octavia
réputation as benefactor. In the years that followed honors, such as the "
Apollo" statue base and the decree providing birthday célébrations for
emperor in association with those for Apollo, were meant to demonstr
Athenian patronage of the well-established relationship and to acknowle
the assimilation between the emperor and the god58. As in Rome, whe
Augustan Propaganda was directed towards the thèmes of a new "Golde
Age", Apollo imagery in Athens symbolized a restoration of order and
establishment of the Augustan peace.

56 IDélos nos. 1592-1594. 1605. 1626. 2515-2519.

57 J. Bousquet, Athènes et Auguste, BCH 85 (1961) 88-90; 78 (1963) 196-197; Delos: IDélos
1591.
58 See Ε. J. Dwyer, Augustus and the Capricorn, RM 80(1973) 59-67, on the use of the Capricorn
in Augustan symbolism in which it is first applied as a specific counter symbol to Antony/
Dionysos, and later as a more général propagandistic theme refering to the potestas of
Augustus.

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 Plate 1
Athenian lead token, Greek Nat. Numis. Mus., No. 7485 (photo: Author)

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