Bem 104 Topics
Bem 104 Topics
Bem 104 Topics
The topography of the property varies from flat plains to rolling hinterlands and hills to
mountain peaks. The extensive rainforest of the Park is the habitat of diverse endemic
and endangered species of flora and fauna. The mouse deer, calamian deer, PalawanCTE
bearcat, porcupines, skunks, wild pigs, flying squirrels, rats, bats, and monkeys are
among the animals that inhabit the Park. Cave-inhabiting forms of reptiles, birds, and
mammals dominate the animals. All of these endemic to Palawan: they exist nowhere
else on earth.
Among the world heritage sites in the Philippines, the Rice Terraces of the
Philippines Cordilleras have such a powerful presence that makes them one of the most
outstanding places in the country. Lying high in the Cordillera Mountain range, their
setting cannot be replicated anywhere in the lowland tropical landscape of the
Philippines – or even anywhere in the world, for that matter.
High in the remote areas of the Philippine Cordillera Mountain range, scholars believe,
slopes have been terraced and planted with rice as far back as 2,000 years. Mountains
terraced into paddies that still survive in varying states of conservation are spread over
most of the 20,000 square-kilometer land area (7 percent of the total land mass of the
Philippine Archipelago) that is in the Northern Luzon provinces of Kalinga-Apayao, Abra,
Benguet and Ifugao. The improbable site is found at altitudes varying from 700 to 1,500
meters above sea level, where terraces are sliced into mountain slopes with contours that
rise steeply.
Existence in the Cordillera unites man with nature, and the unparalleled view shows how
man has shaped the landscape to allow him to grow rice. The sheer majesty of the
terraces communicates uniqueness and strength. Besides wind and rustling leaves, there
is also the constant sound of water flowing downhill on the canals that irrigate the terraces.
And there is nobleness in culture and environment expressed by the timeless tranquility of
the terraces. Most Filipinos regard the terraces as their greatest national symbol.
Notable Vigan urban spaces and architecture includes its town plaza, Plaza
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Salcedo; Saint Paul's Cathedral; The Arzopispado, an excellent example of a priest's
residence in an urban area; Saint Paul's College; the Provincial Capitol Building;
The San Agustin Church in Paoay began its construction in 1604 and finally
completed n 1710. This is one of the most outstanding "earthquake baroque" structure in
the Philippines where the primary concern was to design the church for earthquake
protection. The coral stone bell tower, standing at some distance from the church for
earthquake protection, was finished in the second half of the 18th century. Philippine bell
towers were constructed at a distance from the main church structure to avoid its falling
on the church during earthquakes.
The most outstanding feature of the church is the phalanx of buttresses that just
out perpendicularly from the sides to strengthen the walls against earthquake damage. It
has the most massive buttressing in any church in the Philippines. Fourteen S-shaped
buttresses rise in rhythmic cadence from the ground reaching almost to the roof line. A
pyramidal finial triumphantly tops each buttress. The visual impact of the San Agustin
church in Paoay is unforgettable.
Built of brick, the church has a monumental façade. The thick side walls are
without ornamentation, but have delicately carved side entrances which are bolstered
regularly by huge quadrangular buttresses, these are necessary structural
reinforcements for earthquake protection. The power and simplicity of its geometric
forms, and its location, make this an outstanding example of Peripheral Baroque
architecture.
Source: http://www.tourism.gov.ph/top_heritage.aspx
Characteristics of Land:
Land possesses the following characteristics:
1. Free Gift of Nature:
Man has to make efforts in order to acquire other factors of production. But to acquire
land no human efforts are needed. Land is not the outcome of human labour. Rather, it existed
even long before the evolution of man.
2. Fixed Quantity:
The total quantity of land does not undergo any change. It is limited and cannot be
increased or decreased with human efforts. No alteration can be made in the surface area of
land.
3. Land is Permanent:
All man-made things are perishable and these may even go out of existence. But land is
indestructible. Thus, it cannot go out of existence. It is not destructible.
4. Land is a Primary Factor of Production:
In any kind of production process, we have to start with land. For example, in industries,
it helps to provide raw materials, and in agriculture, crops are produced on land.
5. Land is a Passive Factor of Production:
This is because it cannot produce anything by itself. For example, wheat cannot grow on
a piece of land automatically. To grow wheat, man has to cultivate land. Labour is an active
factor but land is a passive factor of production.
6. Land is Immovable:
It cannot be transported from one place to another. For instance, no portion of India’s
surface can be transported to some other country.
7. Land has some Original Indestructible Powers:
There are some original and indestructible powers of land, which a man cannot destroy.
Its fertility may be varied but it cannot be destroyed completely.
8. Land Differs in Fertility:
Fertility of land differs on different pieces of land. One piece of land may produce more
and the other less.
9. Supply of Land is Inelastic:
The demand for a particular commodity makes way for the supply of that commodity,CTE but
the supply of land cannot be increased or decreased according to its demand.
1. OCEAN This is the widest and largest body of water in the world. Huge sea vessels can
travel here. There are five oceans in the world: Pacific Ocean – ocean closest to the
Philippines. This is also the largest ocean. Atlantic Ocean Southern Ocean Indian
Ocean Arctic Ocean
2. SEA The sea is salty. A lot of aquatic resources live in the sea. Examples of seas are
the Philippine Sea and the South China Sea (which is the largest sea near the
Philippines).
3. LAKE A lake is a body of water surrounded by land. There are many lakes in the
Philippines. Lake water is fresh, and some of the fish that you can find in Philippine lakes
are hito (catfish), dalag, tilapia, and ayungin. Examples of lakes are: Taal Lake and
Lanao Lake
4. CHANNEL A channel is a wide body of water found between islands. This has to be
crossed into order to move from one island to another. Examples of channels are:
Babuyan Channel (found in northern Luzon), and Balintang Channel (separates Batanes
from the Babuyan Islands)
5. WATERFALL Waterfalls fall from a high place. Examples are: Tinago Falls (found in
Iligan City), and Katibawasan Falls (found in Camiguin).
6. BAY This serves as a harbor for sea-faring vessels in the Philippines. Passengers ride
here, and goods can be loaded for transport to different places. Manila Bay is known for
its beautiful sunsets. Examples are: Subic Bay, and Manila Bay.
7. STRAIT This is a narrow body of water, which separates two large land forms. Examples
are: San Juanico Strait which is found between Samar and Leyte. This is the narrowest
strait in the Philippines.
8. GULF This is part of the ocean, and can be found at the opening of the sea. This can be
used as a port for sea vessels. You can also fish here. Examples: Lingayen Gulf found
near Pangasinan, and Ragay Gulf found near Camarines Norte.
9. RIVER The river is a wide body of water that flows towards the sea. It has fresh water,
so fresh-water fishes are harvested from rivers. Examples of rivers are: Cagayan River
(the longest and largest river in the Philippines), Pasig River (a river that can be seen in
the city)
10. STREAM or BROOK This is a small body of flowing water. The source is a spring.
11. CREEK This is shallow and smaller than a stream. The water is used by farmers to
irrigate their rice fields.
12. SPRING This is the smallest body of water. The water come from beneath the ground,
and can be either hot or cold. Hot springs can be found in areas near volcanoes.
Examples: Bukal ng Bundok Makiling, Tiwi Hot Spring
1. Philippine Crocodile
2. Philippine Eagle
3. Tamaraw
4. Bombon Sardine (Tawilis)
5. Calamian and Philippine spotted deer
6. Tarsier
7. Sea Turtles CTE
8. Balabac mouse deer (Pilandok)
2. Philippine Eagle
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Found in Palawan
The Philippine Forest Turtle is among the critically endangered species in the
Philippines, and among the 25 most endangered turtle species in the world.
According to the Turtle Conservancy, a non-profit organization, for over 80 years, its true
geographic distribution in the Philippines remained a mystery until a chance discovery of one
specimen in a Palawan market in the late 1980s, and finally the rediscovery of wild populations
in 2004.
However, this rediscovery resulted in a negative effect because many hunted for the Philippine
Forest Turtle for illegal wildlife trade for pets and food that is why isa na ito sa mga endangered
na hayop sa Pilipinas.
Endangered species in the Philippines are not just about animals. This topic also covers the list
of endangered plants in the Philippines that can soon be extinct if we let them be.
1. Waling-Waling
2. Kris Plant
3. Staghorn Fern
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4. Arabica Coffee
5. Catmon
Population Classification: Vulnerable
Found across the Philippines
The catmon tree bears fruit and is found only in the Philippines. The fruit has many uses:
it is used as vinegar and fish flavoring, for achara and jams. It can also be used to treat cough.
What threatens catmon are logging and wood harvesting, and ecosystem degradation.
Sources: National Geographic, CNN Philippines, Biodiversity Management Bureau (BMB),
Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR), Huffpost
V. ACTIVITIES:
A. Did you ever encounter this church? From what place it can be found? Can you share
something about it through composing a poem or a song? Record your own voice and send it to
your teacher.
Analyze the picture below. Give your insights about this. Expound your answer.
Paoay Church (Church of San Agustin) – Paoay, Ilocos Norte
Location: Paoay, Ilocos Norte
Year inscribed in UNESCO: 1993
Type: Cultural
Research: Church of San Agustin or Paoay Church is known for its extravagant coral-block
buttresses and ornate stone finials and is among the 5 examples of tangible cultural heritage in
the Philippines. The construction of this world heritage site began in 1604 and was completed in
1710. Its coral stone bell tower, standing at some distance from the church, was finished in the
second half of the 18th century. For your information, Philippine bell towers were constructed at
a distance from the main church structure to avoid its falling on the church during earthquakes.
Paoay Church’s bell tower was said to have been used as a Filipino watchtower during the 1898
uprising against the Spaniards.
This is one of the most notable “earthquake baroque” structures in the country where the
primary concern was to design the church for earthquake protection.
Being one of UNESCO world heritage sites in the Philippines, Paoay Church has become a top
tourist destination in the region.
Source: https://www.zenrooms.com/blog/post/unesco-world-heritage-sites-philippines/
REFERENCE:
Source: https://www.zenrooms.com/blog/post/endangered-species-in-the-philippines/
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What is colonization?
Even limiting oneself to key issues is no easy task, as various disciplines regard culture as their
terrain. Anthropology, economics, political science, sociology, history, and the humanities,
including cultural studies and the arts themselves, all lay some claim to the topic. Diverse and
dispersed literatures complicate matters. Frequently divided by methodology and a split
between quantitative and qualitative approaches, disciplines function too much as closely
guarded silos, discouraging inter- and transdisciplinary dialogue of the kind that Global
Perspectives encourages.
Moreover, there are strikingly contrasting presuppositions within the social sciences toward
culture: Too often, culture is treated as a residual once the “hard” economic, political, and
sociological factors are considered. Alternatively, it can become the all-encompassing construct
that supposedly explains everything. Similarly, culture is seen as something that either prohibits
or accelerates progress, or it becomes a politically innocent reference category to paint over
increasingly absent shared values and common narratives.
There are also deeply rooted clashes of national cultural interest that have been set in motion
as globalization has advanced. Is the world moving toward cultural uniformity or toward tensions
and conflicts? Or are there signs of an alternative set of outcomes rooted in a more polycentric
system of cultures in terms of meaning and identity, production or consumption? What is the
meaning and validity of a Western or an Asian “cultural imperialism” thesis, or a “clash of
civilizations” between East and West?
In contemporary society, there is a deepening intersection between the economic and the
cultural, as Singh (2011, 2017) demonstrated in his analysis of globalized art markets and
North-South trade relations. The media presents one dramatic illustration of this intersection:
that is, commercially produced cultural artifacts. At the same time, culture has come to be seen
as an instrument of economic development and urban revitalization—a view encapsulated in
terms like creative class, creative cities, and the creative economy.
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Yet culture is also about the arts. Notions of l’art pour l’art, or “art for art’s sake,” in the sense
that culture is first and foremost about creative expression, are challenged by the deepening
intersection of culture with economics and politics. Interpretative frames for what count as art,
what can be regarded as cultural innovations, and who “owns” or represents art imply many
changes for how works of art are appreciated, collected, presented, bought and sold, and
preserved.
The concepts of culture, value, and identity are as intricate and multifaceted as their
relationships are to each other. Anheier and Isar (2007, 3) write in their introduction to the five-
volume Cultures and Globalization Series “that globalization has a profound impact on culture,
and that cultures shape globalization may seem like a truism. Yet the two-way interaction
involves some of the most vexed and at the same time taken-for-granted questions of our time.”
This interaction challenges previously more stable cultural systems, forms of everyday life, and
identities, and it does so in very uneven and diverse ways. The triangle of collective heritage,
identity, and memory, long assumed a foundation of societies, has become uncertain and is
being transformed (Anheier and Isar 2011).
Globalization is both a process and an outcome that involves economic supply and distribution
chains, financial flows and investments, international law and institutions, and communication
and mobility. Castells (1996, 1997) uses the apt imagery of “decentralized concentration” to
describe this phenomenon. He argues that a multiplicity of interconnected tasks that take place
in different sites results in people and organizations forming a meta network at the transnational
level. Held (2002) argues that the 1990s globalization spurt reached an extensity and intensity
that went beyond previous phases, and with greater impact on different cultures and societies.
Issue 1: The Long History of Globalization and Cultural Interactions
Globalization evolved over time and continues to change, as Baldwin (2019) demonstrates. The
“old” globalization, driven by the Industrial Revolution, involved two phases: from the early
nineteenth century to the start of World War I, and from World War II to the fall of the Soviet
Union. The “new” globalization had a first phase, fueled by financial deregulation, transnational
supply chains, and information technologies, and lasted until the global financial crisis of 2008–
9. It was in this phase that countries outside the northern industrial sphere—namely, China and
other Asian countries—joined the globalized core. The second phase, still emerging, is based
on digitization and is likely to expand the extensity and intensity of global networks further.
Each globalization phase brought societies into contact with each other, be it through trade,
colonization, proselytizing religions, or domination. It was often an unequal contact. Not all
cultures survived, as some merged and new ones emerged. The important point is that for
centuries, most of the world’s cultures have been in contact in some form or another, and
increasingly so over time. They have been in contact, and continue to be, in a context
characterized by mutual understandings and misunderstandings, cooperation and conflict,
domination and submission, and affection and aversion. The current globalization phase, given
its reach and impact, certainly adds another layer to the complex web of intra- and intercultural
relations, bringing about value changes and challenges to collective and individual identities.
Globalization can retreat, as it did after the Great Depression; it can accelerate and slow down,
as it did before and after the 2008–9 global financial crisis. To put it another way, since about
1820, the world has known only a few episodes of “non-globalization.” This means that the
world’s diverse cultures, peoples’ values, and their identities have been exposed to the “other,”
as have collective memory, cultural heritage, and forms of cultural expression. Cultures past
and present are the co-production of “domestic” content and developments and exposures to
(and interactions with) other societies and their respective cultures.
Therefore, the first issue is to get a better historical understanding of how cultures interacted in
the context of globalization phases, what the drivers of cultural flows were, and how values and
identities changed over time. Historical perspectives are as important as contemporary
analyses.
Issue 2: The Legacy of Methodological Nationalism
Envisioning cultures, values, and identities as the product of past exposures and interactions
also means that the notion of national cultures and national society is historically highly
questionable. Yet the social sciences, which emerged during the end of the “old” globalization
phase—when the nation-state was naturalized—engaged in an epistemological framing of
cultures, values, and identities close to the notion of the nation-state. This framing was
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sometimes explicit: an early example is Aaron’s influential book on German sociology (1935);
much later examples include Lipset’s American Exceptionalism (1996) or Huntington’s Who Are
We? (2004). But mostly the framing was implicit, almost taken for granted in the sense that
students of the social sciences in the United States read and studied American society just as
the British or the French did theirs. For a long time, anthropology developed along a different
path, with its emphasis on the “other”—that is, non-Western, nonstate societies and cultures.
The nation-state framing is still dominant today, referred to as methodological nationalism. This
term refers to the intellectual orientation fortified within each social science discipline that treats
the nation-state as the primary unit of analysis and the primary reference point, ascribing
agency to it as the given container for social processes. For Wimmer and Schiller (2002),
methodological nationalism is built on the assumption that the nation-state is the seemingly
natural social and political form of the modern world.
The implied reification of nation-states as actor’s sui generis in a transnational cultural space
can be very misleading. For example, the United States does not “act” in a cultural sense,
organizations and people do. It is US corporations like Microsoft, Facebook, Google, or the Walt
Disney Company, missionary societies, art museums, and the people who work there that act,
as do artists, activists, and robots. Of course, the nation-state plays an important role, but when
studying culture in a globalizing and changing world, it cannot be the assumed primary unit of
analysis (see Anheier 2007, 336). The upshot is that the social sciences have to overcome the
twentieth-century legacy of methodological nationalism if we want to get a fuller understanding
of culture, cultural flows, and developments.
Issue 3: The Overly Complex and Easily Contested Concept of Culture
Most definitions are neither true nor false; they are ultimately judged by their fruitfulness in
advancing our understanding of a phenomenon. Following Deutsch (1963), a fruitful definition
must be parsimonious and focus on the truly critical characteristics of the phenomenon. It also
must have organizing power in the sense that it helps to establish relations with other concepts
and adds value overall. Parsimony and added value, however, never seemed to have much
currency among students of culture, who proudly point to the many attempts to define what
culture is, and they reference Kroeber and Kluckhohn, who identified 281 definitions in their
1952 book Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions. Kroeber and Kluckhohn then
organized these diverse concepts of culture into eight categories, including topical (the cultural
economy), historical (heritage, tradition), behavioral (learned human behavior, a way of life),
normative (values, norms), mental (ideas), and structural (symbols).
Yet none of these categorizations, or others that followed, made much progress in bringing
greater clarity in terms of parsimony and value added. The classical nineteenth-century
definition of culture by anthropologist E. B. Tylor is still being referenced (“that complex whole
which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom and any other capabilities and habits
acquired” (Tylor 1920, 1). The same is true of UNESCO’s definition of culture in the Preamble to
the UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity as the “set of distinctive spiritual,
material, intellectual, and emotional features of society or a social group… it encompasses, in
addition to art and literature, lifestyles, ways of living together, value systems, traditions and
beliefs.”
In the face of such general statements, most analysts define culture in a broad and a narrow
sense. Broadly, culture is a system of meaning, its social construction, articulation, and
reception, including religion, ideologies, value systems, and collective identity. More narrowly, it
refers to the arts—that is, what artists create and what is regarded, preserved, exchanged, and
consumed as cultural artifacts. Straddling both notions are concepts such as cultural diversity,
cultural expression, and the creative or cultural economy.
So it is no wonder that in his seminal Keywords, Raymond Williams (1976) famously stated that
culture is one of the most complex words in the English language. The same statement could be
made today. Why are we holding on to an imprecise term, especially as it is being deeply
implicated in diverse and contested disciplinary discourses in the social sciences today? Yet the
word does hold some meaning. Appadurai (1996) and Crawford (2007), among others, have
observed how culture is being mobilized in a politics of recognition and representations. The
divisive debates about migration worldwide and fundamentalist reassertions in all major world
religions are just two examples that show the instrumentalization of culture. Achieving greater
clarity and precision in terms of definition and classifications is a major challenge ahead.
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Issue 4: Values as Systems and Imprints
Like culture, the concept of values carries different meanings and is used rather loosely. For
individuals, values act as an internal moral compass and are “evaluative beliefs that synthesize
affective and cognitive elements to orient people to the world in which they live” (Marini 2000,
2828; see also Hitlin and Piliavin 2004, 360). Values typically form a value system as a relatively
consistent orienting framework. Ideologies are relatively constant sets of beliefs that explain the
world, usually in terms of cause-and-effect relationships.
Even though values are unobservable directly and often conflated with other phenomena such
as norms or attitudes, much progress has been made in recent decades to measure value
systems cross-nationally and over time. The most prominent effort to do so is the World Values
Survey (www.worldvaluessurvey.org). The resulting Inglehart-Welzel Cultural Map plots
countries along two major dimensions: traditional versus secular values and survival versus self-
expression. Of course, here we encounter the unit-of-analysis problem we confronted above,
and innovative approaches are needed to show how and when what values matter, change, and
the like.
Yet who has agency in such maps? They offer useful markers and reveal persistent patterns as
well as shifts over time. But a larger question loom regarding how the values they present are
produced and reproduced. Of course, psychology and sociology have answers, mostly at the
micro level, through socialization processes. Emphasizing the link between value systems and
ideologies, social institutions and organizations, and groups and individuals, however, could
offer one way forward to accommodate agency. We live in societies made up of institutions and
organizations, as Perrow (1986) pointed out long ago, and as North et al. (2009) pointed out:
institutions are the rules of the game and hence the embodiment of value systems, whereas
organizations are the tools of enactment.
Such an approach could rekindle the kind of macro-meso-micro studies that characterize some
of the seminal works on the interplay between value systems, institutions, and organizations
and individuals. Max Weber’s ([1904] 2016) TheProtestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism is a
study of the interaction between religion and economic behavior. In response to Marx, Weber
argues that the world of ideas has its own logic, independent of material interests and property
relations. In Elias’s (1997) seminal work on the process of civilization, he analyzes behavioral
transformation in the sixteenth century as a reaction to demands for greater political and
communicative stability as commerce expanded. Bourdieu’s (1979) analysis of the French class
structure and the link between culture and habitus is also a particularly illuminating work. We
need more such studies.
Issue 5: The Triad of Identity, Memory, and Heritage
Sociologically, identity is a person’s learned notion of self, combined with a sense of belonging
expressed and experienced through values, ethnicity, language, nationality, locale, and the like,
and is closely related to a sense of “we-ness.” There is a striking disconnect in research on
identity: empirical studies based on population surveys show that identities are remarkably
stable over time, as the European Commission (2012) found when it summarized the results of
several large-scale research projects on the relationship between regional, national, and
European identities. Hoelscher and Anheier (2011, 364–86) reviewed different facets of identity
(geographical, cyber, citizenship, cultural, economic, and religious) and reached a similar
conclusion.
This stability contrasts with two other strands of inquiry: the nuanced debate about the
relationship between identity, collective memory, and heritage, on the one hand, and the
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vehemence of the political meaning of the term (in particular regarding identity politics), on the
other. As to the first, Isar et al. (2011) suggest that in the process of globalization, the “triangle”
of identity, heritage, and memory has become more unstable and, in some parts of the world,
even unhinged. Contradictory developments are taking place: there is a trend whereby cultural
heritage assumes a “museal sensibility” (Huyssen 1995, 14), supported by international
conventions (Isar 2011, 39--52) and by a cultural heritage industry (Winter 2011). There are also
powerful economic forces that undermine cultural heritage by eliminating entire peasant cultures
and traditional crafts and skills.
The “cult of heritage” comes with a certain “memory boom,” as Isar et al. (2011, 5) put it.
Collective memory is “remembrance of the past grounded on more durable carriers of external
symbols and representations” (Assmann 2008, 55). It is an archival memory constructed
through a discourse that relies heavily on media institutions and communication (Huyssen 1995,
6). This memory discourse makes it vulnerable to political and cultural entrepreneurs, and
Assmann (2008, 54) calls for “critical vigilance and develop[ing] criteria for probing the quality of
the memory constructions, distinguishing more ‘malign’ from more ‘benign’ memories—that is,
memories that perpetuate resentment, hatred and violence from those that have a therapeutic
and ethical value.”
Yet, irrespective of the quality of collective memories, they are implicated in how we think about
identity and how identity politics comes about. The cultural responses to globalization open
opportunities for groups and individuals to deploy the notions and resources of heritage and
memory in certifying identity. It is a way of coping with the uncertainties about the “us versus
them” attitude that globalization frequently brings with it (Appadurai 2006, 6).
Next to scholarly attention to the nexus of heritage, memory, and identity, there is a highly
contested debate that links identity to the fate of Western civilization. Four books illustrate the
depth of the disputes. First, Huntington’s 2004 book “Who Are We?: America’s Great Debate”
explores the nature of American identity, taking issue with the idea that the United States is a
“nation of immigrants.” Instead, Huntington observes that the founders were settlers who
brought with them the cultural kernels of what became the American creed, a unique creation of
a dissenting Protestant culture based on the principles of liberty, equality, individualism,
representative government, and private property. He argues that American identity began to
erode beginning in the 1960s, as a result of, among other factors, the rise of globalization,
explicit political appeals to specific identity groups, and changing immigration patterns.
Contradicting Huntington, particularly his civilization thesis, Sen’s 2006 Identity and Violence:
The Illusion of Destiny argues that the false notion of a unique identity sustains conflict and
violence. He criticizes “solitarist” theories that ignore shifting and multiple identities. In his view,
identity is changing and multifaceted; there is no fixed identity, and people comprise many
identities related to ethnicity, nationality, gender, religion, and the like. By better understanding
identity, societal rifts can be alleviated, resulting in a more peaceful society and world.
Fukuyama’s 2018 book Identity argues that people have clung to identity as a result of
economic and social dislocation—for example, job losses due to globalization, economic crisis,
or the relative status decline of white males. This focus on identity results in conflict and political
dysfunction. Ultimately, Fukuyama views identity politics as a threat to the foundations of liberal
democracy and a distraction from real issues. Focus on identity politics has become a
convenient and effective substitute for a more in-depth analysis of how to address the trend
toward greater socioeconomic inequality in most liberal democracies.
Appiah’s 2018 The Lies that Bind argues that people and their leaders keep making the same
mistakes when it comes to the main Cs of identity: creed (religion as a set of immutable beliefs
instead of as mutable practices and communities), country (suggesting a forced choice between
globalism and patriotism), color (race is constructed, not biological), class (entitlement and
resentment, rather than greater equality of opportunities), and culture. As for the latter, he
proposes a greater openness and no longer equating individualism, liberal democracy,
tolerance, rationality, and science with Western civilization as such.
Clearly, these and other works make for rich opportunities to debate assumptions; to challenge
hypotheses, data, and their analysis; and, above all, to bring better and especially comparative
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evidence to bear.
Issue 6: Culture and the Economy
The relationship between the economic and the cultural has a long history, from Adam Smith’s
moral sentiments, Marx’s dichotomy of structure and superstructure, Thorstein Veblen’s
conspicuous consumption, and Baumol and Bowen’s (1966) cost disease theorem to today’s
discourse about the creative city and the cultural economy. Cunningham et al. (2008) propose
four models for the relationship between the wider and the cultural economy, defined as a
system for the production, distribution, and consumption of cultural goods and services through
market as well as nonmarket mechanisms, or, in the words of Scott (2008), as all forms of
economic activity that produce outputs with significant aesthetic or semiotic content or symbolic
outputs.
The negative model assumes that cultural activities are either public or semipublic goods and
therefore inherently deficit making. They rely on public subsidies, voluntary contributions, and
philanthropy to compensate for lacking revenue. The negative model views the culture economy
as a “welfare case.” The competitive model treats it as just “another industry,” yet one with high
demand uncertainty and cost disease tendencies. Alternatively, the positive or growth model
highlights the capacity of the creative segments of the cultural economy to initiate growth in the
aggregate economy. Finally, the emergent or innovation model views culture as an innovation
system that infiltrates the entire economy, promoting “creative disruption” to established
practices in business and society at large.
These models are propositions well worth exploring, and they provide a frame for Landry’s
“creative city” concept (2000, 2012) as well as for Florida’s “creative class” (2005, 2018). For
Landry, cultural resources are the raw materials of the city and its value base. He emphasizes
both the “hardware” (physical infrastructure) and the “software” (relationships and atmosphere)
for designing successful cities. Florida popularized the concept that cities exhibiting a higher
level of economic development tend to be those that attract members of the creative class.
Florida’s work gained a great degree of attention due to its simple and catchy argumentation
and methodology. The “three Ts” (talent, technology, and tolerance) as the key to economic
development were supported by especially designed indicators (e.g., a “bohemian index”).
Florida has been criticized (Glaeser 2005; Peck 2005) for elitism by separating the world into
“creatives” and “non-creatives.” Methodologically, scholars have challenged Florida’s indices
and quantification of causal factors (Glaeser 2005). The argument that creativity begets growth
has been identified as circular. Furthermore, Florida and Landry’s focus on creativity as a path
to economic growth has been criticized for operating within “neoliberal” development agendas,
framed around interurban competition, gentrification, middle-class consumption, and place
marketing (Peck 2005).
Despite such criticism, there are clearly important insights here, which are also supported by
sociologists studying the relationship between innovation and diversity. Globalization creates
more diverse networks among people and organizations and generates many more changes for
weak-tie configurations to materialize. Exposure to multiple and heterogeneous contacts and
circles encourages creativity and opens new opportunities. This is one reason that geographers
like Scott (2008) argue that globalization is leading less and less to cultural uniformity. Markedly
more polycentric systems of cultural creativity and production are emerging, suggesting that
conventional cultural imperialism arguments seem to be losing some of their force. Yet these
are propositions in need of further reflections and, especially, empirical tests to find out if the
world is indeed becoming more diverse, even eclectic, in its modes of cultural production and
consumption.
Central here is the role of the artist as creator. Within the Western canon, the cult of the artist as
the “seer,” the genius who is both inside (and understands) and outside (and questions) a given
community or society, is still strong, stemming from Enlightenment notions of individual
achievements. Yet how does this notion of the artist, which ties creativity to individuality, fit into
the globalized opportunity structure? Will the precarious economic position of many artists
change? How can it match non-Western constructions (e.g., of art as expressions of communal
creativity and imprinting), and how can it relate to the concept of art whose recognition and
legitimacy enhances rather than breaks traditions? Do global art markets, and the speculation
that increasingly drives them, favor Western notions over others, or play on some sort of
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speculative arbitrage? Likewise, are major art exhibitions like Documentary, Frieze, or Art Basel
mostly about market making or about art appreciation, or perhaps both?
Yet countries differ widely with respect to how broadly and in what manner they engage with
culture and the arts. The United States shows a very limited involvement throughout, and most
activities are at the local and state levels. Other efforts are largely left to private philanthropy
and nonprofit organizations. By contrast, cultural policy in France is very much a matter of the
central government and public budgets, whereas in Germany a decentralized system prevails
that mixes public and private funds under a pattern of cooperative cultural federalism. The
United Kingdom is somewhere in between, using arm’s-length institutions with a growing focus
on the cultural or creative economy.
The outcomes of different policy approaches are also different dynamics and possibilities for
artistic potential, creativity, and economic growth in terms of the models Cunningham et al.
(2008) have outlined. It remains an open question how emerging market economies and
autocratic regimes position themselves in this triad of cultural policy options (a minimal role of
government, a pronounced and centralized role, and a devolved one). Most likely, forms of
control will be a critical element, putting cultural policy under state tutelage.
Finally, cultural policy is also foreign policy in the context of soft power and cultural diplomacy.
Hard power refers to military power and coercive capacity in terms of deterrence and potential
for inflicting violence (Nye 2004). By contrast, soft power is the ability to persuade others to do
what a country wants without relying on force or coercion. Soft power is based on attraction,
created by a country’s policies and political ideas. Cultural policy as a tool of soft power is
becoming more relevant in a geopolitical sense. Language programs, student exchanges, book
tours, exhibitions, and media are examples of the ways in which countries use external cultural
policy to wield soft power abroad. With the partial retreat of the United States from cultural
diplomacy, countries as different as France, China, Russia, Qatar, and Turkey have taken
increasingly prominent positions in this field. With substantial investments, they combine cultural
and economic—and increasingly also security-related—objectives. Again, this avenue of study
is a wide-open field for research.
Hegemony
Hegemony refers to the dominance of a shared system of ideas, values, and ethics within a
society or community during a particular historical period.
Hegemony designates a type of domination based primarily on dominated people's and groups'
consent rather than purely on a leader's coercion and exerted force. The term is often loosely
used to indicate complete domination, but its precise definition has far more analytical power.
The concept of hegemony originated in Ancient Greece, and the European socialist movement
revivified it at the end of the 19th Century, most crucially in the work of the Italian Marxist
philosopher and political leader Antonio Gramsci. Although similar concepts do exist, for
example, in Chinese thought, its mostly Western genealogy has not kept the concept of
hegemony from being widely used in fields ranging from international relations to postcolonial
theory and gender studies.
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II. TITLE: Teaching Social Studies in Primary Grades (Culture and Geography)
When you finish reading this chapter, you should be able to
4. Explain local culture
5. Discuss the evolution the culture in different localities
6. Make a feature of evolution on the local culture
Local culture is everything that we create and share as part of our lives in the place
where we live or work.
Local culture recognizes the expertise that people have in living their daily lives. People
bring a wealth of knowledge to their activities – where to buy the freshest meats, how to
machine a part within a thousandth of an inch, when to move the infield closer to the plate for a
bunt, what types of patterns go well with each other, how to reach consensus on a cooperative’s
committee.
Local culture recognizes that people’s daily knowledge comes from shared life
experiences and information transmitted to them by family, friends, neighbors and co-workers.
We create and share local culture as part of our lives in specific places-urban and rural. The
common factor is place, yet each discipline investigates place in a different way.
Local culture resides in our relations with the local environment and landscapes, in our local
music and artistic expressions, in our community’s history and contemporary social issues, and
in our family’s stories.
Introduction
Developmental trajectories of communities are usually explained by reference to
economic history, human capital deficits, and/or the structure of local labor markets.
Rarely is local culture seen as playing a significant role in development outcomes. Nor
does empirical research routinely consider the role of local culture in fostering a more
complete understanding of community development. Instead, culture is often viewed as an
outgrowth of a particular region and dependent upon economic and other experiences, not
an independent force.
and interpretations of a community's history reflect past events that feed into, and are
partially driven by the demands, sentiments, and interests of those in the present. This
makes it crucial for community development practitioners to consider the importance of
culture in efforts to improve local well-being. By paying attention to, and incorporating
unique cultural values, traditions, and related factors, more efficient and effective
development efforts can be achieved.
Local culture provides a sense of identity for rural communities and residents. This
identity facilitates common understandings, traditions, and values, all central to the
identification of plans of action to improve well-being. Culture contributes to building a
sense of local identity and solidarity. It influences the confidence rural communities have
for coming together to address specific needs and problems. This local commitment
among residents, regardless of economic or political conditions, can serve as a valuable
tool in shaping the effectiveness of development options and local actions. Such
commitment, based on culture and common identity, can be seen as a potentially
important tool in sustaining local government, development, and social improvement
efforts.
Providing a local linkage and cultural basis for development is important. People
are likely to take part in and remain committed to development efforts to which they have a
direct connection. Development efforts that consider or focus on culture provide a
mechanism for linking local residents to the development process. Through such efforts,
local residents can encourage development that preserves or promotes their culture. This
is particularly important in development efforts that seek to elicit local participation,
volunteerism, and community action. In understanding the place of culture in the
development process, it is important to consider the social basis of culture, its relationship
to interaction, and the types of development and local actions it can contribute to.
Culture can be seen as consisting of ideas, rules, and material dimensions. Ideas
include such things as the values, knowledge, and experience held by a culture. Values
are shared ideas and beliefs about what is morally right or wrong, or what is culturally
desirable. Such values are abstract concepts and are often based in religion or culture in
that they reflect ideals and visions of what society should be. Such values often shape
expected behavior and rules. These rules are accepted ways of doing things and
represent guidelines for how people should conduct themselves and how they should act
towards others.
Values and rules are often taken for granted and assumed to reflect a common
understanding. Both, however, have direct origins and developed in response to conflicts
or needs. At the core of such values and norms is a process of interaction that led to their
emergence and acceptance. This process shapes the actions of individuals and social
systems within their communities. Culture provides belonging and an arena in which
residents can make a difference. At the same time, culture contributes to exclusionary
practices and has been seen as a drag on development efforts. Regardless, it is clear that
culture plays a critical role in local community action.
Introduction
“Cultural evolution” is the idea that human cultural change––that is, changes in socially
transmitted beliefs, knowledge, customs, skills, attitudes, languages, and so on––can be
described as a Darwinian evolutionary process that is similar in key respects (but not CTE
identical)
to biological/genetic evolution. More specifically, just as Darwin described biological/genetic
The members of this society study culture change using the concepts and methods
pioneered by Darwin in the nineteenth century and subsequent evolutionary theorists. In this
conception, culture constitutes a system of inherited variation that changes over time in
response to various directional and non-directional processes. Societies can be thought of as a
population of individuals that we can characterize in terms of the frequency of the cultural
variant’s individuals express in the population at any point in time or as patterns of cultural
variation among individuals within groups.
As time progresses, many factors impinge upon the population to change the frequency
of the cultural variants expressed in the population, including selection-like transmission biases,
natural selection, migration, drift, transformation and invention. For example, someone in the
population may either invent or acquire from another society a new and better skill, such as a
new way to make string and rope that is faster than the currently common technique and results
in stronger cordage. This new skill will tend to increase in the population, perhaps because (a)
users can sell more cordage than competitors and use the resulting proceeds to rear larger
families who then perpetuate the new technique; and also because (b) unrelated individuals
become aware of the new skill and its success and imitate those who have this skill.
To study cultural evolution formally from this perspective means we must set up an
analytical accounting system to keep track of the increase or decrease in the frequency of
cultural variants in order to establish the causes of frequency change. There are a variety of
ways this is done by researchers across the biological and social sciences, as well as the
humanities.
The concrete reasons for cultural changes in a particular population are almost endlessly
complex and diverse. To achieve some generalizable knowledge, we typically impose a
taxonomy that collects the diverse concrete reasons into classes with similar dynamic
properties. The impact of skill on the size of family one can raise may be attributed to “natural
selection.” The processes of selectively imitating people who display a successful variant might
be attributed to “biased transmission” or “cultural selection.” Biases, in turn, come in many
varieties. A new form of speech, for example, might be acquired from someone we consider
prestigious or charismatic. Other processes may have no inherent direction, such as cultural
drift (by analogy to genetic drift).
Source: https://culturalevolutionsociety.org/story/What_is_Cultural_Evolution
CTE
III. TITLE: Teaching Social Studies in Primary Grades (Culture and Geography)
When you finish reading this chapter, you should be able to
7. Explain the meaning of tangible and intangible.
8. Discuss the importance of tangible and intangible heritage.
9. Make a cultural mapping of the tangible and intangible heritage in a place;
Source: https://www.slideshare.net/BebeLadores/11-tangible-and-intangible-heritage?
from_action=save
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Source: https://www.relcontentcreatorpatrimoniohumanidad.com/post/2016/10/22/
differences-between-tangible-and-intangible-cultural-heritage
Apart of this Cultural Heritage, it can be classified in two categories: tangible and
intangible and these are the most important concepts applicable in areas of interest and in the
classification of Cultural Heritage. But, what is the true meaning of tangible and intangible?
Tangible Cultural Heritage is everything that we can touch and we can perceive clearly. This
refers to the Cultural Heritage including: buildings, historical places, monuments, handicraft,
sculpture, painting, etc. In this group are included objects from archeological sites, architectural
structures, tools from technology and science from the different ancient cultures. Tangible
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Heritage is divided in other two kinds of heritage: movable and immovable. The tangible
IV. TITLE: Teaching Social Studies in Primary Grades (Culture and Geography)
When you finish reading this chapter, you should be able to
10. Enumerate the following movable heritage
11. Explain the importance of each movable heritage
12. Present an exhibit of vast collection of locally made/collected items.
Alcaiceria de San
National Museum, Padre Burgos
Fernando Marker of
Avenue, Ermita, Manila
1762 (from Binondo)
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Manunggul Burial
Jar
Assassination of
Governor Bustamante
National Museum, Padre Burgos
and His Son by: Félix
Avenue, Ermita, Manila
Resurrección Hidalgo
y Padilla
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Maradika Qur'an of
National Museum, Padre Burgos
Bayang (From Lanao
Avenue, Ermita, Manila
del Sur)
Una Bulaqueña
Painting by: Juan National Museum, Manila
Luna
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University of Santo
University of Santo
Tomas Baybayin
Tomas, Sampaloc, Manila
Documents
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